Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Alzheimer Café“

Background: The Alzheimer Café is a psychosocial intervention shown to have benefits for family carers of people with dementia. Family carers experience a period of change across all aspects of their lives following the dementia diagnosis, and require new skills and tools to navigate these new landscapes. The objective of this research was to investigate family carers’ perspectives of the Alzheimer Café in Ireland, and explore how attendance may translate into broader benefits in their lives. This paper also provides an overview of Alzheimer Café models, which exist internationally. Methods: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with nine family carers of people with dementia who were currently attending or had attended an Alzheimer Café in the preceding six months. The research was conducted in three Alzheimer Cafés in Ireland. Data analysis was conducted using Braun and Clarke’s six step thematic analysis framework. Results: Community, atmosphere, activity and information were described as core features of the Alzheimer Café in Ireland. The Alzheimer Café was described as a community with a good atmosphere encompassing emotional support, friendship, equality and inclusion. Family carer also highlighted Alzheimer Cafés could potentially facilitate wider community awareness and engagement. The Alzheimer Café was shown to provide an activity which facilitated relationship building within care dyads as well as with other attendees. Several information streams were identified, including guest speaker input, attendees’ shared experiences, and specific advice from healthcare professionals. Conclusion: The Alzheimer Café offers strong personal support to family carers of people with dementia. Our findings suggest that Alzheimer Cafés can build family carers’ capacity to manage new social, environmental and cultural challenges associated with dementia. While it is important the Alzheimer Café is enjoyable, has useful information and is supportive, it is equally important that these features generate sustained improvements for family carers external to the Alzheimer Café.

Background: The Alzheimer Café is a psychosocial intervention shown to have benefits for family carers of people with dementia. Family carers of people with dementia experience a period of change across all aspects of their lives following a diagnosis of dementia, requiring the development of new skills and tools to navigate these new landscapes. The objective of this research is to investigate family carers’ perspectives of the Alzheimer Café in Ireland, and to explore how attendance may translate into broader benefits in their lives. This paper will also provide an overview of Alzheimer Café models, which exist internationally. Methods: This is a qualitative study using semi-structured interviews with nine family carers of people with dementia who were currently attending or have previously attended an Alzheimer Café in the preceding six months. The research was conducted in three Alzheimer Café sites in Ireland. Data analysis was conducted using Braun and Clarke’s six step framework for thematic analysis. Results: Community, atmosphere, activity and information were described as core features of the Alzheimer Café in Ireland for family carers. The Alzheimer Café was shown to provide a social outlet which facilitated relationship building within care dyads as well as with other attendees. Several information avenues were identified including broad overviews from guest speakers, attendees’ shared experiences, and specific advice from healthcare professionals. Conclusion: The Alzheimer Café offers strong personal support to family carers of people with dementia. It can also help to build family carers’ capacity to manage new social, environmental and cultural challenges associated with dementia. While it is important the Alzheimer Café is enjoyable, has useful information and is supportive, it is equally important that these features generate sustained improvements for family carers external to the Alzheimer Café.

ABSTRACTBackground: This paper describes the evaluation of the Memory Lane Café service in Victoria, Australia. The Alzheimer's Australia Vic Memory Lane Café model aims to provide a social and educational service to people living with dementia and their carers, family members or friends. Dementia is a serious health issue in Australia, with prevalence estimated at 6.5% of people over 65 years of age. Living with dementia has significant social and psychological ramifications, often negatively affecting quality of life. Social support groups can improve quality of life for people living with dementia.Methods: The evaluation included focus groups and surveys of people with dementia and their carers, staff consultation, service provider interviews, and researcher observation. The Melbourne Health Mental Health Human Research Ethics Committee approved the project. Participants included people with dementia (aged 60 to 93 years, previously enrolled in the Alzheimer's Australia Vic's six-week Living With Memory Loss Program), their carers, friends and/or family members, staff working in the Cafés, and service providers with links to the Cafés.Results: This evaluation found that Memory Lane Cafés promote social inclusion, prevent isolation, and improve the social and emotional well-being of attendees. However, Cafés did not meet the needs of all potential attendees.Conclusions: The evaluation recommended that existing Café services be continued and possibilities for extending the Cafés be explored. Based on evaluation outcomes, the Department of Health Victoria is funding four additional pilot programs in café style support services.

Purpose Dementia cafés (also known as Alzheimer’s or memory cafés) have been running in the UK since 2000. The purpose of this paper is to report on the recommendations from recent research that interviewed family carers on their experiences of using the cafés. Design/methodology/approach The research was carried out in cafés in and around London, and focussed on informal, unpaid carers’ experiences of using them. In total, 11 carers from five different dementia cafés were interviewed, using semi-structured questionnaires. The results were thematically analysed. Findings The findings showed that carers had an overwhelming appreciation of the cafés and what they offered, but several of the findings led to the recommendations about the recruitment and training of café co-ordinators; how cafés present themselves and their services and how they can offer dedicated support to informal carers. Originality/value These recommendations will be of use to café organisers and commissioners, especially considering the dearth of information currently available in this area.

Introdução: A prevalência da Doença de Alzheimer (DA) e da Doença de Parkinson (DP), tende a aumentar com o envelhecimento populacional. Até o momento, os esquemas terapêuticos para essas doenças não consegue alcançar a cura e geralmente não são atualizados, o que evidencia a necessidade de outras opções para a melhora da qualidade de vida desses pacientes. Dado que essas síndromes demenciais tem etiologia multifatorial, a dieta, por meio do café, tem mostrado evidências significativas na degeneração neuronal, que é um dos principais aspectos alterados no desenvolvimento dessas patologias. Metodologia: Trata-se de uma revisão integrativa, que buscou responder quais os possíveis efeitos da cafeína como fator protetor no desenvolvimento e na progressão da revisional e da DP, nas bases de dados: Biblioteca Virtual de Saúde (BVS), National Library of Medicine (PubMed MEDLINE) e Scientific Electronic Library Online (Scielo). Resultados e Discussão: A cafeína age no sistema nervoso central (SNC) pela mimetização aos receptores de adenosina, mais concentrada nos receptores A1R e A2aR. Como antagonista competitivo, a cafeína, eventualmente, poderia reduz os processos de formação das placas b-amiloides na DA e reduzir a neuroinflamação e neurodegeneração na DP, além de outros possíveis mecanismos. Conclusão: A delimitação de um consenso sobre a relação dose/efeito decorrente do uso da cafeína é de difícil estabelecimento e ainda não se observa um consenso, entretanto, é possível observar que um consumo entre 200mg a 511mg por dia poderia trazer efeitos benéficos tanto na DP, como na DA, superando os possíveis efeitos colaterais.

Abstract It is estimated that by 2025 the number of people with dementia will reach around 600 thousand, approximately one out of five in the older population in Tokyo, Japan. At the same time, the number of older people living in a single, couple household is expected to increase. We built a community space for older people in the largest housing complex district in Tokyo, and with the goal of creating a dementia friendly community (DFCs). In this study, we used the community-based participatory research approach to create a model of an inclusive community space with a human-rights-based approach, which is embodied in the PANEL framework by the Alzheimer Scotland organization. The community space where everyone, regardless of with or without dementia, can freely spend their time, and seek consultation on healthcare and older care. It also serves as a Dementia Café, where people with dementia can get together and chat. Places open 3 days a week. Those users can casually seek consultation by physicians, health nurses and psychologists. From April 1, 2017 to March 30, 2018, the average number of visitors was 11.6. Number of consultation was 182 times (female 81.3%, 80s’ =31.3%; 70s’ =23.1%). Historically, service delivery for the people with dementia was hospital-based in japan, but our community space established a new method to provide consultation to people with dementia, from a professional perspective, and to cooperate with appropriate social resources and related organizations as needed.

In Italy, the COVID-19 pandemic and its associated lockdowns have provoked potentially serious short and long-term consequences for older people with serious health conditions as well as their family caregivers. With the closure of adult day-care centres and the suspension of private homecare services, families have needed to rearrange care activities and many are concerned about the situation of their relatives in residential homes. This article examines interpretations of aging and caregiving fatigue during the first period of national lockdown in Emilia-Romagna, Italy. The relation between old age, lockdown, and social isolation, with respect to global ideas and rhetoric, focuses on vulnerability, individual autonomy, and caregiving fatigue. I examine how the representation of the ‘burden’ of caregiving in late age shaped the media depictions, and I analyze it in relation to the meanings of fatigue attached to narrations from family caregivers and the members of a local Alzheimer’s Café. I also focus on the life story of one family caregiver to critique the idealized vision of family care that was reproduced during the pandemic. I argue that the recognition of aging and caregiving fatigue during the lockdown reflected pre-existing normative models and structural inequalities of family care rather than radically altering them.

The amniotic fluids contain mesenchymal stem cells and can be readily available for tissue engineering. Recently, regenerative treatments such as tissue engineering, cell therapy, and transplantation have shown potential in clinical trials of degenerative diseases. Physiologically, disease presentation and clinical responses in the dog are much more similar to that in the human compared with other traditional mammalian models. In addition, several researchers have demonstrated Canis familiaris is a suitable model for human diseases. The aim of the present study was to investigate whether canine amniotic fluid (cAF)-derived mesenchymal stem cells (MSC) can differentiate into neural precursor cells in vitro by neural induction reagent. The conditions of differentiation of MSC into neural cells were DMEM and N2-supplement, dibutyryl cyclic adenosine monophosphate, and butylated hydroxyanisole. During neural precursor differentiation, cAF-MSC can progressively acquire neuron-like morphology. Expressions of neuron cell-specific markers were examined before and after in vitro induction of differentiation. Changes in mRNA levels of specific genes were quantified by RT-PCR. The mRNA levels of NEFL (730%), GFAP (350%), β-tubuline 3 (2900%), and NSE (960%) were significantly increased after induction. The value of change in mRNA levels before and after induction was evaluated with the Image J program. In addition, the nestin, β-tubuline 3, and tyrosine hydroxylase protein expressions were confirmed by immunocytochemistry assay following the induction of differentiation, compared with the noninduction. In conclusion, this study demonstrated that cAF-MSC have great potential for neural precursor differentiation in vitro. Therefore, amniotic fluid may be a suitable alternative source of stem cells and can be applied to cell therapy in neurodegeneration diseases including Parkinson’s disease, Alzheimer’s disease, and Huntington’s disease.

Az utóbbi években több nemzetközi kutatás a demenciával élő időseket gondozó családok felé fordult.E kutatások jelentős része a gondozó családtag stressz-terhelődését és annak következményeit, a szerepkonfliktusokat, valamint a gondozó családon belüli feszültségeket vizsgálta. (Zarit et al. 1985, Aneshensel et al. 1995, Kaplan 1996, Zarit et al. 2005). A témaválasztásomban nagy szerepe volt annak felismerése, hogy Románia viszonylatában nem, vagy csak igen keveset tudunk a demenciával élő személyeket gondozó családok terhelődéséről és annak a primer gondozóra gyakorolt hatásáról. Éppen ezért, egy empirikus vizsgálat során, Erdélyben 50 olyan családdal készült interjú és kérdőíves felmérés, akik saját otthonukban ápolnak/ gondoznak demenciával élő időst, illetve 50 olyan családdal, akiknek a demenciával élő hozzátartozójukat, a vizsgálat időpontjától számítva az elmúlt 12 hónapban költöztették tartós bentlakásos otthonba. Az adatgyűjtés három évet (2015- 2017) vett igénybe. A kutatás magába foglalta a primer gondozó családtaggal folytatott tájékozódó interjút, amelyben a funkcionális akadályozottságot és a pszicho szociális nehézségeket mértük fel (Szabó 2000.). Erre épült, a szociális készségszint vizsgálata, amely az önellátó képesség és a meglévő szociális készségek, valamint a szociális alkalmazkodás fő jellemzőit tárta fel. Ebből a felmérésből azt is láthatjuk, hogy melyek azok a mindennapi feladatok, amelyekben a kliens segítségre szorul. A családon belüli gondozás kapcsán vizsgáltuk a demenciával élők önálló életviteli képességét is. E három szempont támpontokat nyújt a gondozó családtag „objektív terhelődésének” megítéléséhez. Erre épül a gondozási feladatok családon belüli megoszlásának áttekintése, amely abban segít, hogy megtudjuk, kik a kulcsszemélyek, akik a családon belül a primer gondozói feladatokat látják el. A családon belüli szerepek alakulásának vizsgálatára egy saját szempontrendszert dolgoztunk ki (Szabó - Kiss, 2015). Az objektív terhelődésből kiindulva a „szubjektív terhelődés” vonatkozásában fontos támpontokat szerezhettünk arról, hogy a gondozási terhelődés hogyan hat érzelmileg a gondozó családtagra. A vizsgálat eszköze az önellátó képesség részletesebb felmérésével, bővült, amellyel a demenciával élő személy funkcionális leépülésének mértékét vizsgáltuk (Szabó 2000.). Ehhez kapcsolódik az emlékezeti és viselkedési problémákat, értékelő nemzetközileg is ismert skála (Zarit, 1985), amely a demenciával élő személy, zavaró viselkedését méri és annak hatását a primer gondozóra. Ehhez kapcsolódik a primer gondozó családtag terhelődésének a felmérése (Zarit, 1985) és a gondozási feladatokhoz kapcsolódó negatív és pozitív attitűd vizsgálata (Farran et. al., 1999). A kutatás eszköztára kiegészül egy hat üléses fókusz csoporttal, ahol a résztvevő primer gondozók, egymás eseteit hallva a tematikus kérdések mentén nyitottabban tárják fel a gondozás kritikus időszakait, és az intézményi elhelyezés, döntő tényezőt. Jelen tanulmányban a doktori kutatásból csupán azok az adatok kerülnek közlésre, amelyek a gondozó családok szerepfeszültségének vizsgálati eredményeit tükrözik, és hozzájárultak a támogató jellegű Alzheimer Café elindításához.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo responder aos questionamentos: quais as indicações do uso da espécie Coffea arabica, quais as principais formas desse uso e quais são as partes da planta aplicadas com finalidade medicinal? Para esta revisão foram utilizados apenas recursos primários como os bancos de dados SciELO, ScienceDirect e Web CAPES. Foram selecionados documentos e artigos compreendendo os aspectos envolvidos direto ou indiretamente nas propriedades de C. arabica, a exposição humana e animal e consequências da intoxicação, incluindo artigos originais e de revisão. Como resultados, nos artigos explorados os principais assuntos abordados referentes ao café foram: atividade antioxidante: alta atividade de inibição da peroxidação lipídica; efeitos fisiológicos: respostas psicoativas (estado de alerta e mudanças de humor) e neurológicas (hiperatividade infantil e doença de Parkinson); efeito anti-inflamatório; bioatividade dos ácidos clorogênicos, que possuem propriedades antioxidantes e bacterianas. Assim, C. arabica apresenta em sua composição química: alcaloides, ácidos orgânicos, flavonoides, diterpenos, salicilatos, EDTA, ácido benzoico, derivados nicotínicos, óleos essenciais, vitaminas, minerais e ações medicinais relacionadas ao Alzheimer, hiperatividade, doenças crônicas, efeito anti-inflamatório, doenças cardiovasculares e outros benefícios à saúde humana.

Introduction: Loneliness and low social support can be detrimental to the health of individuals living with Alzheimer's and related dementias (ADRD) and family care partners. Restrictions on gatherings to prevent the spread of COVID-19 create an even greater risk for social isolation. Memory Cafés are a highly replicated program that provide individuals living with ADRD and care partners an opportunity to socialize in an inclusive and supportive environment without fear of judgment, pressure, or stigma. Following restrictions on in-person gatherings, virtual Memory Cafés offer regular social engagement opportunities in an online format. While the Memory Café model has been replicated globally, their effects on loneliness and perceived social support are generally unknown. Even less is known about their impact when operating in a virtual environment.Methods: Semi-structured interviews in Spanish and English were conducted with individuals living with dementia and family care partners who regularly attend Memory Cafés hosted by partners in a Texas Memory Café Network. Interviews took place online using video conferencing software, were transcribed, then analyzed for common themes using a combined inductive and deductive approach.Results: A total of 17 interviews were conducted with persons living with dementia (n = 5) and family care partners (n = 12) who attend Memory Cafés to learn about their perceived experiences of social connectedness since COVID-19. Care partners included spouses (n = 8) and adult children (n = 4). Interviews included attendees of different Memory Café models, including in-person only (n = 2), virtual only (n = 9), and those who attend both models (n = 6). Five key themes were identified: (1) Reprieve; (2) What is still possible; (3) Connectedness; (4) Inclusivity; and (5) Value added, with ten sub-themes supporting these main themes.Discussion: Findings substantiate evidence that Memory Cafés offer important benefits for families living with dementia, providing vital new insight into the potential for virtual Memory Cafés to offer similar benefits. Findings have implications beyond the context of COVID-19, where virtual models may support the social connectedness of those living in geographically marginalized and underserved areas. Virtual models may not address the needs of all families experiencing dementia due to lack of access to technology and limitations for virtual engagement with those experiencing later stage dementia.

“Language is inseparable from the world that provokes it”-- Don DeLillo, “In the Ruins of the Future”The attacks of 9/11 generated a public discourse of suspicion, with Osama bin Laden occupying the role of the quintessential “most wanted” for nearly a decade, before being captured and killed in May 2011. In the novel, Falling Man (DeLillo), set shortly after the attacks of September 11, Justin, the protagonist’s son, and his friends, the two Siblings, spend much of their time at the window of the Siblings’ New York apartment, “searching the skies for Bill Lawton” (74). Mishearing bin Laden’s name on the news, Robert, the younger of the Siblings, has “never adjusted his original sense of what he was hearing” (73), and so the “myth of Bill Lawton” (74) is created. In this paper, I draw on postclassical, cognitive narratology to “defamiliarise” processes undertaken by both narrator and reader (Palmer 28) in order to explore how narrative elements impact on readers’ and characters’ perceptions of the terrorist. My focus on select episodes within the novel “pursue[s] the author’s means of controlling his reader” (Booth i), and I refer to a generic reader to identify a certain intuitive reaction to the text. Assuming that “the written text imposes certain limits on its unwritten implications” (Iser 281), I trace a path from the uttered or printed word, through the reading act, to the process of meaning-making. I demonstrate how renaming the terrorist, and other language games, challenge the notion that terror can be synonymous with a locatable, destructible source by activating a suspicion towards the text in particular, and towards language in general.Falling Man tells the story of Keith who, after surviving the attacks on the World Trade Centre, shows up injured and disoriented at the apartment of his estranged wife, Lianne, and their son, Justin. The narrative, set at different periods between the day of the attacks and three years later, focuses on Keith’s and Lianne’s lives as they attempt to deal, in their own ways, with the trauma of the attacks and with the unexpected reunion of their small family. Keith disappears into games of poker and has a brief relationship with another survivor, while Lianne searches for answers in the writings of Alzheimer sufferers, in places of worship, and in conversations with her mother, Nina, and her mother’s partner, Martin, a German art-dealer with a questionable past. Each of the novel’s three parts also contains a short narrative from the perspective of Hammad, a fictional terrorist, starting with his early days in a European cell under the leadership of the real terrorist, Mohamed Atta, through the group’s activities in Florida, to his final moments aboard the plane that crashes into the World Trade Centre. DeLillo’s work is noted for treating language as central to society and culture (Weinstein). In this personalised narrative of post-9/11, DeLillo’s choices reflect his “refusal to reproduce the mass media’s representations of 9/11 the reader is used to” (Grossinger 85). This refusal is manifest not so much in an absence of well-known, mediated images or concepts, but in the reshaping and re-presenting of these images so that they appear unexpected, new, and personal (Apitzch). A notable example of such re-presentation is the Falling Man of the title, who is introduced, surprisingly, not as the man depicted in the famous photograph by Richard Drew (Leps), but a performance artist who uses the name Falling Man when staging his falls from various New York buildings. Not until the final two sentences of the novel does DeLillo fully admit the image into the narrative, and even then only as Keith’s private vision from the Tower: “Then he saw a shirt come down out of the sky. He walked and saw it fall, arms waving like nothing in this life” (246). The bin Laden/Bill Lawton substitution shows a similar rejection of recycled concepts and enables a renewed perspective towards the idea of bin Laden. Bill Lawton is first introduced as an anonymous “man” (17), later to be named Bill Lawton (73), and later still to be revealed as bin Laden mispronounced (73). The reader first learns of Bill Lawton in a conversation between Lianne and the Siblings’ mother, Isabel, who is worried about the children’s preoccupation at the window:“It has something to do with this man.”“What man?”“This name. You’ve heard it.”“This name,” Lianne said.“Isn’t this the name they sort of mumble back and forth? My kids totally don’t want to discuss the matter. Katie enforces the thing. She basically inspires fear in her brother. I thought maybe you would know something.”“I don’t think so.”“Like Justin says nothing about any of this?”“No. What man?”“What man? Exactly,” Isabel said. (17)If “the piling up of data [...] fulfils a function in the construction of an image” (Bal 85), a delayed unravelling of the bin Laden identity distorts this data-piling so that by the time the reader learns of the Bill Lawton/bin Laden link, an image of a man is already established as separate from, and potentially exclusive of, his historical identity. The segment beginning immediately after Isabel’s comment, “What man? Exactly” (17), refers to another, unidentified man with the pronoun “he” (18), as if to further sway the reader’s attention from the subject of that man’s identity. Fludernik notes that “language games” are a key feature of the postmodern text (Towards 221), adding that “techniques of linguistic emasculation serve implicitly to question a simple and naive view of the representational potential of language” (225). I propose that, in Falling Man, bin Laden is emasculated by the Bill Lawton misnomer, and is thereby conceptualised as two entities, one historical and one fictional. The name-switch activates what psychologists refer to as a “dual-process,” conscious and unconscious, that forms the reader’s experience of the narrative (Gerrig 37), creating a cognitive dissonance between the two. Much like Wittgenstein’s duck-rabbit drawing, bin Laden and Bill Lawton exist as two separate entities, occupying the same space of the idea of bin Laden, but demanding to be viewed singularly for the process of recognition to take place. Such distortion of a well-known figure conveys the sense that, in this novel, “all identities are either confused [...] or double [...] or merging [...] or failing” (Kauffman 371), or, occasionally, doing all these things simultaneously.A similar cognitive process is triggered by the introduction of aliases for all three characters that head each of the novel’s three parts. Ernst Hechinger is revealed as Martin Ridnour’s former, ‘terrorist’ identity (DeLillo, Falling 86), and performance artist David Janiak (180) as the Falling Man’s everyday name. But the bin Laden/Bill Lawton switch offers an overt juxtaposition of the historical with the fictional or, as Žižek would have it, “the Raw real” with the “virtual” (387), and allows the mutated bin Laden/Bill Lawton figure to shift, in the mind of the reader, between the two worlds, as well as form a new, blended entity.At this point, it is important to notice that two, interconnected, forms of suspicion exist in the novel. The first is invoked in the story-level towards various terrorist-characters such as Bill Lawton, Hammad, and Martin. The second form is activated when various elements within the narrative prompt the reader to treat the text itself as suspicious, triggering in the reader a cognitive reaction that mirrors that of the narrated character. One example is the “halting process” (Leps) that is forced on the reader when attempting to manoeuvre through the narrative’s anachronical arrangement that mirrors Keith’s mental perception of time and memory. Another such narrative device is the use of “unheralded pronouns” (Gerrig 50), when ‘he’ or ‘she’ is used ambiguously, often at the beginning of a chapter or segment. The use of pronouns in narrative must adhere to strict grammatical rules (Fludernik, Introduction) and when these rules are ignored, the reading pattern is affected. First, the reader of Falling Man is immersed within an element in the story, then becomes puzzled about the identity of a character, and finally re-reads the passage to gain clarity. The reader, after a while, distances somewhat from the text, scanning for alternative possibilities and approaching interpretation with a tentative sense of doubt.The conversation between the two mothers, the Bill Lawton/bin Laden split, and the use of unheralded pronouns also destabilises the relationship between person and name, and appears to create a world in which “personality has disintegrated into a mere semiotic mark” (Versluys 21). Keith’s obsession with correcting the spelling of his surname, Neudecker, “because it wasn’t him, with the name misspelled” (DeLillo, Falling 31), Lianne’s fondness of the philosopher Kierkegaard, “right down to the spelling of his name. The hard Scandian k’s and lovely doubled a” (118), her consideration of “Marko [...] with a k, whatever that might signify” (119), and Rumsey, who is told that “everything in his life would be different [...] if one letter in his name was different” (149), are a few examples of the text’s semiotic emphasis. But, while Versluys sees this tendency as emblematic of the novel’s portrayal of a decline in humanity, I suggest that the text’s preoccupation with the shape and constitution of words may work to “de-automatise” (Margolin 66) the relationship between sign and perception, rather than to denigrate the signified human. With the renamed terrorist, the reader comes to doubt not only the printed text, but also his or her automatic response to “bin Laden” as a “brand, a sort of logo which identifies and personalises the evil” (Chomsky, September 36). Bill Lawton, according to Justin, speaks in monosyllables (102), a language Justin chooses, for a time, for his own speech (66), and this also contributes to the de-automatisation of the text. The language game, in which a speaker must only use words with one syllable, began as a classroom activity “designed to teach the children something about the structure of words and the discipline required to frame clear thoughts” (66). The game also gives players, and readers, an embodied understanding of what Genette calls the gap between “being and saying” (93) that is inevitable in the production of language and narrative. Justin, who continues to play the game outside the classroom, because “it helps [him] go slow when [he] thinks” (66), finds comfort in the silent pauses that are afforded by widening the gap between thought and utterance. History in Falling Man is a collection of the private narratives of survivors, families, terrorists, artists, and the host of people that are affected by the attacks of 9/11. Justin’s character, with the linguistic and psychic code of a child, represents the way in which all participants, to some extent, choose their own antagonist, language, plot, and sequence to personalise this mega-public event. He insists that the towers did not collapse (72), but that they will, “this time coming” (102); Bill Lawton, for Justin, “has a long beard [...] speaks thirteen languages but not English except to his wives [and] has the power to poison what we eat” (74). Despite being confronted with the factual inaccuracies of his narrative, Justin resists editing his version precisely because these inaccuracies form his own, non-mediated, authentic account. They are, in a sense, a work of fiction and, paradoxically, more ‘real’ because of that. “We want to pass beyond the limits of safe understandings”, thinks Lianne, “and what better way to do it than through make-believe” (63). I have so far shown how narrative elements create a suspicion in the way characters operate within their surrounding universe, in the reader’s attitude towards the text, and, more implicitly, in the power of language to accurately represent a personal reality. Within the context of the novel’s historical setting—the period following the 9/11 attacks—the narration of the terrorist figure, as represented in Bill Lawton, Hammad, Martin, and others, may function as a response to the “binarism” of Bush’s proposal (Butler 2), epitomised in his “either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists” (Silberstein 14) approach. Within the novel’s universe, its narration of terrorist-characters works to free discourse from superficial categorisations and to provide “a counterdiscourse to the prevailing nationalistic interpretations” (Versluys 23) of the events of 9/11 by de-automatising a response to “us” and “them.” In his essay published shortly after the attacks, DeLillo notes that “the sense of disarticulation we hear in the term ‘Us and Them’ has never been so striking, at either end” (“Ruins”), and while he draws distinctions, in the same essay, with technology on ‘our’ side and religious fanaticism on ‘their’ side, I believe that the novel is less settled on the subject. The Anglicisation of bin Laden’s name, for example, suggests that Bush’s either-or-ism is, at least partially, an arbitrary linguistic construct. At a time when some social commentators have highlighted the similarity in the definitions of “terror” and “counter terror” (Chomsky, “Commentary” 610), the Bill Lawton ‘error’ works to illustrate how easily language can destabilise our perception of what is familiar/strange, us/them, terror/counter-terror, victim/perpetrator. In the renaming of the notorious terrorist, “the familiar name is transposed on the mass murderer, but in return the attributes of the mass murderer are transposed on one very like us” (Conte 570), and this reciprocal relationship forms an imagined evil that is no longer so easily locatable within the prevailing political discourse. As the novel contextualises 9/11 within a greater historical narrative (Leps), in which characters like Martin represent “our” form of militant activism (Duvall), we are invited to perceive a possibility that the terrorist could be, like Martin, “one of ours […] godless, Western, white” (DeLillo, Falling 195).Further, the idea that the suspect exists, almost literally, within ‘us’, the victims, is reflected in the structure of the narrative itself. This suggests a more fluid relationship between terrorist and victim than is offered by common categorisations that, for some, “mislead and confuse the mind, which is trying to make sense of a disorderly reality” (Said 12). Hammad is visited in three short separate sections; “on Marienstrasse” (77-83), “in Nokomis” (171-178), and “the Hudson corridor” (237-239), at the end of each of the novel’s three parts. Hammad’s narrative is segmented within Keith’s and Lianne’s tale like an invisible yet pervasive reminder that the terrorist is inseparable from the lives of the victims, habituating the same terrains, and crafted by the same omniscient powers that compose the victims’ narrative. The penetration of the terrorist into ‘our’ narrative is also perceptible in the physical osmosis between terrorist and victim, as the body of the injured victim hosts fragments of the dead terrorist’s flesh. The portrayal of the body, in some post 9/11 novels, as “a vulnerable site of trauma” (Bird, 561), is evident in the following passage, where a physician explains to Keith the post-bombing condition termed “organic shrapnel”:The bomber is blown to bits, literally bits and pieces, and fragments of flesh and bone come flying outwards with such force and velocity that they get wedged, they get trapped in the body of anyone who’s in striking range...A student is sitting in a cafe. She survives the attack. Then, months later, they find these little, like, pellets of flesh, human flesh that got driven into the skin. (16)For Keith, the dead terrorist’s flesh, lodged under living human skin, confirms the malignancy of his emotional and physical injury, and suggests a “consciousness occupied by terror” (Apitzch 95), not unlike Justin’s consciousness, occupied from within by the “secret” (DeLillo, Falling 101) of Bill Lawton.The macabre bond between terrorist and victim is fully realised in the novel’s final pages, when Hammad’s death intersects, temporally, with the beginning of Keith’s story, and the two bodies almost literally collide as Hammad’s jet crashes into Keith’s office building. Unlike Hammad’s earlier and clearly framed narratives, his final interruption dissolves into Keith’s story with such cinematic seamlessness as to make the two narratives almost indistinguishable from one another. Hammad’s perspective concludes on board the jet, as “something fell off the counter in the galley. He fastened his seatbelt” (239), followed immediately by “a bottle fell off the counter in the galley, on the other side of the aisle, and he watched it roll this way and that” (239). The ambiguous use of the pronoun “he,” once again, and the twin bottles in the galleys create a moment of confusion and force a re-reading to establish that, in fact, there are two different bottles, in two galleys; one on board the plane and the other inside the World Trade Centre. Victim and terrorist, then, share a common fate as acting agents in a single governing narrative that implicates both lives.Finally, Žižek warns that “whenever we encounter such a purely evil on the Outside, [...] we should recognise the distilled version of our own self” (387). DeLillo assimilates this proposition into the fabric of Falling Man by crafting a language that renegotiates the division between ‘out’ and ‘in,’ creating a fictional antagonist in Bill Lawton that continues to lurk outside the symbolic window long after the demise of his historical double. Some have read this novel as offering a more relative perspective on terrorism (Duvall). However, like Leps, I find that DeLillo here tries to “provoke thoughtful stillness rather than secure truths” (185), and this stillness is conveyed in a language that meditates, with the reader, on its own role in constructing precarious concepts such as ‘us’ and ‘them.’ When proposing that terror, in Falling Man, can be found within ‘us,’ linguistically, historically, and even physically, I must also add that DeLillo’s ‘us’ is an imagined sphere that stands in opposition to a ‘them’ world in which “things [are] clearly defined” (DeLillo, Falling 83). Within this sphere, where “total silence” is seen as a form of spiritual progress (101), one is reminded to approach narrative and, by implication, life, with a sense of mindful attention; “to hear”, like Keith, “what is always there” (225), and to look, as Nina does, for “something deeper than things or shapes of things” (111).ReferencesApitzch, Julia. "The Art of Terror – the Terror of Art: Delillo's Still Life of 9/11, Giorgio Morandi, Gerhard Richter, and Performance Art." Terrorism, Media, and the Ethics of Fiction: Transatlantic Perspectives on Don DeLillo. Eds. Peter Schneck and Philipp Schweighauser. London: Continuum [EBL access record], 2010. 93–110.Bal, Mieke. Narratology: Introduction to the Theory of Narratology. Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1985.Bird, Benjamin. "History, Emotion, and the Body: Mourning in Post-9/11 Fiction." Literature Compass 4.3 (2007): 561–75.Booth, Wayne C. The Rhetoric of Fiction. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1961.Butler, Judith. 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