Zeitschriftenartikel: „Distributive conflict“

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Bayer, Ralph-Christopher. „Cooperation and distributive conflict“. Games and Economic Behavior 97 (Mai 2016): 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geb.2016.04.002.

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HAVRILESKY, THOMAS. „DISTRIBUTIVE CONFLICT AND MONETARY POLICY“. Contemporary Economic Policy 8, Nr. 2 (April 1990): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7287.1990.tb00590.x.

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3

Čiuladienė, Gražina, und Daiva Račelytė. „Perceived unfairness in teacher-student conflict situations: students’ point of view“. Polish Journal of Applied Psychology 14, Nr. 1 (01.03.2016): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pjap-2015-0049.

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Abstract Student perceptions of injustice in the classroom can evoke destructive behavior, resistance, deception, aggression, and conflict escalation. Our study explores student experiences of unjust teacher behavior in educational settings. Students (N=99) were asked to remember a conflict they experienced during their studies. The conflict descriptions (N=78) were analysed and grouped according the type of perceived injustice (distributive, procedural, interactional) and 22 issues of unfair behaviour (Mikula et al., 1990). Our study revealed that perceived unfair grading, power demonstrations, and accusation were the most important predictors of teacher-student conflicts. Moreover students reported they experienced interactional injustice more frequently than they experienced distributive or procedural injustice.

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Folami, Olakunle Michael. „Distributive Justice Narratives among Different Ethnic Groups in the Niger Delta Post-Conflict Peacebuilding Processes“. Athens Journal of Law 8, Nr. 2 (31.03.2022): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajl.8-2-3.

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Oil exploration and exploitation is characterised with inequality, marginalisation, neglect, divide and rule in the Niger Delta, Nigeria. There are different ethnic groups in this region. It worrisome to note that one ethnic group is favoured above others when it comes to the distribution of oil wealth. Distributive injustice gives room for lack of cohesion and unity among the inhabitants of the Niger Delta region. Policy makers, peace entrepreneurs, government, and international oil companies failed to realise effects of distributive injustice on peacebuilding processes in the Niger Delta. This article therefore, sets to identify reasons for protracted Niger Delta conflict. It sets to examine the nature of distributive injustice in the region. It also examines the impacts of distributive injustice on ethnic relations in the region. It examines how ethnicity brings about distribute injustice in the Niger Delta. This paper posits that resolution of ethnic divisions would lead to enduring peace in the Niger Delta. Distributive Theory is the theoretical explanation adopted in the study. The theory pointed out that equity, equality and fairness will reduce inequality in the distribution of oil wealth in the region. The total number of participants in the study was seventy-two. It was found that the general demands of the inhabitants of the Niger Delta could be stated as sharing of political offices, the creation of State structures, the creation of Local Government Headquarters, apology, oil bloc allocation, more compensation and the monetisation of benefits but distribution of these were ethnic based. Most ethnic groups in the region were neglected, abandoned, and discriminated against. Distributive justice including fairness, equity, and equality should be the focus of socio-political actors in order to ensure enduring peace in the Niger Delta, Nigeria Keywords: Distributive, Justice, Conflict, Oil, Ethnicity, Conflict, Peacebuilding

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HAGGARD, STEPHAN, und ROBERT R. KAUFMAN. „Inequality and Regime Change: Democratic Transitions and the Stability of Democratic Rule“. American Political Science Review 106, Nr. 3 (August 2012): 495–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000287.

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Recent work by Carles Boix and Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson has focused on the role of inequality and distributive conflict in transitions to and from democratic rule. We assess these claims through causal process observation, using an original qualitative dataset on democratic transitions and reversions during the “third wave” from 1980 to 2000. We show that distributive conflict, a key causal mechanism in these theories, is present in just over half of all transition cases. Against theoretical expectations, a substantial number of these transitions occur in countries with high levels of inequality. Less than a third of all reversions are driven by distributive conflicts between elites and masses. We suggest a variety of alternative causal pathways to both transitions and reversions.

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Nyamutata, Conrad. „Electoral Conflict and Justice: The Case of Zimbabwe“. African Journal of Legal Studies 5, Nr. 1 (2012): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/170873812x628124.

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Abstract In recent years, Africa has faced a new form of conflict arising from disputed elections. Incumbents have refused to vacate office after apparently losing elections, triggering violent conflict. Regional organisations have invested considerable political energy to manage these conflicts. Post-electoral conflict accords (PECAs) resulting in power-sharing have been the favoured modus vivendi with regional mediators. However, little attention has been paid to the crucial issue of justice in the management of these disputes. Like most conflicts, electoral conflict centres on perceived injustice in the electoral process. Therefore, in order to manage these conflicts in an effective way, justice must be acknowledged in both procedural and substantive content. This article focuses on management of electoral conflict in Zimbabwe. It argues that the protracted post-electoral conflict in Zimbabwe can be explained, to a large extent, through failure to acknowledge procedural, distributive and retributive justice concerns.

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Boone, Catherine. „Land Conflict and Distributive Politics in Kenya“. African Studies Review 55, Nr. 1 (April 2012): 75–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0010.

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Abstract:This paper argues that even with the incorporation of land policy provisions into Kenya's new constitution, there is every reason to believe that in the near future, highly politicized land conflict will continue. This is because land politics in Kenya is a redistributive game that creates winners and losers. Given the intensely redistributive potential of the impending changes in Kenya's land regime—and the implications of the downward shift in the locus of control over land allocation through decentralization of authority to county governments—there is no guarantee that legislators or citizens will be able to agree on concrete laws to realize the constitution's calls for equity and justice in land matters. This article traces the main ways in which state power has been used to distribute and redistribute land (and land rights) in the Rift Valley, focusing on post-1960 smallholder settlement schemes, land-buying companies, and settlement in the forest reserves, and it highlights the long-standing pattern of political contestation over the allocation of this resource. It then traces the National Land Policy debate from 2002 to 2010, focusing on the distributive overtones and undertones of the policy and of the debate over the new constitution that incorporated some of its main tenets.

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Oatley, Thomas. „Why is Stabilization Sometimes Delayed?“ Comparative Political Studies 37, Nr. 3 (April 2004): 286–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003262072.

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Existing work on the politics of stabilization has failed to find compelling evidence of a regime-type effect. This article reformulates and reevaluates the regime-type hypothesis. It is argued that regime type does not have an independent impact on the timing of stabilization. Instead, regime type influences the extent to which societal opposition and distributive conflict will delay stabilization. Societal opposition and distributive conflict are likely to delay stabilization in democratic regimes, because governments must worry about maintaining power. Such societal dynamics are less likely to delay stabilization in authoritarian regimes. Using a sample of 92 high-inflation episodes, precisely these regime-specific dynamics surrounding the politics of stabilization were found. Governments in democratic regimes want to stabilize rapidly but often cannot overcome societal opposition and distributive conflict to do so. Authoritarian regimes are substantially less constrained by societal opposition and distributive conflict but have less incentive to stabilize rapidly.

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Korpi, Walter. „Political and Economic Explanations for Unemployment: A Cross-National and Long-Term Analysis“. British Journal of Political Science 21, Nr. 3 (Juli 1991): 315–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006189.

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This article shows that the widely accepted supply shock and real wage gap explanation of increases in unemployment rates since 1973 has only limited empirical support. The causal factors behind unemployment are best understood by focusing on conflicts of interest in Western democracies, on the distribution of power resources between major interest groups and on strategies of conflict. Given economic constraints, from this perspective unemployment appears as the labour market expression of distributive conflict, alternatives to which are inflation and industrial disputes. Strategic action by government elites and long-term patterns in settling conflicts are major factors behind the two great transformations of Western unemployment levels – the introduction of full employment in the immediate post-war period and the return to high unemployment since 1973 – as well as in variations in unemployment among eighteen Western democracies.

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Rodrik, Dani, und Tanguy van Ypersele. „Captial mobility, distributive conflict and international tax coordination“. Journal of International Economics 54, Nr. 1 (Juni 2001): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0022-1996(00)00088-x.

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DRUCKMAN, DANIEL, und CECILIA ALBIN. „Distributive justice and the durability of peace agreements“. Review of International Studies 37, Nr. 3 (13.07.2010): 1137–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000549.

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AbstractThis study explores the relationship between principles of distributive justice (DJ) and the durability of negotiated agreements. Sixteen peace agreements negotiated during the early 1990s were coded for the centrality of each of four principles of DJ – equality, proportionality, compensation, and need – to the core terms of the agreement. The agreements were also assessed on scales of implementation and durability over a five-year period. Another variable included in the analysis was the difficulty of the conflict environment. These data were used to evaluate three sets of hypotheses: the relationship between DJ and durability, the role of the conflict environment, and types of DJ principles. The results obtained from both statistical and focused-comparison analyses indicate that DJ moderates the relationship between conflict environments and outcomes: when principles of justice arecentral toan agreement, the negative effects of difficult conflict environments are reduced; when principles are not central, the negative effects of difficulty are heightened. These relationships are accounted for primarily by one of the four DJ principles – equality. Implications of these findings are discussed along with a number of ideas for further research.

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Rahimaji, Ahmad, und Mafizatun Nurhayati. „The Effect of Distributive Justice and Situational Leadership on Job Satisfaction through Work Family Conflict (Case Study of Full-time Working Women in the Banking Sector in Jakarta)“. European Journal of Business and Management Research 6, Nr. 5 (08.03.2022): 283–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejbmr.2021.6.5.1131.

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Work Family conflict is a phenomenon that is experienced by most people in big cities, where working women are a demand of the times as an effort to support the family economy. This study aims to analyze the effect of distributive justice and situational leadership on job satisfaction through work family conflict. The object of this research is women who work full-time in the banking sector in Jakarta. A total of 100 respondents filled out the questionnaire, the sample was taken using the purposive sampling technique. Data were analyzed using PLS (Partial Least Square analysis). The results of this study indicate that distributive justice has no impact on job satisfaction and situational leadership has a positive effect on job satisfaction. Work family conflict has no impact on job satisfaction. Distributive justice through work family conflict has no effect on job satisfaction. Situational leadership through work family conflict has no impact on job satisfaction.

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Summa, Ricardo, und Franklin Serrano. „Distribution and Conflict Inflation in Brazil under Inflation Targeting, 1999–2014“. Review of Radical Political Economics 50, Nr. 2 (15.12.2017): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613417691787.

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In this paper, we analyze Brazilian inflation under the inflation-targeting system from a conflict inflation perspective and show how the inflation target system only worked well when there was a trend of exchange rate appreciation. Later, the strengthening of the bargaining power of workers and rising real wages since 2006, combined with continuous nominal exchange rate depreciation after mid-2011, increased distributive conflicts and are ultimately behind the recent shift toward austerity.

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Boan, David, Benjamin Andrews, Kalen Drake Sanders, Daniel Martinson, Elizabeth Loewer und Jamie Aten. „A Qualitative Study of an Indigenous Faith-Based Distributive Justice Program in Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya“. Christian Journal for Global Health 5, Nr. 2 (01.09.2018): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15566/cjgh.v5i2.215.

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Justice takes many forms, such as social justice (equitable human rights), procedural justice (fair process, particularly in resolution of disputes), distributive justice (equitable distribution) and more. Distributive justice is an important theme in international community psychology, overlapping with concepts of peace, equity, compassion, and more. Refugees, who often experience pervasive injustice, offer insights into justice when they create a just community. The United Refugee and Host Churches (URHC) is a network of churches in Kakuma Refugee Camp (Kenya) and the surrounding Turkana community founded in 1996 by refugees and people from the local Turkana community. The URHC addressed ongoing conflict and distrust in the camp by establishing procedural and distributive justice. This qualitative study described the methods used by the URHC to restore justice and reduce conflict in the camp and build sustainable capacity. The project team interviewed 23 URHC members and leaders and identified eight themes describing URHC strategies. We discuss each theme and the network’s work as examples of applied distributive and procedural justice. We conclude by highlighting several implications, program impact, and recommendations for future research.

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Dias Peres, Ursula. „DIFICULDADES INSTITUCIONAIS E ECONÔMICAS PARA O ORÇAMENTO PARTICIPATIVO EM MUNICÍPIOS BRASILEIROS“. Caderno CRH 33 (27.07.2020): 020007. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v33i0.33972.

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Este artigo faz parte de uma agenda de pesquisa que tem origem na abordagem institucional e na economia política do orçamento público para a construção de modelo de análise da governança orçamentária em cidades brasileiras. O objetivo do artigo é analisar o processo de participação e conflito distributivo inerente ao orçamento público partindo de evidências dos municípios brasileiros no período de 2005 a 2018. Este texto apresenta reflexões iniciais sobre os limites para a realização do Orçamento Participativo decorrentes da crescente setorialização de gastos, da estrutura de receitas municipais e da crise de financiamento nos municípios, principalmente, a partir de 2014, que têm infligido dificuldades para a construção de uma arena coletiva para participação e negociação do conflito distributivo. INSTITUTIONAL AND ECONOMIC DIFFICULTIES FOR PARTICIPATORY BUDGETING IN BRAZILIAN MINICIPALITIESThis article is part of a research agenda based on the institutional approach and the political economy of public budgeting to develop an analyticalframeworkfor the budgetary governance in Brazilian cities. The article aims to understand the participatory and distributive conflict inherent to the public budgeting,based on evidence from Brazilian municipalities from 2005 to 2018. This paper presents initial remarks on the limits to the Participatory Budgeting arising from the growing sectorization of spending, the structure of municipal revenues and the fiscal crisis in the municipalities, especially since 2014, which have complicated the construction of a collective arena for participation and negotiation of distributive conflict.Keywords: Public budgeting, Local government, Distributive conflict, Participatory budgeting, Municipalities. DIFFICULTÉS INSTITUTIONNELLES ET ÉCONOMIQUES POUR LA BUDGÉTISATION PARTICIPATIVE DANS LESMUNICIPALITÉS BRÉSILIENNESCet article a pour origine un programme de recherche issu de l’approcheinstitutionnelle et de l’économie politique du budget public pour la construction d’un modèled’analyse de la gouvernancebudgétaire des villesbrésiliennes. L’objectif de cet article est de comprendre le processus de participation et les conflits de répartition intrinsèques au budget public à partir des informations financières des municipalités brésiliennes entre 2005 et 2018. Cet étude présente des réflexions initiales à propos des limites de la budgétisation participative suite à la croissante spécialitébudgétairedes dépenses, à la structure de recettes municipales et à la crise du financement municipal, en particulier depuis 2014, qui brident la construction d’un espace collectif de participation et de négociation des conflits distributifs.Mots clés: Budget public; Gouvernement local, Conflit distributif, Budget publique, Budgétisation participative, Municipalités.

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García Salazar, Edith Miriam, und Mario Enrique Fuente Carrasco. „La disputa por el agua residual en México como conflicto ecológico-distributivo paradójico“. Regions and Cohesion 11, Nr. 3 (01.12.2021): 54–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2021.110305.

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English abstract: This article addresses the category of ecological-distributive conflict from The Global Environmental Justice Atlas project to explain the emergence of environmental justice movements as a response to a certain distribution of pollution burdens or access to environmental resources. The theoretical approach addresses environmentalism of the poor and adds a historical review to understand such an existing paradox. The empirical work was carried out in the Valle del Mezquital, where the discharge of wastewater generated in the Metropolitan Area of the Valle de Mexico presents a paradoxical situation: some farmers perceive the reception of contaminated water as positive. The analysis includes a reflection on the criteria for evaluating conflict since the emergence of COVID-19.Spanish abstract: Este artículo retoma la categoría de conflicto ecológico-distributivo del proyecto The Global Environmental Justice Atlas para explicar la emergencia de movimientos de justicia ambiental como una respuesta ante determinada distribución de las cargas de la contaminación o en el acceso a los recursos ambientales. El planteamiento teórico aborda el ecologismo de los pobres, más una revisión histórica para comprender tal paradoja. El trabajo empírico se llevó a cabo en el Valle del Mezquital, cuyo vertimiento de aguas residuales generadas en la Zona Metropolitana del Valle de México presenta una situación paradójica a la categoría señalada: algunos campesinos perciben como positiva a la recepción de agua contaminada. El análisis incluye una reflexión de los criterios de valoración del conflicto a partir de la emergencia del COVID-19.French abstract: Depuis le projet The Global Environmental Justice Atlas, la catégorie de conflit écologique et distributif propose d’expliquer l’émergence de mouvements de justice environnementale comme une réponse à une certaine répartition des effets de la pollution ou à l’accès aux ressources environnementales. Dans la Vallée du Mezquital, le déversement des eaux usées de la Zone métropolitaine de la Vallée de Mexico présente une situation paradoxale par rapport à ce qui a été signalé dans le projet mentionné : certains paysans perçoivent comme positive la réception d’eau polluée. Les apports de l’écologisme des pauvres, ainsi qu’une révision de l’histoire permettent de comprendre ce paradoxe. La question de savoir si l’émergence du Covid-19 peut modifier les critères d’évaluation de ce conflit est également examinée.

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Zhou, Mingjie, Jinfeng Zhang, Fugui Li und Chen Chen. „Work-Family Conflict and Depressive Symptoms Among Chinese Employees: Cross-Level Interaction of Organizational Justice Climate and Family Flexibility“. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, Nr. 19 (23.09.2020): 6954. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17196954.

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This study aims to examine how organizational and family factors protect employees from depressive symptoms induced by work-family conflict. With a cross-sectional design, a total of 2184 Chinese employees from 76 departments completed measures of work-family conflict, organizational justice, family flexibility, and depressive symptoms. The results showed that work-family conflict including work-to-family conflict and family-to-work conflict was positively associated with depressive symptoms. In cross-level analysis, organizational justice climate weakened the adverse effect of work-family conflict on depressive symptoms and the buffering effects of procedural and distributive justice climate in the association between work-family conflict and depressive symptoms depended on family flexibility. Specifically, compared with employees with high family flexibility, procedural and distributive justice climate had a stronger buffering effect for employees with low family flexibility. These results indicate that organization and family could compensate each other to mitigate the effect of work-family conflict on employees’ depressive symptoms. Cultivating justice climate in organization and enhancing family flexibility might be an effective way to reduce employees’ depressive symptoms.

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Ali, Farahat, und Noshina Saleem. „RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CONFLICT RESOLUTION STYLES AND MARITAL SATISFACTION AMONG MARRIED ACADEMICIANS“. Gomal University Journal of Research 38, Nr. 03 (03.10.2022): 300–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.51380/gujr-38-03-05.

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This study is intended to shed light on broader question of which conflict resolution strategies are most effective in married life, with a special focus on the effectiveness of five conflict resolution styles (Integrative, avoidance, distributive, verbal aggression and physical aggression). Extant literature within this domain has produced mixed findings. A total of 350 married dual-earner academicians were taken as the sample for current study and purposive sampling technique was used. Results showed that there was a significant difference between men and women in terms of the conflict resolution styles, with women being more likely to use an integrative style, while men were more likely to use an avoidance, distributive, and verbal aggression conflict resolution style. There was also a significant difference between men and women in terms of the marital satisfaction, with women being more likely to report the higher levels of satisfaction. Integrative and avoidance styles were found to be positively related to marital satisfaction while distributive and verbal aggression styles were found to be negatively related. Physical aggression was not found to be a predictor of the marital satisfaction.

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Peterson, Paul E., und Jay P. Greene. „Why Executive-Legislative Conflict in the United States is Dwindling“. British Journal of Political Science 24, Nr. 1 (Januar 1994): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006773.

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An examination of executive-legislative conflict occurring in US congressional committees between 1947 and 1990 reveals that, despite current concerns of gridlock, the overall level of conflict declined during this period. There are two structural sources of inter-branch conflict – constituent and partisan. The constituent basis for conflict in the United States is rooted in the differing manner in which members of the two branches are elected. Because the executive has a national constituency, it is primarily concerned with matters of national policy. Members of Congress, who have smaller, more homogeneous constituencies, are more concerned with the geographically distributive effects of these policies. The authors' evidence suggests that conflict between the executive and legislative in the United States is greatest on issues that are of both national and distributive significance. The partisan basis for conflict, long established in the House and increasingly visible in the Senate, is reinforced by competitive political contests. Yet conflict between members of Congress and executive officials of the opposite party did not increase between 1947 and 1990. And conflict with executive officials of the same party declined, producing an overall drop in executive-legislative conflict.

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Kojima, Kazuaki, und Takaya Arita. „Evolution of Three Norms of Distributive Justice in an Extended Nash Demand Game“. Journal of Advanced Computational Intelligence and Intelligent Informatics 18, Nr. 3 (20.05.2014): 409–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jaciii.2014.p0409.

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The Nash demand game (NDG) has been at the center of attention when explaining moral norms of distributive justice on the basis of the game theory. This paper describes the demand-intensity game (D-I game), which adds an “intensity” dimension to NDG in order to discuss various scenarios for the evolution of norms concerning distributive justice, while keeping such simplicity that it can be analyzed by the concepts and tools of the game theory. We perform an ESS analysis and evolutionary simulations, followed by the analysis of replicator dynamics. It is shown that the three norms emerge: the one claiming an equal distribution (Egalitarianism), the one claiming the full amount (Libertarianism), and, as the special case of Libertarianism, the one claiming the full amount but conceding the resource in conflict (Wimpy libertarianism). The evolution of these norms strongly depends on the conflict cost parameter. Egalitarianism emerges with a larger conflict cost while Libertarianism with a smaller cost. Wimpy libertarianism emerges with a relatively larger conflict cost in libertarianism. The simulation results show that there are three types of evolutionary scenarios in general. We see in most of the trials the population straightforwardly converges to Libertarianism or Egalitarianism. It is also shown that, in some range of the conflict cost, the population nearly converges to Egalitarianism, which is followed by the convergence to Libertarianism. It is shown that this evolutionary transition depends on the quasi stability of Egalitarianism.

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Ko, Min Chang. „Government Debt Dynamics and Distributive Conflict in Post Keynesian Model of Growth and Distribution“. Koreanische Zeitschrift fuer Wirtschaftswissenschaften 33, Nr. 3 (30.09.2015): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18237/kdgw.33.3.001.

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Chamberlain, Erika. „A Classical Perspective on the Modern Workplace: The Aristotelian Conflict in Sexual Harassment Litigation“. Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 15, Nr. 1 (Januar 2002): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900002435.

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The current structure of sexual harassment litigation in Canada poses unique issues for Aristotle’s distinction between corrective and distributive justice. Due to a series of decisions in the 1980s and 1990s, sexual harassment claims in Canada must be brought exclusively under human rights legislation. This system views sexual harassment as a form of sex discrimination, and roughly subscribes to the view that sexual harassment is an incident of distributive injustice. However, the form of the litigation tends to undermine its distributive justifications. The litigation generally corresponds to the traditional adversarial model, with the complainant seeking damages from the harasser. Consequently, some commentators have argued that sexual harassment should be treated as a private law cause of action, rather than an issue for the human rights system. This article examines the rationale for classifying sexual harassment as an object of corrective or distributive justice, and particularly whether harassment should be viewed as an individual or a group harm. It also addresses the emerging claims for heterosexual male-on-male or bisexual harassment, which create problems for the view that sexual harassment is a form of discrimination “because of sex.” Finally, the article explains how the distributive and corrective theories of justice are manifested in the extent of employer liability and the available remedies.

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Coleman, Rick, und C. R. P. Fraser. „Integrative Versus Distributive Bargaining: Choosing a Problem Resolution Process“. Relations industrielles 34, Nr. 3 (12.04.2005): 546–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/028990ar.

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This paper examines the antithetical nature of two methods of resolving conflict through negotiation, and suggests there is an appropriate process depending upon how a party views the problem, and how he perceives it being viewed by his opponent.

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Mohd Kassim, Muhammad Asyraf, Muhammad Safizal Abdullah und Mohd Fitri Mansor. „The Mediating Role of Conflict Management Styles Between Organizational Justice and Affective Commitment Among Academic Staffs in Malaysian Public Universities“. MATEC Web of Conferences 150 (2018): 05012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201815005012.

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This study analyzes in deep the effects of two major dimensions in organizational justice such as procedural and distributive justice on affective commitment through three conflict management styles such as integrating, compromising, and avoiding styles. These relationships are analyzed in advance on the extent of academic staff in Malaysian Public Universities. Partial Least Squares of Structural equation modelling (SEM) and Statistical Package Social Science (SPSS) are utilized to determine the effect of the two variables and the mediating effect of the conflict management styles. The results exhibit that procedural and distributive justice is significantly related with integrating, and compromising styles while not significantly related to avoiding style. It also revealed that integrating and compromising styles were significant with affective commitment while avoiding style does not relate with affective commitment. In conclusion, the results also showed only integrating and compromising styles mediate the relationship between procedural and distributive justice and affective commitment.

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Mills, Joan, Daniel Robey und Larry Smith. „Conflict-Handling and Personality Dimensions of Project-Management Personnel“. Psychological Reports 57, Nr. 3_suppl (Dezember 1985): 1135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1985.57.3f.1135.

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A sample of 199 project management personnel took the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator and the Thomas-Kilmann Conflict Mode instrument. Results supported the earlier research of Thomas and Kilmann (1975) with two extensions. Extraversion in our sample was not associated with cooperation, and it correlated with both the distributive and integrative dimensions of conflict handling.

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Oxhorn, Philip D., und Heather L. Williams. „Social Movements and Economic Transition: Markets and Distributive Conflict in Mexico“. Latin American Politics and Society 45, Nr. 1 (2003): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3177075.

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Maxwell, Kenneth, und Heather L. Williams. „Social Movements and Economic Transition: Markets and Distributive Conflict in Mexico“. Foreign Affairs 81, Nr. 3 (2002): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033204.

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Cusato, Eliana. „International law, the paradox of plenty and the making of resource-driven conflict“. Leiden Journal of International Law 33, Nr. 3 (04.06.2020): 649–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156520000266.

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AbstractAccess to and distribution of natural resources have been since immemorable time at the root of violent conflict. Over the last few decades, international institutions, legal scholars and civil society started to pay attention to the dangerous liaison between resource commodities and wars. Current debates emphasize how, through sanctions, global regulatory initiatives, and legal accountability, the governance of natural resources in conflict and post-conflict countries has improved, although international law should play a greater role to support the transition to a durable peace. The aim of this article is to illuminate the biases and limitations of dominant accounts by exploring the influence of the resource curse thesis, and its hidden propositions, upon legal developments. Using the Sierra Leonean and Liberian Truth Commissions as a case study, it shows how legal practices and discourses have contributed to a narrow understanding of resource-driven wars as started by voracious rebel groups or caused by weak/authoritarian/corrupt governments. What is obscured by the current focus on greed and ineffective resource governance? What responsibilities and forms of violence are displaced? Engaging with these questions allows us to see the dynamics through which structural injustices and distributive concerns are marginalized in existing responses to these conflicts, how the status quo is perpetuated, and the more subtle ways in which external interventions in the political economy of the Global South take place.

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Long, Chris P. „Promoting fairness in the face of conflict: the moderating effect of social control“. Leadership & Organization Development Journal 37, Nr. 5 (04.07.2016): 593–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lodj-09-2014-0175.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to describe how superior-subordinate conflicts stimulate managers to promote fairness. The theory proposes that managers’ efforts to apply social controls (i.e. training and socialization activities that promote emotional connection and value congruence) moderate the influence of superior-subordinate conflicts on managers’ efforts to promote fairness. When conflicts are experienced by managers who apply social controls, those managers increase their efforts to promote fairness. Because managers who apply social controls need subordinates to endorse their directives, they promote fairness in the face of conflict to demonstrate that they manage subordinates in ways that are appropriate and deserving of their cooperation. Design/methodology/approach – These ideas are tested in two studies: a survey of managers and their subordinates and a scenario-based experiment. Findings – The results obtained from these studies demonstrate that when managers who apply social controls encounter superior-subordinate conflicts, they more actively work to fairly distribute rewards and responsibilities (i.e. promote distributive fairness) and accurately and consistently implement organizational procedures (i.e. promote procedural fairness). Practical implications – This paper demonstrates how managers who are engaged in important sets of behaviors use fairness to address conflicts with their subordinates. Originality/value – By identifying when superior-subordinate conflicts stimulate managers to promote fairness, this paper contributes to research on how individuals use fairness and controls together to maintain their positions of authority within social contexts (e.g. groups, units, organizations).

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Tellez, Juan Fernando. „Peace agreement design and public support for peace: Evidence from Colombia“. Journal of Peace Research 56, Nr. 6 (01.07.2019): 827–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319853603.

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Conflict negotiations are often met with backlash in the public sphere. A substantial literature has explored why civilians support or oppose peace agreements in general. Yet, the terms underlying peace agreements are often absent in this literature, even though (a) settlement negotiators must craft agreement provisions covering a host of issues that are complex, multidimensional, and vary across conflicts, and (b) civilian support is likely to vary depending on what peace agreements look like. As a result, we know much less about how settlement design molds overall public response, which settlement provisions are more or less controversial, or what citizens prioritize in conflict termination. In this article, I identify four key types of peace agreement provisions and derive expectations for how they might shape civilian attitudes toward conflict termination. Using novel conjoint experiments fielded during the Colombian peace process, I find evidence that citizens evaluate agreements based primarily on how provisions mete out justice to out-group combatants, and further that transitional justice provisions produced sharp divisions among urban voters in the 2016 referendum. Additional analysis suggests that material, distributive concerns were particularly salient for rural citizens. The results have implications for understanding the challenge of generating public buy-in for conflict termination and sheds light on the polarizing Colombian peace process.

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Jurković Majić, Olivera. „Tactics of distributive negotiation“. Communication Management Review 07, Nr. 02 (28.12.2022): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22522/cmr20220181.

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In the context of business negotiation, negotiation is both a science and a skill; in terms of skill, business negotiation implies certain behaviours, skills, abilities and experiences, while knowledge on negotiation is considered a useful tool that facilitates process implementation; knowledge must be applied (used) as often as possible in order to, due to at times highly competitive differences in the concept of negotiation, shape it as a business process, in which the gap between theory and practice is bridged. Business negotiation is most often analysed in two contexts: the context of buying and selling and relationships within the business entity (internal negotiation). As an increasingly important business skill that finds solutions to conflict, but interdependent situations, effective business negotiation has a multiplier effect in terms of creating added value. Business negotiation is the “exchange of something beneficial for something else beneficial”, and what is beneficial and how to get there is decided by each side for themselves, which can be identified through the approach to negotiations as well as the strategies and tactics used. The paper analyses the strategy of distributive negotiation, which was the dominant negotiation approach in the past (and is still used today) with an emphasis on negotiation tactics used by distributive negotiators, as well as ways of responding to them. The tactics themselves, i.e. their names or terms are derived from negotiation experience, and arouse the interest of the general public due to the terms used for the description of the negotiation tactics.

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Sasaki, Hiroaki, Ryunosuke Sonoda und Shinya Fujita. „International Competition and Distributive Class Conflict in an Open Economy Kaleckian Model“. Metroeconomica 64, Nr. 4 (08.08.2013): 683–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/meca.12030.

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Long, Roderick T. „Left-Libertarianism, Market Anarchism, Class Conflict and Historical Theories of Distributive Justice“. Griffith Law Review 21, Nr. 2 (Januar 2012): 413–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10383441.2012.10854747.

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Bakhsh, Sheikh Tahir, Muhammad Aman Sheikh und Rayed AlGhamdi. „Self-Schedule and Self-Distributive MAC Scheduling Algorithms for Next-Generation Sensor Networks“. International Journal of Distributed Sensor Networks 2015 (2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2015/746216.

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The distributive nature of wireless sensor networks (WSNs) poses great challenges for the design of distributive scheduling to maximize network life and spatial reuse of time slot with minimum frame length. Most of the existing scheduling techniques are either centralized or contentional. The existing techniques cannot efficiently adapt to the dynamic wireless environment. In this paper, self-scheduled and distributed MAC (SSD-MAC) and self-distributive MAC (SD-MAC) medium access control algorithms are proposed to reduce the complexity and variety of scheduling problems. The proposed algorithms do not require any synchronization and can effectively adapt to dynamic topology changes without incurring global communication overhead. According to the proposed algorithms, each node maps a conflict-free time slot for itself up to 2-hop neighboring nodes. Consequently, each node successfully schedules a unique time slot for itself in a heuristic manner based on its local information. Moreover, the proposed algorithms also guarantee conflict-free edge coloring because all the incident edges to a single node are assigned to colors in such a way that none of the edges should have the same color. It has been demonstrated that, with regard to communication overhead, energy consumption and execution time through simulation proposed that algorithms outperform existing distributed randomized scheduling algorithm (DRAND).

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Amitrano, Claudio, und Lucas Vasconcelos. „Income distribution, inflation and economic growth: A post-Keynesian approach“. Panoeconomicus 66, Nr. 3 (2019): 277–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1903277a.

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The dispute between social classes for fractions of income was a central theme for economic analysis at least since David Ricardo and Karl Marx. Its importance as an interpretative key declined with the marginalist revolution of the late nineteenth century and did not regain its central role in the conventional economic approach ever since. However, its relevance was maintained among heterodox economists such as Michal Kalecki and reinvigorated by post-Keynesian thinking. This paper seeks to offer three analytical contributions to the post- Keynesian literature: (1) it presents an integrated framework on the relationship between distributive conflict, inflation and economic growth in an open economy with government; (2) it proposes the use of a general framework, based on liquid preference, assets own interest rates, currency hierarchy and productivity differentials to understand the determinants of the spot exchange rate; and (3) it suggests a distinct monetary rule to take into account the role of interest rates on distributive conflict inflation and demand and growth regimes.

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Salo, Sanna, und Jens Rydgren. „Politicisation of the Eurozone crisis in Finland: adaptation toward the radical right?“ Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 34, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2018): 234–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1520141.

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AbstractThis paper analyses the politicisation of the Eurozone crisis in Finnish public debate, in May-November 2010. We emphasise how the mainstream parties responded to the radical right Finns Party's framing, in addition to two context factors: first, the constraints posed on domestic policymakers by EU and EMU-level decisions, and secondly, the sharp, economic downturn, encouraging a zero-sum interpretation of distributive claims. To trace actor positions, we analyse 1183 actor-issue statements coded from Finland's main newspaper, Helsingin Sanomat. Our findings suggest that radical right-wing parties can benefit from the high salience of socio-economic issues, if distributive conflict can plausibly be portrayed as a in- and out-group conflict, and that the mainstream parties did not only adopt nationalistic rhetoric as a response to the radical right-wing Finns Party's framing, but were responding to a constraints such as the diminished room for maneuver in the EMU, moving them towards the Finns Party's position.

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Jasso, Guillermina. „Analyzing conflict severity: Predictions of distributive justice theory for the two-subgroup case“. Social Justice Research 6, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1993): 357–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01050337.

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Bonatti, Luigi. „Fiscal Transfers and Distributive Conflict in a Simple Endogenous Growth Model with Unemployment“. German Economic Review 8, Nr. 1 (01.02.2007): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2007.00133.x.

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Abstract In the simplified formal treatment proposed in this paper, a decrease in a policy parameter - the ratio of total tax revenues to GDP - can monotonically increase long-term growth rate and may lead to a higher employment level. This notwithstanding, the paper shows that the redistributive implications of such a decrease may induce the wage earners to oppose it. As a consequence, policy-makers reflecting social preferences may undertake redistributive transfers generating persistent unemployment and lowering growth even if commitment technologies allowing them to follow preannounced tax policies were feasible.

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Lee, Song Ho. „Policy Conflict and its Settlement in Korea: The Case of Regulatory Reform“. Korean Journal of Policy Studies 8 (31.12.1993): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps08004.

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Policy making can be defined as the specification of policy content, a set of policy goals and instruments. This specification can be made through two stages: position taking and coordination. Usually due to their interests and values, major policy actors in the policy making process have not only concern for the content of the policy to be made but also some ideas and preference for it. They internally transform these ideas and preferences into their policy positions, and then push their positions externally against other incompatible positions. When policy actors push different policy positions from somewhat independent power bases, policy conflict ensues. Coordination among them is needed. The outcome of policy coordination can not always be the same as each actor intends. Original policy content can be maintained, or partially deleted from or added to, or changed into completely new one, or evaporated into the air. More than two policy positions can be coordinated in integrative or distributive fashion.

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Zahariadis, Nikolaos. „Values as Barriers to Compromise? Ideology, Transnational Coalitions, and Distributive Bargaining in Negotiations over the Third Greek Bailout“. International Negotiation 21, Nr. 3 (01.09.2016): 473–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341339.

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What factors explain the brinkmanship and threats of Greece’s distributive tactics over the third bailout package in 2015? Examining negotiations between Greece and its creditors duringsyriza’s (Coalition of the Radical Left) tenure in power, I argue that the Greek government’s strong ideological fervor turned the bailout negotiations into an ideologically based dispute, which involved “sacred” value biases and uncompromising posturing. Unable to form cooperative transnational coalitions, Athens increasingly turned to distributive bargaining tactics that antagonized creditors and escalated the conflict. The article highlights how values act as barriers in bailouts and has implications for the study of intergovernmental negotiations in the European Union.

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Ypi, Lea. „Borders of Class: Migration and Citizenship in the Capitalist State“. Ethics & International Affairs 32, Nr. 2 (2018): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679418000278.

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AbstractIn many recent debates on the political theory of immigration, conflicts between immigrants and citizens of host societies are explored along identity lines. In this essay, I defend the relevance of social class. I focus on two types of conflict—distributive and cultural—and show how class boundaries play a crucial role in each. In contrast to both defenders and critics of freedom of movement, I argue that borders have always been (and will continue to be) open for some and closed for others. The same applies to barriers on integration and civic participation. It is time to revive the connection between immigration and social class and to start carving political solutions that begin with the recognition of class injustice as a fundamental democratic concern.

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Van der Heyden, Ludo, Christine Blondel und Randel S. Carlock. „Fair Process: Striving for Justice in Family Business“. Family Business Review 18, Nr. 1 (März 2005): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-6248.2005.00027.x.

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The social science and business literatures on procedural justice or fair process attest that improvements in procedural fairness can be expected to improve both a firm's performance and the commitment and trust of the individuals involved with it. This article examines the relevance of procedural justice for family business. When a family is an influential component of a particular business system, the application of justice is typically rendered more complex than might be the case for nonfamily firms. Different criteria (need, merit, and equality) guide the application of distributive justice among families, firms, and shareholders. This divergence in criterion also lies at the heart of many conflicts inside the family business. In this article, we argue that the application of procedural justice reduces occurrences of conflict and, in some cases, may eliminate conflict altogether. We propose a definition of fair process that extends and enriches the one existing in the literature. We offer five fundamental criteria essential to the effectiveness of fair process in family firms. We conclude with a series of case studies that illustrate typical questions faced inside family businesses. We show that a lack of fairness in the decision and managerial processes governing these businesses and their associated families is a source of conflict. We describe how increasing fair process practices improves the performance of these businesses while also increasing the satisfaction of those associated with them.

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Sumadji, Sumadji, und Timbul Yuwono. „Developing Cognitive Conflict to Overcome Students’ Thinking Difficulties“. Journal of Education and Learning Mathematics Research (JELMaR) 1, Nr. 2 (30.11.2020): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37303/jelmar.v1i2.38.

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The purpose of this study is to describe the thinking difficulties of low-ability students. Low-ability students are those who can only reach score less than 66. The second objective is to know the effectiveness of cognitive conflict strategies in an effort to improve failed cognitive networks. The approach taken is qualitative with the type of classroom action research. In each action, it was applied the group learning strategy in the first session intended to explore additional thinking difficulties. In the second session their difficulties were overcome by implementing a cognitive conflict strategy. This research was completed in two actions based on the amount of material that consists of two parts. The research’s conclusions describe the basic difficulties of students’ thinking but are not summarized here. In this error, mostly students make their own formulas using distributive law on algebra. Another conclusion is that cognitive conflict strategies are effective at the level of 88.6% in overcoming thinking difficulties.

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Mathie, William. „Political and Distributive Justice in the Political Science of Aristotle“. Review of Politics 49, Nr. 1 (1987): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500044302.

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The modern science of politics has agreed with Thomas Hobbes that government must be based on the rejection of Aristotle's belief that claims to rule might be judged and accepted on their substantive merit as a matter of justice. The present essay examines the premodern approach as found in Aristotle's treatment of the question of regimes in the Politics. It is argued that the interpretation of Aristotle's discussion that understands him to distinguish right and deviant regimes as these are in the interest of ruled or rulers respectively and to seek a resolution of the conflict between claims to rule as a kind or instance of distributive justice is belied by a close reading of his Politics and Nicomachean Ethics and collapses distinctions crucial to Aristotelian political science.

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Lasersohn, Peter. „Lexical Distributivity and Implicit Arguments“. Semantics and Linguistic Theory 3 (08.10.1993): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v3i0.2751.

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Popular assumptions about distributive predicates and implicit arguments interact to predict incorrect truth conditions for sentences in which a predicate takes both an implicit argument and an overt distributive argument. This paper argues that the conflict provides evidence for a particular approach to argument structure and in particular to the semantics of implicit arguments: namely, a "neo-Davidsonian" approach, in which thematic roles are analyzed as relations between events and individuals, and existentially interpreted implicit arguments do not appear in the syntax or in logical representation at all. The effect of implicit arguments is produced through the use of meaning postulates guaranteeing that any atomic event of a given type must bear the appropriate thematic relation to some individual.

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Seltzer, Joseph, und James W. Smither. „“Where there is a will…”: A New Exercise to Explore Distributive and Integrative Conflict Management“. Organization Management Journal 4, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2007): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/omj.2007.27.

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Baillien, Elfi, Jeroen Camps, Anja Van den Broeck, Jeroen Stouten, Lode Godderis, Maarten Sercu und Hans De Witte. „An Eye for an Eye Will Make the Whole World Blind: Conflict Escalation into Workplace Bullying and the Role of Distributive Conflict Behavior“. Journal of Business Ethics 137, Nr. 2 (08.02.2015): 415–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-015-2563-y.

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Schwander, Hanna. „Labor Market Dualization and Insider–Outsider Divides: Why This New Conflict Matters“. Political Studies Review 17, Nr. 1 (18.08.2018): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929918790872.

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Reflecting the importance of inequality for individuals’ lives, the implications of labor market inequality for core elements of democracy are crucial topics in comparative politics and comparative political economy. This article critically reviews the main findings of the emerging literature on insider–outsider divides to highlight its possible contributions to adjacent fields, in particular the research on party politics, the literatures on economic voting, political participation, and democratic representation or the study of social movements. The conflict between labor market insiders and outsiders demonstrates that in today’s societies with their diversified risk structure and sophisticated welfare states, distributive conflicts are about specific social and regulatory policies that have different implications for individuals depending on their situation on the labor market. By drawing our attention to new divides within the social democratic electorate, the insider–outsider literature reveals an additional argument why the social democratic parties find it hard to mobilize their voters and to win elections. Moreover, the insider–outsider literature can help to bring the economic dimension of politics back to the study of social movements and to light on the relationship between contentious and conventional politics.

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Lockhart, Charles. „Socially Constructed Conceptions of Distributive Justice: The Case of Affirmative Action“. Review of Politics 56, Nr. 1 (1994): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500049494.

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In the last quarter-century Americans have carried on a lively argument over the nature of distributive justice, equality of opportunity and particularly the appropriateness of affirmative action. Indeed two distinct conceptions of equality of opportunity, drawing on conflicting underlying visions of distributive justice and adopting different stances toward affirmative action, have emerged in both academic and popular circles. Thompson, Ellis and Wildavsky's Cultural Theory can be applied to explain the form and focus of this argument as a struggle between the conflicting preferences of rival—individualistic and egalitarian—ways of life. This analysis shows how the longevity and intractable character of the argument are consequences of the social embedding of preferences. That is, individualists and egalitarians cannot further their preferred ways of life with respect to these issues without engendering this conflict. The irreconcilable character of this clash is further underscored by Cultural Theory's capacity to illuminate oversights in the most sophisticated of extant efforts to bridge these opposing views.

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Alcock, Frank. „Conflicts and Coalitions Within and Across the ENGO Community“. Global Environmental Politics 8, Nr. 4 (November 2008): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2008.8.4.66.

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This article examines the diversity of opinions that exists within the ENGO community regarding their diagnoses of environmental problems and their preferred solutions to them. It provides a conceptual framework that consists of two components: values and governance approaches. Different values include ecological sustainability, distributive equity and economic efficiency. Governance approaches target states, international regimes, communities and markets as alternative loci for institutional solutions to environmental problems. The framework is used to illuminate salient patterns of conflict and coalitional behavior and to project future trends in global environmental politics.

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