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Thematische Bibliographien / Early modern religion / Zeitschriftenartikel

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Early modern religion“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 1. Februar 2022

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1

Dean, Paul. "Shakespeare and Early Modern Religion." English Studies 97, no. 4 (April 6, 2016): 444–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2016.1162455.

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2

Chiang, Yu-Chun. "Religion and Drama in Early Modern England." Reformation 17, no. 1 (January 2012): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/refm.v17.213.

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3

Harrison, Peter. "Miracles, Early Modern Science, and Rational Religion." Church History 75, no. 3 (September 2006): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098607.

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Readers of the New Testament could be excused for thinking that there is little consistency in the manner in which miracles are represented in the Gospels. Those events typically identified as miracles are variously described as “signs” (semeia), “wonders” (terata), “mighty works” (dunameis), and, on occasion, simply “works” (erga). The absence of a distinct terminology for the miraculous suggests that the authors of the Gospels were not working with a formal conception of “miracle”—at least not in that Humean sense of a “contravention of the laws of nature,” familiar to modern readers. Neither is there a consistent position on the evidentiary role of these events. In the synoptic Gospels—Matthew, Mark, and Luke—Jesus performs miracles on account of the faith of his audience. In John's Gospel, however, it is the performance of miracles that elicits faith. Even in the fourth Gospel, moreover, the role of miracles as signs of Christ's divinity is not straightforward. Thus those who demand a miracle are castigated: “Unless you see signs and wonders you will not believe.” Finally, signs and wonders do not provide unambiguous evidence of the sanctity of the miracle worker or of the truth of their teachings. Accordingly, the faithful were warned (in the synoptic Gospels at least) that “false Christs and false prophets will rise and show signs and wonders [in order] to deceive.”

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4

Hunter, M. "Heterodoxy in Early Modern Science and Religion." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 496 (April 1, 2007): 479–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem018.

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5

Jutte, Robert, and Kaspar von Greyerz. "Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe." Sixteenth Century Journal 16, no. 4 (1985): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541244.

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6

Hudon, William V., and Christopher F. Black. "Church, Religion and Society in Early Modern Italy." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477931.

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7

Gregory, Brad S. "Religion and the Book in Early Modern England." Reformation 17, no. 1 (January 2012): 237–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/refm.v17.237.

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8

Hudson, Hugh D., and Serhii Plokhy. "The Cossacks and Religion in Early Modern Ukraine." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 886. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061600.

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9

McGrath, Michael, and Helen Rawlings. "Church, Religion and Society in Early Modern Spain." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 1220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061720.

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10

Kamen, H. "Church, Religion and Society in Early Modern Spain." English Historical Review 118, no. 475 (February 1, 2003): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.475.209.

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11

Hartley, J. "The Cossacks and Religion in Early Modern Ukraine." English Historical Review 118, no. 478 (September 1, 2003): 1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.478.1001.

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12

Smith, Seán Alexander. "The Politics of Religion in Early Modern France." French History 30, no. 2 (April 15, 2016): 262–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crw013.

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13

Watkins, Daniel J. "The Politics of Religion in Early Modern France." Journal of Church and State 58, no. 2 (April 4, 2016): 381–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csw012.

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14

Pullan, Brian. "Church, Religion and Society in Early Modern Italy." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 490 (February 1, 2006): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cej017.

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15

Coonradt, Nicole. "Religion in Early Modern England: Two Recent Commentaries." Religion and the Arts 11, no. 3-4 (2007): 480–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852907x244601.

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16

Taverner, Charlie. "Food, Religion and Communities in Early Modern Europe." Cultural and Social History 16, no. 5 (October 20, 2019): 666–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14780038.2019.1704450.

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17

Ryan, Salvador. "Introduction to the Special Issue of Religions—“Domestic Devotions in Medieval and Early Modern Europe”." Religions 11, no. 4 (March 27, 2020): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040154.

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18

MacKendrick, Kenneth G., and Matt Sheedy. "The Future of Religious History in Habermas’s Critical Theory of Religion." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 27, no. 2 (June 9, 2015): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341328.

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In Discovering Religious History in the Modern Age Hans Kippenberg argues that the history of religions is the creative work-product of a cultural and political identity crisis, one in which the comparative history of religions became a means for some European scholars to uncouple from an increasingly halfhearted attachment to Christianity and re-experience their own history in a dynamic new form. A future for religion was thus found in the creation of innovative categories for the re-imagining of the past. For this reason Kippenberg rightly posits that the early scholars of religion are best read as “classical theorists of a modern age in which past religion still has a future” (xvi). We argue that the influential critical social theorist Jürgen Habermas, one of the most vocal proponents of the unfinished project of Enlightenment and the conceptual architect of postmetaphysical thinking, has much in common with these early scholars of religion.

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19

Isomae, Jun’ichi. "The Conceptual Formation of the Category “Religion” in Modern Japan: Religion, State, Shintō." Journal of Religion in Japan 1, no. 3 (2012): 226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-12341236.

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Abstract The Japanese word shūkyō was originally a coined word occurring in Chinese Buddhist dictionaries, but it became used as the translation for the English word “religion” when the English word was transmitted to Japan from the West after the opening of the country at the end of the nineteenth century. At that time, a new kind of Japanese language treating Shintō and Buddhism as ‘religions’ was born, with Christianity forming the axis, but while still intertwined with Buddhism and Shintō. Bearing in mind the Protestant influence on acculturation processes in Japan at the beginning of the Meiji period, this paper aims to offer an overview of how the term “religion” became embedded in Japan and how the Meiji government dealt with the competition of Shintō against Christianity and Buddhism. In that context it touches upon crucial historical and social developments such as the clash between science and religion of the late 1870s and the opposition between the state and religion in the early 1890s, together with well-known incidents such as the Uchimura Kanzō affair. The paper focuses in particular on the period from the end of the early modern Edo regime through the end of the Meiji period and analyzes how views of religious issues underwent transition within Japan.

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20

Malieckal, Bindu. "Early modern Goa: Indian trade, transcultural medicine, and the Inquisition." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 26 (April 13, 2015): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67451.

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Portugal’s introduction of the Inquisition to India in 1560 placed the lives of Jews, New Christians, and selected others labelled ‘heretics’, in peril. Two such victims were Garcia da Orta, a Portuguese New Christian with a thriving medical practice in Goa, and Gabriel Dellon, a French merchant and physician. In scholarship, Garcia da Orta and Gabriel Dellon’s texts are often examined separately within the contexts of Portuguese and French literature respectively and in terms of medicine and religion in the early modern period. Despite the similarities of their training and experiences, da Orta and Dellon have not previously been studied jointly, as is attempted in this article, which expands upon da Orta and Dellon’s roles in Portuguese India’s international commerce, especially the trade in spices, and the collaborations between Indian and European physicians. Thus, the connection between religion and food is not limited to food’s religious and religio-cultural roles. Food in terms of spices has been at the foundations of power for ethno-religious groups in India, and when agents became detached from the spice trade, their downfalls were imminent, as seen in the histories of Garcia da Orta and Gabriel Dellon.

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21

Fluechter, Antje. "Handling of Diversity in Early Modern India?" Medieval History Journal 16, no. 2 (October 2013): 297–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945813514900.

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The notion of plurality amongst the Indian population is one of the most prominent features of early modern German discourse on India. This article combines the concepts ‘diversity’ and ‘transculturality’ to analyse how German speaking mercenaries of the Dutch East India Company perceived this plurality. These mercenaries were a specific group of travellers, quite different from the well-known, erudite globetrotter. I analyse the group labels that mercenaries used to describe, understand and categorise India’s diverse population. The categories that the mercenaries used reflected their own understanding and fluidity of the terms nation, religion and social status. In contrast to the assumed relevance of religion and social status for early modern societies, the authors predominantly chose the term ‘nation’ for the different people in India. Moreover, their notion of a ‘nation’ did not imply a social hierarchy, but rather a juxtaposition. Based on this evidence, this article concludes that the organisation of diversity depended crucially on the individual author and his social position.

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22

Knoll, Paul W., Samuel H. Baron, and Nancy Shields Kollmann. "Religion and Culture in Early Modern Russia and Ukraine." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 2 (1999): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544780.

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23

Harrison, Peter. "Experimental Religion and Experimental Science in Early Modern England." Intellectual History Review 21, no. 4 (December 2011): 413–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2011.623882.

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24

Coles, Kimberly Anne. "Women, Gender and Radical Religion in Early Modern Europe." Church History and Religious Culture 90, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 462–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124110x542824.

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25

Kümin, Beat, and Felicita Tramontana. "Catholicism Decentralized: Local Religion in the Early Modern Periphery." Church History 89, no. 2 (June 2020): 268–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720001298.

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AbstractExpanding upon recent work on the heterogeneity of Catholicism and the challenges facing Tridentine reformers, this article examines local religion in two “extreme” settings: the village republic of Gersau in Central Switzerland and the missionary territory of the Custody of the Holy Land. Following conceptual remarks, the authors sketch the distinct secular contexts as well the phased evolution of localized networks for the administration of the cure of souls, the latter starting in the eleventh and sixteenth centuries, respectively. A consistently comparative approach reveals notable similarities—in terms of expanding spiritual provision and better record keeping—alongside substantial differences—especially between the clearly demarcated territorial parishes in the Alps and a more punctual system of sacrament centers in Palestine. At Gersau, where diocesan structures were weak, the church operated under the close supervision of a commune with extensive powers stretching to the rights of advowson and benefice administration. Around Jerusalem, the Franciscans—whose custos acted as the vicar apostolic—used material incentives to win over converts from other Christian denominations. Building on recent reassessments of the post-Tridentine Church, both examples thus underline the strong position of the laity in the confessional age and the need to acknowledge local sociopolitical as well as organizational factors in the formation of early modern Catholicism.

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26

Sandis, Elizabeth, and Sarah Knight. "Latin drama, religion and politics in early modern Europe." Renaissance Studies 30, no. 4 (August 29, 2016): 495–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rest.12238.

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27

Jackson, Ken, and Arthur F. Marotti. "The Turn to Religion in Early Modern English Studies." Criticism 46, no. 1 (2004): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/crt.2004.0031.

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28

Wright, A. D. (Anthony David). "Church, Religion and Society in Early Modern Italy (review)." Catholic Historical Review 91, no. 4 (2005): 807–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2006.0009.

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29

Stevens, Carol B., Samuel H. Baron, and Nancy Shields Kollmann. "Religion and Culture in Early Modern Russia and Ukraine." American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (December 1998): 1649. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650074.

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30

Gray, Emily Fisher. "Hometown Religion: Regimes of Coexistence in Early Modern Westphalia." History: Reviews of New Books 45, no. 5 (July 20, 2017): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2017.1336972.

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31

Dent, Chris. "Religion and the Early Modern Patent System, 1560–1660." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 6, no. 3 (October 1, 2017): 580–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwx049.

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32

von Greyerz, Kaspar. "Hometown Religion: Regimes of Coexistence in Early Modern Westphalia." German History 34, no. 4 (August 31, 2016): 677–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghw090.

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33

Hopkins, Lisa. "The materiality of religion in early modern English drama." Shakespeare 6, no. 1 (April 2010): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17450911003643118.

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34

Bizzocchi, Roberto. "Church, Religion, and State in the Early Modern Period." Journal of Modern History 67 (December 1995): S152—S165. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245013.

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35

Sterrett, Joseph. "The materiality of religion in early modern English drama." Culture and Religion 12, no. 4 (December 2011): 499–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14755610.2011.626111.

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36

Papazian, Dennis R. "Religion and Culture in Early Modern Russia and Ukraine." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 2 (January 1998): 88–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1998.10528033.

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37

Bottigheimer, Karl S., and Raymond Gillespie. "Devoted People: Belief and Religion in Early Modern Ireland." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 1 (1999): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052885.

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38

Strasser, Ulrike. "Early Modern Nuns and the Feminist Politics of Religion." Journal of Religion 84, no. 4 (October 2004): 529–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/422479.

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39

Gates, Daniel. "The Presence of Religion in Early Modern Cultural Studies." Literature Compass 1, no. 1 (January 2004): **. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-4113.2004.00047.x.

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40

Clymer, Lorna. "Religion and Cultural Transformation in Early Modern England: Introduction." Huntington Library Quarterly 71, no. 4 (December 2008): 553–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hlq.2008.71.4.553.

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41

Lennon, Thomas M. "Religion, Reason and Nature in Early Modern Europe (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 41, no. 1 (2003): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2002.0100.

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42

Richardson, Brian. "ORAL CULTURE IN EARLY MODERN ITALY: PERFORMANCE, LANGUAGE, RELIGION." Italianist 34, no. 3 (September 14, 2014): 313–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0261434014z.00000000094.

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43

Wright, Gillian. "Religion, Reform, and Women's Writing in Early Modern England." Women's Writing 16, no. 3 (November 12, 2009): 470–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09699080903248036.

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44

TAREEN, SHER ALI. "Translating the ‘Other’: Early-Modern Muslim Understandings of Hinduism." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 27, no. 3 (May 8, 2017): 435–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186317000098.

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AbstractThis essay examines the theme of inter-religious translation in the context of early modern India. More specifically, it considers the prominent 18th century Sufi master and scholar Mirzā Maẓhar Jān-i Jānān's (d.1781) translation of Hindu thought and practice as reflected in his Persian letters on this subject. Through a close reading of the content and context of his translation project, I show that while according the Hindu ‘other’ remarkable doctrinal hospitality, Jān-i Jānān's view of translation was firmly tethered to an imperial Muslim political theology committed to upholding the exceptionality of Muslim normative authority. Interrogating his negotiation of hospitality and exceptionality and the notions of time that undergirded that negotiation occupies much of this essay. I also explore ways in which Jān-i Jānān's translation of Hinduism might engage ongoing scholarly conversations regarding the rupture of colonial modernity in the discursive career of religion in South Asia. In the Euro-American study of religion, many scholars have shown the intimacy of modern secular power and the reconfiguration of religion as a universally translatable category. But what conceptual and historiographical gains might one derive by shifting the camera of analysis from the colonial reification of religion to the inter-religious translation efforts of a late 18th century thinker like Jān-i Jānān who wrote at the cusp of colonial modernity? This question hovers over the problem-space of this essay.

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45

Lang, Bernhard. "Agerbrugeren, den intellektuelle og individet. Præsentation og fortolkning af religiøs evolution efter Robert Bellah. Med en annoteret bibliografi over de historiske stadier, Bellah-style." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 60 (December 1, 2013): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i60.20409.

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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Robert Bellah’s theory of religion and cultural evolution is illus-trated with three important phases: early horticulture, the invention of intellctual re-ligion in ancient Israel, and modern individualism. Bellah’s model is expanded with early horticulture as an independent phase.DANSK RESUMÉ: Inden for rammerne af Robert Bellahs evolutionære skema gives en oversigt over tre vigtige faser i religionshistorien: tidligt agerbrug, aksetidens intellektuelle religion, illustreret med eksempler fra israelitisk religion og tidlig kristendom samt moderne, individualistisk religion. Tidligt agerbrug bør betragtes som en selvstændig fase, mellem jæger-samler-kultur og arkaiske statslige kulturer.

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46

Heitsch, Dorothea. "Debate Strategies in Early Modern Dialogue." Erasmus Studies 35, no. 2 (2015): 154–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18749275-03502006.

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In Jean Bodin’s Colloquium Heptaplomeres seven interlocutors come together in the house of Paulus Coronaeus in Venice. They represent seven different faiths and world views: Catholicism, Lutheranism, Calvinism, Judaism, Islam, Deism or Naturalism, and a syncretic faith tied to philosophical skepticism. The meeting’s participants all debate religion and even whether such debate should be allowed. Bodin develops the character of Octavius Fagnola, the former Catholic converted to Islam, according to a wealth of sources including an Islamic debate tradition that is known as munāẓara. The role of Octavius has important implications for the meaning of Bodin’s work as well as for Renaissance dialogue in general.

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47

Taylor-Poleskey, Molly. "Christopher Kissane, Food, Religion and Communities in Early Modern Europe." Cultural History 9, no. 1 (April 2020): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2020.0215.

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48

Bireley, Robert, and Martin D. W. Jones. "The Counter-Reformation: Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 3 (1996): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544034.

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49

Goodrich (book author), Jaime, and Karalyn Dokurno (review author). "Faithful Translators: Authorship, Gender, and Religion in Early Modern England." Renaissance and Reformation 40, no. 1 (July 21, 2017): 258–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v40i1.28462.

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50

Bostick, Curtis, and Margo Todd. "Reformation to Revolution: Politics and Religion in Early Modern England." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544222.

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