Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Hare-wallaby“

Standard haematological parameters measured in the bilby (Macrotis lagotis) and the rufous hare-wallaby (Lagorchestes hirsutus) were not markedly different. Both species had very high levels of red blood cell 2,3-diphosphoglycerate, whilst the levels of adenosine triphosphate were within the range of most marsupials and mammals. The activities of red-cell enzymes were measured in these two species as well as in the brown antechinus (Antechinus stuartii). Some significant findings were (i) very high levels of hexokinase, glyceraldehyde phosphate dehydrogenase and lactate dehydrogenase in the antechinus and (ii) very high levels of glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase and glutathione peroxidase in the rufous hare-wallaby. The glycolytic rate, measured as the amount of lactate produced by the red cells incubated with eight different substrates, was found to be generally higher in the antechinus than in the other two species. The maximum rate of glycolysis was observed with mannose whilst galactose was a poor substrate in all three species.

This paper reports a study of the interactions between a remnant population of the rufous hare-wallaby, Lagorchestes hirsutus, and populations of several introduced mammal species in a region of the Tanami Desert. Transect counts of faecal pellets and tracks were used to determine the local distributions of all species and analysis of faeces from both predators and competitors of hare-wallabies was undertaken. Six species of introduced mammals were recorded within the study area: dingoes, rabbits, camels, foxes, feral cats and cattle. The local distributions for a number of these species were found to be significantly correlated with that of L. hirsutus during some seasons. Analysis of dingo scats collected from fire trails within the study area identified a total of 12 different food classes including harewallabies which occurred in 6.9% of the scats. Foxes and feral cats appear to be more important predators as demonstrated by their impacts on natural and reintroduced populations of hare-wallabies. Comparison of the diets of the rabbit and L. hirsutus identified significant overlap in utilised plant species, particularly during drier times. Competition between rabbits and L. hirsutus seems probable, given the overlap of their diets and their similar body sizes and metabolic requirements. Cattle and camels are potentially as important at densities above present levels. The complex web of interactions between L. hirsutus and these introduced species have important implications for management of remnant and reintroduced hare-wallaby populations.

The rufous hare-wallaby (Lagorchestes hirsutus) is now extinct in the wild on mainland Australia, but survives in captivity. However, endemic populations persist on Bernier and Dorre Islands, Western Australia. This study aimed to compare the genetic diversity and differentiation amongst three remaining rufous hare-wallaby populations using mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) (cytochrome b, control region) sequence data and nuclear (microsatellite) markers. Levels of microsatellite diversity were low in both island populations but high in the captive mainland population. Levels of mtDNA diversity were low in all three populations. The mainland and island populations of L. hirsutus were found to be significantly differentiated for both microsatellite and mtDNA data, but the two island populations were significantly differentiated only for the microsatellite data. This pattern of differentiation is not consistent with the recognition of two separate island subspecies, but we recommend that the mainland and island populations be regarded as separate subspecies. The low diversity of the island populations and differentiation between island and mainland populations presents both challenges and opportunities for future management.

The diet preferences and selectivity of the rufous hare-wallaby in the Tanami Desert were examined at a number of sites and over a number of seasons by microscopic analysis of faecal pellets and direct observations. Perennial grasses were the most consistent plant items in the diet. Grass seeds were seasonally important as were the seeds and bulbs of sedges. Species of dicots were also used but most represented only minor components in the diet. Several species of plant common to the area were noticeably absent from the diet. Differences in the diets between four sites of varying floristic composition and fire history were consistent with differences in vegetation cover at each site. Overall, the absolute proportions and ratios of monocots and dicots and of leaf and seed portions were strongly similar for all sites, as were seasonal changes in the proportions of the four main plant categories (monocots, dicots, seeds and fruits). These changes correlated with local rainfall. Comparisons of plants eaten and plants available indicate the hare-wallabies' preference for monocots, particularly seed and fruit components. In contrast consumption of dicots was influericed by the declining quality of other preferred plants. Insects were seasonally important in the diet and appear to be a potentially important nitrogen supplement during drier times. The feeding strategy of the rufous hare-wallaby is flexible and enables it to exploit fully food resources whose availability is often limited in both time and space. During droughts it seems likely that the species is food stressed and this could lead to localised declines.

Past and present distributions of Lagorchestes conspicillatus were compared using data from museums, explorers' records and from recent field surveys. These data indicated that L. conspicillatus has declined in distribution and abundance during the last century. This species is now rare in the Pilbara and Kimberley regions of Western Australia. It is moderately common between latitudes 16� and 18�S in central and eastern Northern Territory, and its range extends north to around 12�S in Arnhem Land. However, the southern limits of its range in the Northern Territory have contracted northward by over 200 km and it is rarely recorded below 21�S. L. conspicillatus remains widespread in Queensland although its numbers in several areas appear to have declined in the last 10-15 years. The status of L. conspicillatus should be regarded as vulnerable. Most of its preferred habitats are currently under pastoral lease and at risk of alteration by introduced herbivores or clearing. Unfavourable fire regimes and feral animals may also pose a threat to its survival in some areas. Habitats suitable for L. conspicillatus are very poorly represented in National Parks throughout northern Australia and this situation should be rectified.

Introduced non-native mammals can have negative impacts on native biota and it is important that their ecologies are quantified so that potential impacts can be understood. Red-necked wallabies (Notamacropus rufogriseus (Desmarest, 1817)) became established on the Isle of Man (IOM), an island with UNESCO Biosphere status, following their escape from zoological collections in the mid-1900s. We estimated wallaby circadial activity and population densities using camera trap surveys and random encounter models. Their range in the IOM was derived from public sightings sourced via social media. Wallaby diet and niche breadth were quantified via microscopic examination of faecal material and compared with those of the European hare (Lepus europaeus Pallas, 1778). The mean (±SE) population density was 26.4 ± 6.9 wallabies/km2, the mean (±SE) population size was 1742 ± 455 individuals, and the species’ range was 282 km2, comprising 49% of the island. Wallaby diets were dominated by grasses, sedges, and rushes; niche breadth of wallabies and hares (0.55 and 0.59, respectively) and overlap (0.60) suggest some potential for interspecific competition and (or) synergistic impacts on rare or vulnerable plant species. The IOM wallaby population is understudied and additional research is required to further describe population parameters, potential impacts on species of conservation interest, and direct and indirect economic costs and benefits.

The banded hare-wallaby (Lagostrophus fasciatus) is an endangered macropodid currently restricted to Bernier and Dorre Islands in Shark Bay, Western Australia. Historically, L. fasciatus was also recorded on the Australian mainland from far western Australia, where it became locally extinct early in the twentieth century. Here we discuss an overlooked museum specimen of L. fasciatus collected in the mid-nineteenth century near Adelaide, South Australia. This specimen considerably extends the known historical distribution of L. fasciatus, validates anecdotal reports of the species from South Australia made by early Australian naturalists, and forms the basis for our description of a new subspecies.

A 2-year study was conducted to investigate two aspects of the local distribution of the rufous harewallaby, Lagorchestes hirsutus, in a region of the Tanami Desert. These were: (a) patterns of habitat use in response to changing environmental conditions and (b) environmental parameters influencing 'local' choice of habitat. Counts of faecal pellets and tracks were used to obtain indices of hare-wallaby activity within occupied sites and to gain an insight into the movements by individuals. Local choice of habitat was analysed by assessment of numerous habitat features at occupied and unoccupied sites in the region. Previous surveys over the greater part of the study area provide evidence of a significant local decline and local contraction of range by L. hirsutus during recent times. Hare-wallabies showed seasonal trends in the relative use of different vegetation systems in response to the relative availability of food items within each habitat. The home ranges of hare-wallabies consisted of two distinct areas of activity: a large sparsely used area within the dense Triodia pungens vegetation and a small concentrated feeding area within the neighbouring caliche system. Hare-wallabies were dependent upon a specialised form of spinifex habitat. Patchiness, hummock size, food diversity and the degree of floral senescence affected suitability for hare-wallabies. Within the Tanami Desert site, suitable combinations of these characters were associated with tight mosaics of different regenerative stages after fire. Fire is therefore clearly implicated as an important force in creating a greater diversity of feeding and sheltering habitats for the hare-wallabies in the otherwise uniform spinifex sandplains. There is an obvious role for the application of controlled burns as a means of managing habitats to favour L. hirsutus in the Tanami Desert.

A metal detector was used to recover passive integrated transponder (PIT) tags from below wedge-tailed eagle and barn owl nests and roost trees. The effectiveness of four different metal detectors to locate PIT tags and Australian Bird and Bat Banding Scheme (ABBBS) bands were compared. Twenty PIT tags from 14 golden bandicoots, five burrowing bettongs and one rufous hare-wallaby were recovered from wedge-tailed eagle sites. One unreadable PIT tag was recovered from a barn owl site. This technique has potential for use in determining the survivorship of translocated threatened species.

In an effort to learn more about the potential for reintroduction of hare-wallabies to sites in Australia, 34 captive-bred hare-wallabies were released onto Peron Peninsula within the Shark Bay World Heritage Property in 2001 as part of an experimental reintroduction program. One objective of this experiment was to characterise their behaviour and daytime refugia to identify suitable habitat for future releases. The mala (Lagorchestes hirsutus) and merrnine (Lagostrophus fasciatus) were fitted with radio-transmitters and tracked daily. Merrnine were more faithful to a previously occupied shelter than mala. Mala maintained a solitary daytime habit at all times. Within the study area, mala preferentially sought low-lying vegetation primarily comprising the species Lamarchea hakeifolia, which provided dense cover up to 1 m in height, under which they constructed scrapes. L. hakeifolia was preferred as shelter vegetation instead of Triodia (spinifex) hummocks, despite Triodia hummock habitat being preferred by mala in central Australia. Merrnine occupied taller vegetation with an open understorey to 1.5 m, although the extremity of the understorey remained dense at this height. Individual merrnine sometimes sheltered with conspecifics of the opposite sex. Since both species utilised floristically and structurally variable vegetation, we suggest that they have the ability to cope with vegetation that has been altered by changes in fire regimes and introduced herbivores. This is particularly important for future reintroduction exercises as the results suggest that vegetation characteristics required to support these species, particularly mala, may be variable rather than limited to perceived necessary habitat types in central Australia or on islands. These results should allow future reintroduction projects to consider a wider range of release-site options during their planning phase.

Many Australian mammal species now only occur on islands and fenced mainland havens free from invasive predators. The range of one species, the banded hare-wallaby (Lagostrophus fasciatus), had contracted to two offshore islands in Western Australia. To improve survival, four conservation translocations have been attempted with mixed success, and all occurred in the absence of genetic information. Here, we genotyped seven polymorphic microsatellite markers in two source (Bernier Island and Dorre Island), two historic captive, and two translocated L. fasciatus populations to determine the impact of multiple translocations on genetic diversity. Subsequently, we used population viability analysis (PVA) and gene retention modelling to determine scenarios that will maximise demographic resilience and genetic richness of two new populations that are currently being established. One translocated population (Wadderin) has undergone a genetic bottleneck and lost 8.1% of its source population’s allelic diversity, while the other (Faure Island) may be inbred. We show that founder number is a key parameter when establishing new L. fasciatus populations and 100 founders should lead to high survival probabilities. Our modelling predicts that during periodic droughts, the recovery of source populations will be slower post-harvest, while 75% more animals—about 60 individuals—are required to retain adequate allelic diversity in the translocated population. Our approach demonstrates how genetic data coupled with simulations of stochastic environmental events can address central questions in translocation programmes.

Digestive performance and rate of passage of fluid and particulate markers through the gastrointestinal tract were measured in captive rufous hare-wallabies (Lagorchestes hirsutus) maintained on a commercial pelleted diet. This diminutive (0.8-2.1 kg) marcropodid marsupial was found to have a large, basically tubiform forestomach (tubiform forestomach 71-74% of total stomach capacity), similar to that of the large grazing kangaroos and markedly different from those of small browsing wallabies and similar-sized rat-kangaroos. This 'kangaroo-like' gastric morphology, together with a low maintenance energy requirement (326 kJ digestible energy kg-0.75 day-1) and thus low food intakes (33 g dry matter kg-0.75 day-1) and long mean retention times of digesta in the gut (23 h for a fluid marker, 38 h for a particle marker), were considered to be major factors in the ability of this small arid-zone herbivore to digest fibre (50% of the neutral-detergent fibre and 31% of the acid-detergent fibre of the pelleted diet) and thus to utilise plant material that is often of low quality in the Tanami Desert.

The summer diet of a population of the rufous hare-wallaby, Lagorchestes hirsutus, was studied by survey of grazed plants and microscopic analysis of faecal pellets following a season of above-average rainfall. The fibre and nitrogen contents of food plants were examined and the abundance of food plants in the habitat was determined to assess dietary selectivity. L. hirsutus had a diverse diet but selectively grazed the seeds and shoots of certain grasses and sedges as well as some dicotyledons. High- and low-fibre food items occurred in faecal samples, suggesting that L. hirsutus possesses considerable dietary adaptability. Individuals may travel appreciable distances into saline interdune and recently burnt areas to feed. The future survival of the only known mainland population appears to be largely dependent on continued mosaic-burning of its habitat to maintain mature spinifex for shelter adjacent to areas of regeneration that provide a range of preferred food items.

Observations on the behaviour of the Rufous Hare-wallaby Lagorchestes hirsutus were obtained from a captive colony maintained in Alice Springs. This information was used to interpret observations of animals made during field studies in the Tanami Desert. Aspects of the species' behavioural repertoire which were recorded included activity patterns, postures, gaits, interactions, nesting habits and vocalisations. Lagorchestes hirsutus is predominantly nocturnal and its activity patterns and body postures resemble those recorded for other species of small macropods. It appears to be a relatively solitary animal but there was some evidence of social organisation within animals maintained in captivity. Aspects of the sexual and aggressive behaviour of L. hirsutus appear to resemble more closely those of the potoroids than of larger macropodids.

Fourteen sites occupied by Lagorchestes conspicillatus in the Northern Territory were examined from July to September 1986. The abundance of possible food items at each site was estimated by measuring the percentage cover of herbs, grasses and shrubs with foliage below one metre. Also recorded was the abundance of potential shelters, including grass tussocks, spinifex hummocks (Plectrachne and Triodia spp.) and low shrubs and trees. All sites possessed trees (more than 10 per ha) and shrubs (more than 5 per ha) together with more than 0.5% cover of green grass foliage. A model of suitable habitat was constructed using the 1986 results, and this was tested within the species' range in the Pilbara, Western Australia, and near Daly Waters in the Northern Territory in 1987. The abundance of L. conspicillatus was scored at control sites (sites with all features considered essential on the basis of 1986 data) and test sites (sites lacking 1-2 'essential' features). These data indicated that L, conspicillatus can occur at sites with as little as 0.2% cover of green grass provided there is more than 1.5% herb cover. Sites with no green grass (less than 0.2%) were usually not occupied. All sites occupied by L. conspicillatus had potentially suitable shelters, either shrubs, grass tussocks or spinifex hummocks within 50m of the feeding areas. Diet selection by L. conspicillatus during the 1986 and 1987 dry seasons was as follows: (a) herbs were eaten in preference to other food items except certain seeds; (b) grass formed at least 10% of faecal contents irrespective of herb cover; and (c) at sites with less than 0.5% herb cover the levels of grass in the faeces increased to compensate for the low availability of herbs.

The impact of roads on local biodiversity is a major issue associated with urbanisation. A major arterial road in the southern suburbs of Brisbane, south-east Queensland, was upgraded in 2004–05 from two to four lanes. In an attempt to minimise the impact of the larger road on local wildlife populations, a range of fauna crossing structures were constructed at the site. Monitoring of road-kill was undertaken for 4 months before construction and after the completion of construction. Assessment of the use of two underpasses and a large overpass (‘land-bridge’) started 6 months after construction using sand tracking in underpasses and scat sampling on the land-bridge. An initial 26-week period of intensive monitoring was undertaken from August 2005 to February 2006 followed by monthly monitoring from June 2006 to June 2007. On average, 1–5 tracks per day were detected in the underpasses at the start of the survey, increasing steadily to ~42 tracks per day by February 2006. The monthly survey showed regular use of the underpasses by a wide range of species and species-groups, the most abundant being ‘rodents’, most likely Rattus species, both native and introduced. The land-bridge was also used continuously by three species of macropod (red-necked wallaby, Macropus rufogriseus; swamp wallaby, Wallabia bicolor; and eastern grey kangaroo, Macropus giganteus) with brown hare (Lepus capensis) becoming increasingly common in summer 2006. The exclusion fencing was extremely effective in preventing most road-kill, at least of larger species, except following human-related breaches in the fence.

This paper presents the first application of mammal tooth enamel carbonate stable isotope analysis for the purpose of investigating late Pleistocene–early Holocene environmental change in an Australian archaeological context. Stable carbon (δ13C) and oxygen (δ18O) isotope ratios were analyzed from archaeological and modern spectacled hare wallaby (Lagorchestes conspicillatus) and hill kangaroo (Osphranter robustus) tooth enamel carbonates from Boodie Cave on Barrow Island in Western Australia. δ18O results track the dynamic paleoecological history at Boodie Cave including a clear shift towards increasing aridity preceding the onset of the Last Glacial Maximum and a period of increased humidity in the early to mid-Holocene. Enamel δ13C reflects divergent species feeding ecology and may imply a long-term shift toward increasing diversity in vegetation structure. This study contributes new data to the carbonate-isotope record for Australian fauna and demonstrates the significant potential of stable isotope based ecological investigations for tracking paleoenvironment change to inter-strata resolution.

Monitoring programs for populations of small or medium-sized animals often use live-capture or photo-monitoring trapping methods to estimate population size. The banded hare-wallaby (Lagostrophus fasciatus), a small macropodiform marsupial, does not readily enter traps or have individually unique distinguishing physical features and is consequently difficult to monitor using these methods. Isolating DNA from faecal material to obtain individual genotypes is a promising monitoring technique and may present an alternative approach for this species. We developed novel species-specific microsatellite markers and undertook trials to assess faecal DNA degradation in ambient environmental conditions at two locations where this species has been translocated. The quality of DNA yielded from faecal pellets was evaluated through amplification failure and genotyping error rates of microsatellite markers. Error rates were compared for different treatments and exposure duration across multiple individuals. DNA was successfully obtained from all samples and error rates increased with exposure duration, peaking after 14–30 days depending on the site and treatment. The level of solar exposure was the most significant factor affecting degradation rate but both this and exposure duration had significant effects on amplification failure. Analysing DNA obtained from faecal pellets may represent a practical non-invasive method of deriving population estimates for this species and warrants further development.

Lagorchestes conspicillatus has a widespread distribution across northern Australia. Observations were made on reproduction in captive animals and a key produced for age determination of pouch young. Females commence breeding at about one year of age and males when slightly older. Reproduction in this species involved an oestrous cycle of 30 days, a gestation period of 29-31 days and a mean pouch life of 152 days. A postpartum oestrus and mating following a birth was the normal pattern of reproduction.

Kangaroos and kin (Macropodiformes) are the most conspicuous elements of the Australasian marsupial fauna. The approximately 70 living species can be divided into three families: (1) Hypsiprymnodontidae (the musky rat kangaroo); (2) Potoroidae (potoroos and bettongs); and (3) Macropodidae (larger kangaroos, wallabies, banded hare wallaby and pademelons). Here we examine macropodiform relationships using protein-coding portions of the ApoB, BRCA1, IRBP, Rag1 and vWF genes via maximum parsimony, maximum likelihood and Bayesian methods. We estimate times of divergence using two different relaxed molecular clock methods to present a timescale for macropodiform evolution and reconstruct ancestral states for grades of dental organisation. We find robust support for a basal split between Hypsiprymnodontidae and the other macropodiforms, potoroid monophyly and macropodid monophyly, with Lagostrophus as the sister-taxon to all other macropodids. Our divergence estimates suggest that kangaroos diverged from Phalangeroidea in the early Eocene, that crown-group Macropodiformes originated in the late Eocene or early Oligocene and that the potoroid–macropodid split occurred in the late Oligocene or early Miocene followed by rapid cladogenesis within these families 5 to 15 million years ago. These divergence estimates coincide with major geological and ecological changes in Australia. Ancestral state reconstructions for grades of dental organisation suggest that the grazer grade evolved independently on two different occasions within Macropodidae.

Current phylogenetic hypotheses of the relationships of Australian marsupials were tested by microcomplement fixation of albumin. The study involved antisera to albumins of 56 species, and cross- reactions to albumins of 199 species. The most notable and controversial features of the study were as follows. (1) Two major lineages are evident among the Australian marsupials- bandicoots-dasyuroids and diprotodontids; the marsupial mole represents a third lineage. (2) The honey possum Tarsipes is clearly a diprotodontid. (3) Acrobates and Distoechurus are monophyletic, but they are not burramyids; they are closely related to Tarsipes; moreover the Acrobates-Distoechurus-Tarsipes clade may be close to petaurids. (4) The New Guinean species of Antechinus are more closely related to the New Guinean Murexia than to Australian species of Antechinus. (5) The bandicoots fall into two groups-the New Guinean genera and the Australian genera; the bilby, Macrotis lagotis, is not clearly distinct from the bandicoots, and may be monophyletic with the New Guinean genera. (6) The banded hare-wallaby Lagostrophus is clearly the sister-group to all other extant macropodines, and may be monophyletic with potoroines rather than macropodines. (7) The genus Macropus may be paraphyletic. (8) The tree-kangaroos Dendrolagus may be closely related to the rock-wallabies and their allies (Petrogale, Peradorcas and Thylogale). (9) The genus Pseudocheirus (ringtail possums) is paraphyletic and its species are highly divergent at the molecular level. (10) The cuscuses (genus Phalanger) are probably a monophyletic assemblage.

AbstractSpecimen identification is the backbone of archeozoological research. The challenge of differentiating postcranial skeletal elements of closely related wild animals in biodiverse regions can prove a barrier to understanding past human foraging behaviours. Morphometrics are increasingly being employed to classify paleozoological animal remains, however, the potential of these methods to discriminate between wild animal groups has yet to be fully realised. Here we demonstrate the applicability of a traditional morphometric approach to taxonomically classify foot and ankle bones of kangaroos, a large and highly diverse marsupial family. Using multiple discriminant analysis, we classify archaeological specimens from Boodie Cave, in northwest Australia and identify the presence of two locally extinct macropod species during the terminal Pleistocene. The appearance of the banded hare-wallaby and northern nail-tail wallaby in the Pilbara region at this time provides independent evidence of the ecological and human responses to a changing climate at the end of the last Ice Age. Traditional morphometrics provides an accessible, inexpensive, and non-destructive tool for paleozoological specimen classification and has substantial potential for applications to other diverse wild faunas.

Historians have often been compared with detectives; searching for clues as evidence of a mystery they are seeking to solve. I would prefer an association with food, making history like a trained cook who blends particular ingredients, some fresh, some traditional, using specific methods to create an object that is consumed. There are primary sources, fresh and raw ingredients that you often have to go to great lengths to procure, and secondary sources, prepared initially by someone else. The same recipe may yield different meals, the same meal may provoke different responses. On a continuum of approaches to history and food, there are those who approach both as a scientific endeavour and, at the other end of the spectrum, those who make history and food as art. Brought together, it is possible to see cookbooks as history in at least two important ways; they give meaning to the past by representing culinary heritage and they are in themselves sources of history as documents and blueprints for experiences that can be interpreted to represent the past. Many people read cookbooks and histories with no intention of preparing the meal or becoming a historian. I do a little of both. I enjoy reading history and cookbooks for pleasure but, as a historian, I also read them interchangeably; histories to understand cookbooks and cookbooks to find out more about the past. History and the past are different of course, despite their use in the English language. It is not possible to relive the past, we can only interpret it through the traces that remain. Even if a reader had an exact recipe and an antique stove, vegetables grown from heritage seeds in similar conditions, eggs and grains from the same region and employed the techniques his or her grandparents used, they could not replicate their experience of a meal. Undertaking those activities though would give a reader a sense of that experience. Active examination of the past is possible through the processes of research and writing, but it will always be an interpretation and not a reproduction of the past itself. Nevertheless, like other histories, cookbooks can convey a sense of what was important in a culture, and what contemporaries might draw on that can resonate a cultural past and make the food palatable. The way people eat relates to how they apply ideas and influences to the material resources and knowledge they have. Used in this way, cookbooks provide a rich and valuable way to look at the past. Histories, like cookbooks, are written in the present, inspired and conditioned by contemporary issues and attitudes and values. Major shifts in interpretation or new directions in historical studies have more often arisen from changes in political or theoretical preoccupations, generated by contemporary social events, rather than the recovery of new information. Likewise, the introduction of new ingredients or methods rely on contemporary acceptance, as well as familiarity. How particular versions of history and new recipes promote both the past and present is the concern of this paper. My focus below will be on the nineteenth century, although a much larger study would reveal the circumstances that separated that period from the changes that followed. Until the late nineteenth century Australians largely relied on cookbooks that were brought with them from England and on their own private recipe collection, and that influenced to a large extent the sort of food that they ate, although of course they had to improvise by supplementing with local ingredients. In the first book of recipes that was published in Australia, The English and Australian Cookery Book that appeared in 1864, Edward Abbott evoked the ‘roast beef of old England Oh’ (Bannerman, Dictionary). The use of such a potent symbol of English identity in the nineteenth century may seem inevitable, and colonists who could afford them tended to use their English cookbooks and the ingredients for many years, even after Abbott’s publication. New ingredients, however, were often adapted to fit in with familiar culinary expectations in the new setting. Abbott often drew on native and exotic ingredients to produce very familiar dishes that used English methods and principles: things like kangaroo stuffed with beef suet, breadcrumbs, parsley, shallots, marjoram, thyme, nutmeg, pepper, salt, cayenne, and egg. It was not until the 1890s that a much larger body of Australian cookbooks became available, but by this time the food supply was widely held to be secure and abundant and the cultivation of exotic foods in Australia like wheat and sheep and cattle had established a long and familiar food supply for English colonists. Abbott’s cookbook provides a record of the culinary heritage settlers brought with them to Australia and the contemporary circumstances they had to adapt to. Mrs Beeton’s Cookery Book and Household Guide is an example of the popularity of British cookbooks in Australia. Beeton’s Kangaroo Tail Curry was included in the Australian cooking section of her household management (2860). In terms of structure it is important for historians as one of the first times, because Beeton started writing in the 1860s, that ingredients were clearly distinguished from the method. This actually still presents considerable problems for publishers. There is debate about whether that should necessarily be the case, because it takes up so much space on the page. Kangaroo Tail CurryIngredients:1 tail2 oz. Butter1 tablespoon of flour1 tablespoon of curry2 onions sliced1 sour apple cut into dice1 desert spoon of lemon juice3/4 pint of stocksaltMethod:Wash, blanch and dry the tail thoroughly and divide it at the joints. Fry the tail in hot butter, take it up, put it in the sliced onions, and fry them for 3 or 4 minutes without browning. Sprinkle in the flour and curry powder, and cook gently for at least 20 minutes, stirring frequently. Add the stock, apple, salt to taste, bring to the boil, stirring meanwhile, and replace the tail in the stew pan. Cover closely, and cook gently until tender, then add the lemon juice and more seasoning if necessary. Arrange the pieces of tail on a hot dish, strain the sauce over, and serve with boiled rice.Time: 2-3 hoursSufficient for 1 large dish. Although the steps are not clearly distinguished from each other the method is more systematic than earlier recipes. Within the one sentence, however, there are still two or three different sorts of tasks. The recipe also requires to some extent a degree of discretion, knowledge and experience of cooking. Beeton suggests adding things to taste, cooking something until it is tender, so experience or knowledge is necessary to fulfil the recipe. The meal also takes between two and three hours, which would be quite prohibitive for a lot of contemporary cooks. New recipes, like those produced in Delicious have recipes that you can do in ten minutes or half an hour. Historically, that is a new development that reveals a lot about contemporary conditions. By 1900, Australian interest in native food had pretty much dissolved from the record of cookbooks, although this would remain a feature of books for the English public who did not need to distinguish themselves from Indigenous people. Mrs Beeton’s Cookery Book and Household Guide gave a selection of Australian recipes but they were primarily for the British public rather than the assumption that they were being cooked in Australia: kangaroo tail soup was cooked in the same way as ox tail soup; roast wallaby was compared to hare. The ingredients were wallaby, veal, milk and butter; and parrot pie was said to be not unlike one made of pigeons. The novelty value of such ingredients may have been of interest, rather than their practical use. However, they are all prepared in ways that would make them fairly familiar to European tastes. Introducing something new with the same sorts of ingredients could therefore proliferate the spread of other foods. The means by which ingredients were introduced to different regions reflects cultural exchanges, historical processes and the local environment. The adaptation of recipes to incorporate local ingredients likewise provides information about local traditions and contemporary conditions. Starting to see those ingredients as a two-way movement between looking at what might have been familiar to people and what might have been something that they had to do make do with because of what was necessarily available to them at that time tells us about their past as well as the times they are living in. Differences in the level of practical cooking knowledge also have a vital role to play in cookbook literature. Colin Bannerman has suggested that the shortage of domestic labour in Australia an important factor in supporting the growth of the cookbook industry in the late nineteenth century. The poor quality of Australian cooking was also an occasional theme in the press during the same time. The message was generally the same: bad food affected Australians’ physical, domestic, social and moral well-being and impeded progress towards civilisation and higher culture. The idea was really that Australians had to learn how to cook. Colin Bannerman (Acquired Tastes 19) explains the rise of domestic science in Australia as a product of growing interest in Australian cultural development and the curse of bad cookery, which encouraged support for teaching girls and women how to cook. Domestic Economy was integrated into the Victorian and New South Wales curriculum by the end of the nineteenth century. Australian women have faced constant criticism of their cooking skills but the decision to teach cooking shouldn’t necessarily be used to support that judgement. Placed in a broader framework is possible to see the support for a modern, scientific approach to food preparation as part of both the elevation of science and systematic knowledge in society more generally, and a transnational movement to raise the status of women’s role in society. It would also be misleading not to consider the transnational context. Australia’s first cookery teachers were from Britain. The domestic-science movement there can be traced to the congress on domestic economy held in Manchester in 1878, at roughly the same time as the movement was gaining strength in Australia. By the 1890s domestic economy was widely taught in both British and Australian schools, without British women facing the same denigration of their cooking skills. Other comparisons with Britain also resulted from Australia’s colonial heritage. People often commented on the quality of the ingredients in Australia and said they were more widely available than they were in England but much poorer in quality. Cookbooks emerged as a way of teaching people. Among the first to teach cookery skills was Mina Rawson, author of The Antipodean Cookery Book and the Kitchen Companion first published in 1885. The book was a compilation of her own recipes and remedies, and it organised and simplified food preparation for the ordinary housewife. But the book also included directions and guidance on things like household tasks and how to cure diseases. Cookbooks therefore were not completely distinct from other aspects of everyday life. They offered much more than culinary advice on how to cook a particular meal and can similarly be used by historians to comment on more than food. Mrs Rawson also knew that people had to make do. She included a lot of bush foods that you still do not get in a lot of Australian meals, ingredients that people could substitute for the English ones they were used to like pig weed. By the end of the nineteenth century cooking had become a recognised classroom subject, providing early training in domestic service, and textbooks teaching Australians how to cook also flourished. Measurements became much more uniform, the layout of cookbooks became more standardised and the procedure was clearly spelled out. This allowed companies to be able to sell their foods because it also meant that you could duplicate the recipes and they could potentially taste the same. It made cookbooks easier to use. The audience for these cookbooks were mostly young women directed to cooking as a way of encouraging social harmony. Cooking was elevated in lots of ways at this stage as a social responsibility. Cookbooks can also be seen as a representation of domestic life, and historically this prescribed the activities of men and women as being distinct The dominance of women in cookbooks in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries attested to the strength of that idea of separate spheres. The consequences of this though has been debated by historians: whether having that particular kind of market and the identification that women were making with each other also provided a forum for women’s voices and so became quite significant in women’s politics at a later date. Cookbooks have been a strategic marketing device for products and appliances. By the beginning of the twentieth century food companies began to print recipes on their packets and to release their own cookbooks to promote their products. Davis Gelatine produced its first free booklet in 1904 and other companies followed suit (1937). The largest gelatine factory was in New South Wales and according to Davis: ‘It bathed in sunshine and freshened with the light breezes of Botany all year round.’ These were the first lavishly illustrated Australian cookbooks. Such books were an attempt to promote new foods and also to sell local foods, many of which were overproduced – such as milk, and dried fruits – which provides insights into the supply chain. Cookbooks in some ways reflected the changing tastes of the public, their ideas, what they were doing and their own lifestyle. But they also helped to promote some of those sorts of changes too. Explaining the reason for cooking, Isabella Beeton put forward an historical account of the shift towards increasing enjoyment of it. She wrote: "In the past, only to live has been the greatest object of mankind, but by and by comforts are multiplied and accumulating riches create new wants. The object then is to not only live but to live economically, agreeably, tastefully and well. Accordingly the art of cookery commences and although the fruits of the earth, the fowls of the air, the beasts of the field and the fish of the sea are still the only food of mankind, yet these are so prepared, improved and dressed by skill and ingenuity that they are the means of immeasurably extending the boundaries of human enjoyment. Everything that is edible and passes under the hands of cooks is more or less changed and assumes new forms, hence the influence of that functionary is immense upon the happiness of the household" (1249). Beeton anticipates a growing trend not just towards cooking and eating but an interest in what sustains cooking as a form of recreation. The history of cookbook publishing provides a glimpse into some of those things. The points that I have raised provide a means for historians to use cookbooks. Cookbooks can be considered in terms of what was eaten, by whom and how: who prepared the food, so to whom the books were actually directed? Clever books like Isabella Beeton’s were directed at both domestic servants and at wives, which gave them quite a big market. There are also changes in the inclusion of themes. Economy and frugality becomes quite significant, as do organisation and management at different times. Changes in the extent of detail, changes in authorship, whether it is women, men, doctors, health professionals, home economists and so on all reflect contemporary concerns. Many books had particular purposes as well, used to fund raise or promote a particular perspective, relate food reform and civic life which gives them a political agenda. Promotional literature produced by food and kitchen equipment companies were a form of advertising and quite significant to the history of cookbook publishing in Australia. Other themes include the influence of cookery school and home economics movements; advice on etiquette and entertaining; the influence of immigration and travel; the creation of culinary stars and authors of which we are all fairly familiar. Further themes include changes in ingredients, changes in advice about health and domestic medicine, and the impact of changes in social consciousness. It is necessary to place those changes in a more general historical context, but for a long time cookbooks have been ignored as a source of information in their own right about the period in which they were published and the kinds of social and political changes that we can see coming through. More than this active process of cooking with the books as well becomes a way of imagining the past in quite different ways than historians are often used to. Cookbooks are not just sources for historians, they are histories in themselves. The privileging of written and visual texts in postcolonial studies has meant other senses, taste and smell, are frequently neglected; and yet the cooking from historical cookbooks can provide an embodied, sensorial image of the past. From nineteenth century cookbooks it is possible to see that British foods were central to the colonial identity project in Australia, but the fact that “British” culinary culture was locally produced, challenges the idea of an “authentic” British cuisine which the colonies tried to replicate. By the time Abbot was advocating rabbit curry as an Australian family meal, back “at home” in England, it was not authentic Indian food but the British invention of curry power that was being incorporated into English cuisine culture. More than cooks, cookbook authors told a narrative that forged connections and disconnections with the past. They reflected the contemporary period and resonated with the culinary heritage of their readers. Cookbooks make history in multiple ways; by producing change, as the raw materials for making history and as historical narratives. References Abbott, Edward. The English and Australian Cookery Book: Cookery for the Many, as well as the Upper Ten Thousand. London: Sampson Low, Son & Marston, 1864. Bannerman, Colin. Acquired Tastes: Celebrating Australia’s Culinary History. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 1998. Bannerman, Colin. "Abbott, Edward (1801–1869)." Australian Dictionary of Biography. National Centre of Biography, Australian National University. 21 May 2013. . Beeton, Isabella. Mrs Beeton’s Book of Household Management. New Ed. London and Melbourne: Ward, Lock and Co. Ltd., n.d. (c. 1909). Davis Gelatine. Davis Dainty Dishes. Rev ed. Sydney: Davis Gelatine Organization, 1937. Rawson, Lance Mrs. The Antipodean Cookery Book and Kitchen Companion. Melbourne: George Robertson & Co., 1897.