Thematische Bibliographien / Human rights, korea

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Human rights, korea“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 28. Februar 2023

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Human rights, korea"

Woong Lee, Won. „Politics of Human Rights in North Korea“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, Nr. 3-4 (Juni 2007): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607076702.

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The international community is now paying more attention to `the systemic, widespread and grave violations of international human rights norms' (United Nations ECOSOC Resolution 1503, (1970) See Burgental (1995)) in North Korea due to its chronic famine and nuclear ambition. The issues and engagement politics regarding human rights in North Korea constitute hot political debates. There are three key factors to improve human rights status in North Korea: the consistent international censure; enlarging engagement and people contact through inter-Korean relations; and economic reform in North Korea. These factors are interrelated and affect each other. The crucial point is to press and induce the North Korean regime to a compromise path.

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Na, Hye Young, und Sang Il Ryu. „The Critical Review of the Discourse of North Korean Human Rights and International Anti-corruption: Focused on the Paradox of Human Rights and Sovereignty“. Crisis and Emergency Management: Theory and Praxis 12, Nr. 8 (31.08.2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/jscm.2022.8.29.

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The corruption scandal of North Korea has seen by UN reports said the food and humanitarian aid being diverted to corrupt bureaucrat, whereby requesting to open an investigation. Given int'l inquiry, North Korea has responded by the paradox of human rights and sovereignty, which reflected human security and the principle of nonintervention. That is not, however, only North Korea's assertion in which some way analogous to a long-standing claim of the third world : the issue of North and South, and imperialism versus anti-colonialism. From the sense, the analysis has focused the normative issue of human rights and state sovereignty, and has explored the sphere of the notion in which North Korea engaged the Third World enquiring the justice of the core in line with anti-corruption regime's evolvement. Secondly, it evolved to show what attributes the paradoxical logic to North Korean regime's highly rigid political sense, namely sovereign priority.

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DiFilippo, Anthony. „History, Ideology, and Human Rights“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, Nr. 2 (01.06.2020): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.153.

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This article will analyze the connection between history, countervailing ideologies, that is, the legacy of the Cold War, and the perceived identification of human rights violations as they pertain to countries with major security interests in Northeast Asia. This article will further show that the enduring nuclear-weapons problem in North Korea has been inextricably linked to human rights issues there, specifically because Washington wants to change the behavior of officials in Pyongyang so that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) becomes a state that at least remotely resembles a liberal democracy. Although supported by much of the international community, including the United States' South Korean and Japanese allies in Northeast Asia, Washington's North Korean policy has remained ineffective, as Pyongyang has continued to perform missile testing and still possesses nuclear weapons.

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Hyuk, Kim Myung. „Human Rights in Korea“. Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 3, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1986): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026537888600300413.

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WOLMAN, Andrew. „National Human Rights Commissions and Asian Human Rights Norms“. Asian Journal of International Law 3, Nr. 1 (30.11.2012): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251312000306.

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Ever since the beginning of the “Asian Values” debate in the early 1990s, there have been efforts on the part of many societal actors to establish distinctively Asian human rights norms that integrate local customary values and international human rights norms. This article presents the claim that National Human Rights Commissions in Asia are well placed to play an important role in this effort to develop localized human rights norms because of their close links with local civil actors, along with their independence from government control, pluralistic make-up, and ability to address complex rights issues in detail. The article also presents a study of how the National Human Rights Commission of Korea has used its powers to prioritize and promote a particularly Korean version of the human rights of the elderly.

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Cho, Jung-hyun, und Min-Jung Paik. „A deliberately delayed or forgotten issue: North Korean human rights as an international legal problem“. International Area Studies Review 22, Nr. 1 (07.02.2019): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919825783.

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In spite of the recent bilateral peace talks and developments between South and North Korea and between the US and North Korea, it needs to be reminded that the human rights condition in North Korea is already an established legal subject, protected by both international and domestic law, and therefore, unless the human rights condition in North Korea is significantly improved, this issue cannot be legally terminated. In this vein, this paper intends to examine the ways that the issue on North Korean human rights is handled both in international law (especially by the UN, including criminal punishment) and domestic law (especially by the US, including human rights sanctions), and then identify some policy implications for addressing the human rights issue in the context of the Korean peninsula peace talks.

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Soh, Changrok, Daniel Connolly, Sung H. Lee und Haejo Kang. „New Technologies, Human Rights, and COVID-19: Evaluating the South Korean Response“. APEC Studies Association of Korea 14, Nr. 1 (30.06.2022): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.52595/jas.14.1.37.

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The containment and management of the COVID-19 pandemic and its impacts have been a leading priority for nations since its onset in early 2020. South Korea is widely recognized as having one of the best responses to the pandemic without utilizing strict lockdowns or authoritarian measures to safeguard public health and the economy. To do this, Korea utilized new digital technologies at every stage of the process to ensure that infected individuals were tested, traced, and treated, also known as the Three T Strategy. However, the Korean case also shows how the use of technological forms of governance can aggravate preexisting human rights problems and how it can dynamically create new types of victims through enhanced capabilities that allow for the surveillance, categorization, and control of populations. This paper theorizes the Korean Three T Strategy and its constituent technologies as a datafication cycle and critically explores its human rights impacts. It finds that the use of new technologies to combat COVID-19 avoided some kinds of human rights violations associated with lockdowns in other countries, but also created the potential for human rights violations that were more obscure, complex, and difficult to measure. This finding suggests that while new technologies can help mitigate the trade-offs between economic growth, public health, and human rights, their usage alone does not provide a comprehensive solution.

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GOEDDE, Patricia. „Human Rights Diffusion in North Korea: The Impact of Transnational Legal Mobilization“. Asian Journal of Law and Society 5, Nr. 1 (15.08.2017): 175–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2017.20.

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AbstractThis article asks how legal mechanisms are employed outside of North Korea to achieve human rights diffusion in the country; to what extent these result in human rights diffusion in North Korea; and whether measures beyond accountability can be pursued in tandem for more productive engagement. Specifically, it examines how the North Korean government has interacted with the globalized legal regime of human rights vis-à-vis the UN and details the legal processes and implications of the UN Commission of Inquiry report, including domestic legislation, and evidence collection. While transnational legal mobilization has gathered momentum on the accountability side, it is significantly weaker in terms of achieving human rights protection within North Korea given the government’s perception of current human rights discourse as part of an externally produced war repertoire. Thus, efforts to engage the North Korean population and government require concurrent reframing of human rights discourse into more localized and relatable contexts.

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최정학. „1987-2007 Human Rights and Human Rights Movement in Korea“. Democratic Legal Studies ll, Nr. 35 (Dezember 2007): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15756/dls.2007..35.49.

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이병하. „International Human Rights Norms and Migrants' Rights in Korea“. 21st centry Political Science Review 24, Nr. 1 (Mai 2014): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.24.1.201405.269.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Human rights, korea"

Hollenbaugh, Shaun D. „Human rights and U.S. Foreign Policy in North Korea“. Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/13438.

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In an effort to maintain peace and stability in the East Asia region, and more specifically on the Korean peninsula, the U.S. faces an enormous challenge. The collapse of the Soviet Union, repeated natural disasters, and gross regime mismanagement of economic and social resources have left thousands of North Koreans starving, while at the same time the DPRK spends exorbitant amounts of money on its military. To maintain both its legitimacy and security, the Pyongyang regime purposely and willfully commits many human right violations against its own citizens. Current U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea is centered on the nuclear "Agreed Framework" and the perceived military threat that the DPRK poses to South Korea and the region. To date, human rights issues have not been a viable part of U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea. In response, this thesis proposes foreign and security policies that clearly address the connections between human rights issues and the North Korean military threat.

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Lee, Eunna. „Human Rights and Social Welfare after the 1997 Financial Crisis in South Korea“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.520092.

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Nam, Heesob. „Human rights approach in global intellectual property regime : with case studies on the US-Korea FTA and the EU-Korea FTA“. Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2018. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/36226.

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From its emergence to its expansion, intellectual property (IP) has not been isolated from trade. However, in the late 1970s, business interests in the United States (US) exerted powerful pressure, leading to IP norms becoming increasingly trade-centric. Hypothesis of this thesis is that such trade-centric IP norms, encouraged and formed by the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), and subsequent TRIPS-plus rules pursued by the two most active actors, the US and the European Union (EU), fail to achieve the intended purposes of IP protection. This normalization of tradecentric regulation also creates conflict with a range of economic, social and cultural values that have significant human rights implications. The goal of this thesis is to: (a) critically examine this predominance of trade in contemporary IP norms; and (b) provide a counter framework for IP policy reform. It seeks to do this by juxtaposing the theoretical and empirical aspects of IP norms against human rights. This study will pursue to prove the hypothesis by conducting case studies on two free trade agreements (FTAs) enacted by South Korea with the US and the EU. The thesis concludes that, on the whole, the context of human rights provides a just counter framework that can unify the diverse range of issues. This is more so given that human rights are strengthened by international consensual norms institutionalised by intergovernmental organisations and supported by transnational advocacy networks. Nevertheless, this thesis advocates that an overemphasis on state and individuals in the human rights discourse needs to be challenged by taking into account the dominance of global economic regulations, the prevailing role of non-state actors, and the culturally relative nature of IP.

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Song, Jiyoung. „The discourse of human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea : historical, political, and cultural perspectives“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611817.

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Chang, Jacqueline Danielle. „Politics of North Korean refugees and regional security implications“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FChang.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, and The Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Twomey, Christopher. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 10, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: North Korean refugees, Six Party, Republic of Korea, ROK, South Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK, North Korea, China, Japan, Russia, Northeast Asia regional stability, UNC, CFC, USFK, UNC Rear, UNC Sending States, Korean diaspora, assimilation, immigration, human rights, humanitarian assistance, stability and reconstruction operations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-70). Also available in print.

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Heo, Min Sook. „Globally Agreed Upon, Locally Troubled: The Construction of Anti-Violence Legislation, Human Rights Discourse, and Domestic Violence in South Korea“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1204638219.

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Sung, Minkyu. „The biopolitical otherization of North Korea: a critique of anti-North Koreanism in the twilight of neo-liberalism and new conservatism“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/604.

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My main argument in this dissertation is that popular nationalism in post-war South Korea, unlike the conventional claim to it among many South Korean critical intellectuals and unification policy-makers, cannot serve as an antidote to anti-North Koreanism. On the contrary, it is problematic that the cultural politics of national identification, prescribed as an authentic critical tool of challenging anti-North Koreanism, helps program hierarchical inter-Korea relationships by exposing the South Korean public to anomalous cultural-political characteristics of North Koreans. It also does so by creating popular discourses that have reinforced unification policy agendas that frame the development of North Korea in terms that would make it amenable to the needs of transnational capitalism and the legitimacy of liberal human rights discourse. This critical endeavor claims that the critique of anti-North Koreanism cannot be successful without problematizing the idea of discontinuity that stresses there is a rupture between cold war and post-cold war forms of anti-North Koreanism. This is because any un-scrutinized presumption of the historical transition can only confuse critical interpretations of the role of national identification while thereby reinforcing policy-driven resolutions for inter-Korea sociability. Thus, I locate the significance of my work in a democratic call for South Korean critical communication and cultural studies as well as the public to effectively deconstruct the contingent discursive collaboration of national identification and anti-North Koreanism that complies with transnational globalization.

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Lee, Calvin C., und calvin lee@rmit edu au. „Confucian humanism as the foundation of human rights and economic ethics: a study of Korea, Japan and the Republic of China“. RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080228.121903.

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This study is about Confucian humanism as the foundation of human rights and economic ethics. The study covers Korea, Japan and the Republic of China. The main research question lies in how Confucian humanism emerged as an enduring tradition, and how it impacts upon human rights and economic ethics of the three nations on their individual paths towards globalizing civil societies. Research elements are (i) literature review, (ii) focus group discussions and (iii) documentation corroborations. Literature reviews covered scholarly works of East Asia and international scholars. Narrative data were obtained from the focus group discussions. Documentation corroboration complemented the focus group discussions. The study explores the origin of Confucianism and proceeds to examine how the Confucian philosophical tradition gave naissance to Confucian humanism. From Confucian humanism, the thesis proceeds to Confucian governance (ching shih). Alternative political views of more egalitarian Confucian schools such as of Mencius also take up a good part of the governance theme. The role of life long self-cultivation is seen as the foundation of character-building for respective societal roles within Confucian ethics and social ethos. The modern democratic institution of human rights is argued as having emerged from the fertile demo-centric Confucian social psychology, but benefited directly from the Western institutional models. Discussions on the tradition of Confucianism and that of Confucian humanism progress through the important turning points throughout history, i.e., the Classic age of Confucius, the Neo-Confucian reformation, the Practical Learning sub-era of the Neo-Confucian era, and, finally, the contemporary Neo-Confucian. The discussions highlight that the Confucian tradition of 'humanity' that Confucius and his disciples formulated in the Classical age endured through the ages to modernity. They also point to the notion that Confucians pursued their intellectual, moral and aesthetic ideals to the highest possible level through the system of learning, philosophizing, and practicing in the tradition. The Confucian cosmology of the 'human to nature' nexus and the Confucian spirituality of cosmic immanence in the 'self' provide clues to the multi-layer structure of Confucian consciousness of self, selves and the greater self, namely society or the Heaven itself. The Neo-Confucian school of 'mind and heart' learning reinforced the inquiry into selves in nexus to nature and the universe. Religious tolerance and the adaptability of Confucianism have stood out as important qualities in the globalization of East-Asian values and ethos, i.e., Confucian 'souls and decorum.' Japan, as an island nation with a unique perception of its self-identity, employs Confucianism, still considered fundamentally as the philosophy of China, to reinforce the national identity without compromising the integrity of the Japanese tradition and sensitivity. Japanese aesthetic sensitivity would place aesthetic unity with nature on equal footing with that of moral unity with the world. Secularism and spirituality of Confucianism benefited from the peaceful co-existence amongst the three great philosophical traditions of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. The thesis as an inquiry into Confucian humanism as a living tradition concludes by answering the main research question and its three associated postulates.

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Seo, Hyunjin. „Media coverage of six-party talks a comparative study on media content and journalists' perceptions /“. Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5005.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 30, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

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Cho, Jung-hyun. „The interaction and co-action of refugee law and human rights law : the protection of North Korean escapees under international law“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24420.

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Hundreds of thousands of North Koreans have escaped from their home country since the mid-1990s. Although it is a Party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, China, the main host country receiving escapees, has constantly denied their refugee status without any proper procedures and sent all of the North Korean Escapees (NKEs) back to the high probability of torture and even execution. The application of international refugee law to the NKE case has been tried, mainly focusing on the refugee status of NKEs together with the principle of non-refoulement. However, their status as Convention or political refugee is seriously challenged by the main host country, and this requires us to consider – while developing stronger arguments under refugee law, e.g. ‘Republikflucht’ – additional forms of protection that may be available under other areas of international law. Given that human rights law can apply to any persons irrespective of their legal status such as refugees or illegal immigrants, it seems to be a promising alternative to refugee law. In this context, the contents of human rights treaties to which China is a Party need to be carefully examined: among others the 1984 Convention against Torture. This thesis breaks new ground in offering a systematic examination of the rights of asylum-seekers not only under refugee law but also under human rights law and other areas of international law. Part one deals with refugee law issues such as political refugees and NKEs (Ch. II), humanitarian refugees and NKEs (Ch. III) and protection measures under refugee law (Ch. IV). Part Two discusses human rights applicable to NKEs based on international human rights law (Ch. V) and the protection mechanisms available to NKEs under this area of law (Ch. VI). Taking into account the positive ‘interaction’ between international refugee law and human rights law, the ‘co-action’ of both laws should be pursued and supported for the protection of the desperate NKEs.

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Bücher zum Thema "Human rights, korea"

Service, Korean Overseas Information, Hrsg. Human rights in Korea. Seoul, Republic of Korea: Korean Overseas Information Service, 1990.

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Asia Watch Committee (U.S.), Hrsg. Human rights in Korea. New York, NY (36 W. 44th St., New York 10036): Asia Watch Committee, 1986.

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Human rights and North Korea. Seoul: Institute of Unification Policy, Hanyang University, 1999.

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Choi, Sung-Chul. Human rights and North Korea. Seoul: Institute of Unification Policy, Hanyang University, 1999.

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Chʻoe, Sŏng-chʻŏl. Human rights and North Korea. Seoul: International Human Rights League of Korea, 1999.

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1942-, Chʻoe Sŏng-chʻŏl, Hrsg. Human rights in North Korea. Seoul: Center for the Advancement of North Korean Human Rights, 1995.

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1942-, Chʻoe Sŏng-chʻŏl, und Center for the Advancement of North Korean Human Rights., Hrsg. Understanding human rights in North Korea. Seoul: Center for the Advancement of North Korean Human Rights, 1997.

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Schifter, Richard. The human rights issue in Korea. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1987.

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Schifter, Richard. The human rights issue in Korea. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1987.

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Schifter, Richard. The human rights issue in Korea. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1987.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Human rights, korea"

Kirby, Michael. „North Korea and human rights“. In China and Human Rights in North Korea, 22–46. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003174844-3.

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Fahy, Sandra. „Human Rights and North Korea“. In Routledge Handbook Of Contemporary North Korea, 199–214. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429440762-13.

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Lee, Inyeop. „North Korean human rights“. In Politics in North and South Korea, 170–91. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315627014-10.

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Kyungmook, Kim. „Development or human rights first?“ In China and Human Rights in North Korea, 98–120. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003174844-7.

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He, Baogang. „China's roles in the UN Human Rights Council regarding North Korea's human rights“. In China and Human Rights in North Korea, 47–71. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003174844-4.

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Cohen, Roberta. „Human Rights in North Korea: Addressing the Challenges“. In Transitional Justice in Unified Korea, 75–92. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-53454-5_5.

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Pan, Chengxin. „A development-based approach to human rights“. In China and Human Rights in North Korea, 75–97. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003174844-6.

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Carranza Ko, Ñusta. „Converging Human Rights and Transitional Justice“. In Truth, Justice, and Reparations in Peru, Uruguay, and South Korea, 31–56. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4939-1_2.

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Ndulo, Muna B. „Transitional Justice: Response to Human Rights Violations by International Institutions“. In Transitional Justice in Unified Korea, 49–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-53454-5_4.

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He, Baogang, Chengxin Pan und David Hundt. „A developmental approach to North Korea's human rights problem“. In China and Human Rights in North Korea, 3–21. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003174844-2.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Human rights, korea"

Kwon, Soonjung. „The Relevance of Students' Human Rights and Ecological Transition Education in South Korea“. In 2022 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1897195.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Human rights, korea"

Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh und Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, Dezember 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.

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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.

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