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Thematische Bibliographien / Human rights, korea / Zeitschriftenartikel

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Human rights, korea“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 28. Februar 2023

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1

Woong Lee, Won. „Politics of Human Rights in North Korea“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, Nr. 3-4 (Juni 2007): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607076702.

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The international community is now paying more attention to `the systemic, widespread and grave violations of international human rights norms' (United Nations ECOSOC Resolution 1503, (1970) See Burgental (1995)) in North Korea due to its chronic famine and nuclear ambition. The issues and engagement politics regarding human rights in North Korea constitute hot political debates. There are three key factors to improve human rights status in North Korea: the consistent international censure; enlarging engagement and people contact through inter-Korean relations; and economic reform in North Korea. These factors are interrelated and affect each other. The crucial point is to press and induce the North Korean regime to a compromise path.

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2

Na, Hye Young, und Sang Il Ryu. „The Critical Review of the Discourse of North Korean Human Rights and International Anti-corruption: Focused on the Paradox of Human Rights and Sovereignty“. Crisis and Emergency Management: Theory and Praxis 12, Nr. 8 (31.08.2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/jscm.2022.8.29.

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The corruption scandal of North Korea has seen by UN reports said the food and humanitarian aid being diverted to corrupt bureaucrat, whereby requesting to open an investigation. Given int'l inquiry, North Korea has responded by the paradox of human rights and sovereignty, which reflected human security and the principle of nonintervention. That is not, however, only North Korea's assertion in which some way analogous to a long-standing claim of the third world : the issue of North and South, and imperialism versus anti-colonialism. From the sense, the analysis has focused the normative issue of human rights and state sovereignty, and has explored the sphere of the notion in which North Korea engaged the Third World enquiring the justice of the core in line with anti-corruption regime's evolvement. Secondly, it evolved to show what attributes the paradoxical logic to North Korean regime's highly rigid political sense, namely sovereign priority.

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DiFilippo, Anthony. „History, Ideology, and Human Rights“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, Nr. 2 (01.06.2020): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.153.

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This article will analyze the connection between history, countervailing ideologies, that is, the legacy of the Cold War, and the perceived identification of human rights violations as they pertain to countries with major security interests in Northeast Asia. This article will further show that the enduring nuclear-weapons problem in North Korea has been inextricably linked to human rights issues there, specifically because Washington wants to change the behavior of officials in Pyongyang so that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) becomes a state that at least remotely resembles a liberal democracy. Although supported by much of the international community, including the United States' South Korean and Japanese allies in Northeast Asia, Washington's North Korean policy has remained ineffective, as Pyongyang has continued to perform missile testing and still possesses nuclear weapons.

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Hyuk, Kim Myung. „Human Rights in Korea“. Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 3, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1986): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026537888600300413.

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5

WOLMAN, Andrew. „National Human Rights Commissions and Asian Human Rights Norms“. Asian Journal of International Law 3, Nr. 1 (30.11.2012): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251312000306.

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Ever since the beginning of the “Asian Values” debate in the early 1990s, there have been efforts on the part of many societal actors to establish distinctively Asian human rights norms that integrate local customary values and international human rights norms. This article presents the claim that National Human Rights Commissions in Asia are well placed to play an important role in this effort to develop localized human rights norms because of their close links with local civil actors, along with their independence from government control, pluralistic make-up, and ability to address complex rights issues in detail. The article also presents a study of how the National Human Rights Commission of Korea has used its powers to prioritize and promote a particularly Korean version of the human rights of the elderly.

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Cho, Jung-hyun, und Min-Jung Paik. „A deliberately delayed or forgotten issue: North Korean human rights as an international legal problem“. International Area Studies Review 22, Nr. 1 (07.02.2019): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919825783.

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In spite of the recent bilateral peace talks and developments between South and North Korea and between the US and North Korea, it needs to be reminded that the human rights condition in North Korea is already an established legal subject, protected by both international and domestic law, and therefore, unless the human rights condition in North Korea is significantly improved, this issue cannot be legally terminated. In this vein, this paper intends to examine the ways that the issue on North Korean human rights is handled both in international law (especially by the UN, including criminal punishment) and domestic law (especially by the US, including human rights sanctions), and then identify some policy implications for addressing the human rights issue in the context of the Korean peninsula peace talks.

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Soh, Changrok, Daniel Connolly, Sung H. Lee und Haejo Kang. „New Technologies, Human Rights, and COVID-19: Evaluating the South Korean Response“. APEC Studies Association of Korea 14, Nr. 1 (30.06.2022): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.52595/jas.14.1.37.

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The containment and management of the COVID-19 pandemic and its impacts have been a leading priority for nations since its onset in early 2020. South Korea is widely recognized as having one of the best responses to the pandemic without utilizing strict lockdowns or authoritarian measures to safeguard public health and the economy. To do this, Korea utilized new digital technologies at every stage of the process to ensure that infected individuals were tested, traced, and treated, also known as the Three T Strategy. However, the Korean case also shows how the use of technological forms of governance can aggravate preexisting human rights problems and how it can dynamically create new types of victims through enhanced capabilities that allow for the surveillance, categorization, and control of populations. This paper theorizes the Korean Three T Strategy and its constituent technologies as a datafication cycle and critically explores its human rights impacts. It finds that the use of new technologies to combat COVID-19 avoided some kinds of human rights violations associated with lockdowns in other countries, but also created the potential for human rights violations that were more obscure, complex, and difficult to measure. This finding suggests that while new technologies can help mitigate the trade-offs between economic growth, public health, and human rights, their usage alone does not provide a comprehensive solution.

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GOEDDE, Patricia. „Human Rights Diffusion in North Korea: The Impact of Transnational Legal Mobilization“. Asian Journal of Law and Society 5, Nr. 1 (15.08.2017): 175–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2017.20.

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AbstractThis article asks how legal mechanisms are employed outside of North Korea to achieve human rights diffusion in the country; to what extent these result in human rights diffusion in North Korea; and whether measures beyond accountability can be pursued in tandem for more productive engagement. Specifically, it examines how the North Korean government has interacted with the globalized legal regime of human rights vis-à-vis the UN and details the legal processes and implications of the UN Commission of Inquiry report, including domestic legislation, and evidence collection. While transnational legal mobilization has gathered momentum on the accountability side, it is significantly weaker in terms of achieving human rights protection within North Korea given the government’s perception of current human rights discourse as part of an externally produced war repertoire. Thus, efforts to engage the North Korean population and government require concurrent reframing of human rights discourse into more localized and relatable contexts.

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최정학. „1987-2007 Human Rights and Human Rights Movement in Korea“. Democratic Legal Studies ll, Nr. 35 (Dezember 2007): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15756/dls.2007..35.49.

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10

이병하. „International Human Rights Norms and Migrants' Rights in Korea“. 21st centry Political Science Review 24, Nr. 1 (Mai 2014): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.24.1.201405.269.

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11

Hae-Cheol Byun. „Protection of human rights in Thai and Korea: National Human Rights Commission“. 동남아연구 17, Nr. 1 (August 2007): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.21485/hufsea.2007.17.1.004.

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12

sunhyang lee. „Bureaucratization of Human Rights Governance in Korea“. Discourse 201 20, Nr. 2 (Juni 2017): 75–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17789/discou.2017.20.2.003.

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13

김인재. „For Human Rights and Democracy in Korea“. Democratic Legal Studies ll, Nr. 49 (Juli 2012): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15756/dls.2012..49.7.

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14

Yoon, sukhyun. „Analysis of textbook descriptions of『 Korean History』 from the perspective of human rights and Teaching plan - Focusing on the 5.18 Democratization Movement -“. Global Knowledge and Convergence Association 5, Nr. 2 (31.12.2022): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47636/gkca.2022.5.2.145.

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This paper attempts to understand the relationship between the right to resistance and democracy through the debate on human rights and citizenship (national rights), which has been discussed for a long time in academia. In the 2015 revised high school『 Korean History』 textbook, the part dealing with the democratization movement from the April 19 Revolution to the June Democratic Uprising was analyzed as the subject of analysis, and it was used in integrated society textbooks such as ‘human rights’ and ‘basic rights’ of the people. From the point of view of human rights, we would like to examine how the May 18th democratization movement can be reconstructed in class. So, based on the concept of human rights learned in the integrated society textbook, we will understand the historical context and understand human rights and basic rights of the people. Through the process of critically thinking and judging historical facts through controversial concepts, students can participate in the production of historical knowledge. The concept of human rights, which is an issue, allows students to critically think and judge the history of Democracy in Korea.

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Jeon, Il-Uk. „UN Activities on North Korean Human Rights and Role of Korea“. Journal of Northeast Asian Studies 87 (30.06.2018): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21807/jnas.2018.06.87.049.

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16

Kyungyon, Moon. „SOUTH KOREAN CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS, HUMAN RIGHTS NORMS, AND NORTH KOREA“. Critical Asian Studies 46, Nr. 1 (02.01.2014): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2014.863578.

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17

Steele, Peter. „The Soldiers of Songbun: Militarization, Human Rights Abuse and Childhood Experiences of North Korean Youth“. Allons-y: Journal of Children, Peace and Security 3 (29.03.2020): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/allons-y.v3i0.10063.

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North Korea is an enigma. The United Nations (UN) states that it is “…without parallel in the contemporary world …” in terms of abuse, exploitation and lack of civil rights. No other rogue state commands the attention and mystique as the isolated nation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Despite an increasingly prevalent international front, including warming relations with South Korea and the threat of nuclear weapons, everyday citizens remain hidden. Public displays of Olympic cheerleaders or the admittance of “K-Pop” stars across the Korean Demilitarization Zone (DMZ) distract from the widespread human rights abuses and public indoctrination that is second nature in the country. But this is no surprise; In the DPRK, the leader is above all else. While marginalized groups in other countries may be granted a voice by international organizations, the vulnerable in North Korea are obscured in the shadow of the great leader’s actions.

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Cho, Hyo-Je. „The Human Rights Paradigm Theory and the Problem of Human Rights in North Korea“. Journal of Multicultural Society 9, Nr. 2 (31.08.2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.15685/jms.2016.08.9.2.05.

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19

Choi, Jina, und Brendan Howe. „United Nations Contributions to Promoting Human Rights in the DPRK: Impetus for Change“. International Studies Review 19, Nr. 2 (19.10.2018): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01902006.

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The United Nations (UN) has been the key contributor to the diffusion of human rights norms and practices in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The process of promoting human rights in the DPRK has been beset with challenges. The UN has had to steer its way through a complex web of international politics in order consistently to apply pressure on Pyongyang to amend its human rights norm-violating behavior. While achievements to date have been limited, this paper identifies the processes of socialization rather than coercion or inducements, as constituting the most promising avenue for the UN to impact North Korean governance. The paper will examine the evolution of UN socialization efforts in the DPRK to date, including how and under what mechanisms or conditions, socialization occurred, and what progress has been made by UN socialization dynamics. Although the progress so far may have been limited at best, what has been achieved merits greater scholarly attention, in order to derive implications for future policy prescription with regard to promoting human rights in North Korea and beyond.

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Ahn, Kyong Whan. „Human Rights in Korea : A Landscape of 2020“. LAW RESEARCH INSTITUTE CHUNGBUK NATIONAL UNIVERSITY 31, Nr. 2 (30.12.2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.34267/cblj.2020.31.2.1.

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21

Cho, Beak Ki. „Reforms The National Human Rights Commission of Korea“. Sogang Law Journal 1, Nr. 2 (31.08.2012): 193–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.35505/slj.2012.08.1.2.193.

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22

Jun, Kwang-Hee. „Population Policy in Korea - a Human-Rights Perspective -“. Korea Journal of Population Studies 41, Nr. 2 (30.06.2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31693/kjps.2018.06.41.2.1.

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23

Hyo-Je Cho. „Two Concepts of Human Rights in Contemporary Korea“. Development and Society 39, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2010): 299–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.21588/dns.2010.39.2.006.

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24

Kang, Soon-Won. „Democracy and Human Rights Education in South Korea“. Comparative Education 38, Nr. 3 (August 2002): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305006022000014179.

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25

The Lancet. „North Korea: evidence of intolerable human rights violations“. Lancet 383, Nr. 9919 (März 2014): 756. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(14)60389-5.

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26

Song, Jiyoung. „The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea“. European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, Nr. 1 (2010): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517689.

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AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.

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Kim, Suk-Young. „Gulag, the Musical: Performing Trauma in North Korea through Yoduk Story“. TDR/The Drama Review 52, Nr. 1 (März 2008): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.1.118.

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Yoduk Story is the first known North Korean dissident musical, staging a fictional account of the authors' traumatic memories and experiences in a gulag. Despite the creators' indictment of North Korea as a human rights violator and Yoduk Story's efforts to subvert everything that the North Korean state represents, the musical borrows from North Korean propaganda techniques, including propagandist revolutionary operas.

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Беляцкая, Анна Михайловна. „Features of Ombudsman Institution in Latin America and Asia“. ЖУРНАЛ ПРАВОВЫХ И ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКИХ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЙ, Nr. 2 (15.06.2022): 56–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26163/gief.2022.88.61.009.

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В статье проведен анализ закона Мексиканских Соединенных Штатов «О Национальной комиссии по правам человека» от 29 июня 1992 года и закона Республики Кореи «О Национальной комиссии по правам человека Кореи» от 24 мая 2001 года. Автор приходит к выводу, что Национальная комиссия по правам человека Мексики и Национальная комиссия по правам человека Кореи являются аналогом института омбудсмана, который широко распространен в различных европейских странах. We analyze the law of the Unites States of Mexico "On National Human Rights Commission" of 29 June 1992 and the law of the Republic of Korea "On Korean National Human Rights Commission" of 24 May 2001. We make a conclusion that the National Human Rights Commission of Mexico and Korean National Human Rights Commission can be seen as an analogue of the ombudsman institution that is widely spread in European countries.

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Lee, Jong-Sue. „The EU's Economic Cooperation with North Korea: The Possibility as a Useful Tool to Complement Korea-US Cooperation“. International Area Review 12, Nr. 2 (September 2009): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590901200207.

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North Korea conducted 2nd nuclear test on May 25, 2009. It made a vicious circle and continued military tension on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea regime got a question on the effectiveness of the six party talks and ‘security-economy exchange model’. In addition, the North Korea probably disappointed about the North Korea issue has been excluded from the Obama administration's policy position. So the dialogue or relationship recovery with the United States and North Korea through six-party talks or bilateral talks will be difficult for the time being. This paper examines the EU policy on North Korea. Based on the results, analyzes the EU is likely to act as a balancer on the Korean Peninsula. Through the procedure of deepening and expanding the economic and political unification, the EU utilizes their cooperative policies towards North Korea as an ideal opportunity to realize their internal value and to confirm the commonness within the EU members. The acceleration of the EU's unification, however, began to focus on human rights, and this made their official relationship worse. Yet, the EU is continuously providing food as wells as humanitarian and technological support to North Korea regardless of the ongoing nuclear and human rights issues in North Korea. Also, the number of multinational corporations investing in North Korea for the purpose of preoccupying resources and key industries at an individual nation's level has been increasing. The European Union has unique structure which should follow the way of solving the problem of member states like subsidiary principle. It appears to conflict between normative power of the European Union and strategic interests on member states. This paper examines if the European Union is useful tool to complement Korea-US cooperation in the near future.

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Jung, Sang Gyu. „A Comparative Analysis of the Treatment System of Correctional Facilities in North and South Korea and Suggestions on the Policy Direction of Correctional Facilities in North Korea“. Correction Welfare Society of Korea 80 (31.10.2022): 21–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35422/cwsk.2022.80.21.

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The integration of the correctional administration field of the unified state should be promoted in the direction of achieving a smooth return to society of prisoners, which is the ultimate execution purpose of correctional policies. Currently, the Ministry of Justice recognizes the necessity of research on correction treatment and human rights issues in North Korea after unification, and is making efforts to prepare for the integration of correction policies in earnest in preparation for future inter-Korean relations.Under the rational assumption that South Korea's democracy will be transplanted into North Korea's collapsed socialism, internal conflicts and psychological conflicts between new and old generations are expected to appear in North Korea. As a way to overcome this, the North Korean correctional officer will immediately accept the correctional system.As a requirement for promotion of the right person to be reappointed among the existing management personnel in North Korea, it is judged that the “working training dispatch period” will be required to provide delivery training to local managers after completing practical training at South Korean correctional facilities. Through this, it is believed that the rationality of facility operation in North Korea and the efficiency of vocational education can be improved after unification.

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Kim, Sea Young, und Leif-Eric Easley. „The Neglected North Korean Crisis: Women's Rights“. Ethics & International Affairs 35, Nr. 1 (2021): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679421000010.

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AbstractNorth Korea references gender equality in its socialist constitution, but the de facto social and legal circumstances that women face in the country are far below the de jure status they are purported to enjoy. North Korean women endure extremely low public health standards and pervasive harassment. Yet their growing market power and social influence are underestimated. Women account for the majority of North Korean border crossers, and their informal economic activities are supporting families while modernizing the economy. This essay examines the dangers of exploitation that North Korean women face and highlights the ethical and legal imperatives of supporting their roles in marketizing the economy and liberalizing the society in one of the worst human rights–violating states. Women are North Korea's most deserving recipients of international assistance and the country's most promising partners to the world.

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Kim, Matthew Dale. „REPUTATION AND COMPLIANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE FROM THE US AND SOUTH KOREA“. Journal of East Asian Studies 19, Nr. 2 (Juli 2019): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.20.

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AbstractPast studies suggest that domestic public support for compliance with international human rights law can constrain governments to comply with human rights law. But the question remains: Why does the public care about compliance? Using a series of survey experiments in South Korea and the United States, this study finds that constituents are concerned about compliance in one issue area—such as human rights—because they believe it will affect the country's reputation in other domains of international law. Cross-national survey experiments demonstrate that past noncompliance negatively affects the South Korean public's second-order beliefs about the likelihood of future compliance across different issue areas. However, past noncompliance has a limited impact on the US public's first-order beliefs across different domains.

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Park, Kyung-Ae. „North Korea in 2004: From Brisk Diplomacy to Impasse“. Asian Survey 45, Nr. 1 (Januar 2005): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.14.

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North Korea marked the beginning of 2004 with a flurry of diplomatic offensives, which led to its participation in two six-party talks, two summit meetings with China and Japan, and its first-ever military talks with South Korea. However, this brisk diplomacy went into a holding pattern in the second half of the year with no substantial progress in the nuclear talks. The stalemate was reinforced by passage of the U.S. North Korean Human Rights Act, South Korea's nuclear experiments, and hostile rhetoric toward North Korea voiced in the U.S. presidential election campaigns.

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Yon, Eung Jin. „Human Rights Problems of North Korea and Humanitarian Intervention“. Sogang Law Journal 6, Nr. 2 (31.08.2017): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35505/slj.2017.08.6.2.31.

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Haley, John O. „Human Rights in Korea: Historical Perspectives (review)“. Journal of Korean Studies 8, Nr. 1 (1992): 238–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jks.1992.0008.

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Weatherley, Robert, und Song Jiyoung. „The Evolution of Human Rights Thinking in North Korea“. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 24, Nr. 2 (Juni 2008): 272–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270802003111.

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김인재. „Toward Promotion of Human Rights and Democracy in Korea“. Democratic Legal Studies ll, Nr. 48 (März 2012): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15756/dls.2012..48.7.

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Abrisketa Uriarte, Joana. „Inmunidad de jurisdicción y derechos humanos: dos astillas no hacen fuego“. REVISTA ELECTRÓNICA DE ESTUDIOS INTERNACIONALES 43, Junio 2022 (30.06.2022): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17103/reei.43.05.

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During 2021, two domestic courts – the District Court of South Korea and the Brazilian Supreme Court– ruled on two cases related to States’ immunity from jurisdiction and the violation of human rights. Both courts decided that immunity was not applicable due to the fact that the acts covered by the dispute were affected by violations of human rights. In both cases the courts appealed to their constitutional norm and to the evolution of international practice in order to put protection of human rights before the principle of sovereign immunity of the States. While the District Court of South Korea in the Comfort Women against Japan case based its decision on the protection of victims of crimes against humanity and the victims’ right to judicial protection; in the Changri-la against Brazil case, the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court applied human rights laws in broad terms in order to support the exception to immunity. This article questions the legal foundations that both tribunals used in their application of the exception to immunity from jurisdiction.

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KIM, Sun-Hee. „Protecting the Human Rights of Climate Refugees- Focusing on the Principle of Non-Refoulement“. Korean Association of International Association of Constitutional Law 28, Nr. 2 (31.08.2022): 127–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24324/kiacl.2022.28.2.127.

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The global community is facing extreme weather events due to climate change and environmental degradation. There are alarming reports that the number of environmentally displaced persons will increase exponentially. However, there is no internationally agreed terminology or definition regarding people who have left their homes due to environmental reasons. There are differing opinions regarding whether these people are persecuted, and thus can be entitled to a refugee status under the 1951 Refugee Convention. Despite the controversy, international agencies including the UN have proposed ways to protect people displaced from their homes due to environmental reasons via international refugee law and international human rights law. In particular, in 2020, the UN Human Rights Committee in Ioane Teitiota v. New Zealand case adopted the view that people must not be sent back to countries where there is a real risk of irreparable harm to their right to life upon return to their home countries, including torture, ill-treatment and other serious human rights violations, which will trigger the the obligation of non-refoulement on States. This decision is hailed as a landmark decision that opens up the road to protect people whose life is threatened due to climate change. Although UNHRC’s decision is not binding in nature, it has indeed influenced courts in other countries including the Italian Supreme Court and Bordeaux Court of Appeals. Climate change and environmental crisis is no longer a localized issue, and is happening simultaneously all around the world. Korea is no exception. Despite the fact that Korea is also a signatory to the Paris Agreement, 1951 Refugee Convention and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, there have been little discussion on this topic. The UN Human Rights Council has recently recognized that having a clean, healthy and sustainable environment is a human right. Against this backdrop, Korea, as a responsible member of the international community that upholds human rights must start drawing up policies to accommodate environmentally displaced persons.

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Wolman, Andrew. „Protecting Victim Rights: The Role of the National Human Rights Commission of Korea“. Journal of East Asia and International Law 2, Nr. 2 (30.11.2009): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.14330/jeail.2009.2.2.07.

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41

Underwood, Horace G. „Christianity in Korea“. Missiology: An International Review 22, Nr. 1 (Januar 1994): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969402200106.

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Christianity in Korea has often been viewed rather superficially. It has been praised for its evangelistic zeal or criticized as being pietistically oriented toward numerical growth with little concern for society. It has been criticized for slavishly copying Western forms and praised by others for struggling for human rights. The author attempts to deepen our understanding of Korean Christianity by taking up such matters as the problems of indigenization, the forms of worship, and Christian social activism as seen against its historical and social background.

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Lee, So Hee, Jin-Won Noh, Kyoung-Beom Kim, Hae-Woo Lee, Jin Yong Jun und Won Woong Lee. „The Effects of Inhumane Treatment in North Korean Detention Facilities on the Posttraumatic-Stress Disorder Symptoms of North Korean Refugees“. Psychiatry Investigation 18, Nr. 7 (25.07.2021): 688–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30773/pi.2020.0427.

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Objective The study investigated the effects of severe human rights abuses in North Korean on Posttraumatic-stress disorder (PTSD) in North Korean Refugees (NKRs).Methods The study included 300 NKRs (245 females and 55 males) who completed self-report questionnaires that assessed PTSD, experiences of imprisonment, and exposure to inhumane treatment, by authorities in North Korea. A moderation analysis was conducted using a hierarchical multiple regression model to determine whether a moderation effect existed. In the next step, a post-hoc probing procedure of the moderation effect was performed using multiple regression models that included conditional moderator variables.Results The influence of the frequency of being imprisoned on PTSD varied as a function of recurrent exposure to inhumane treatment or punishment by authorities. Experiences of imprisonment were associated with PTSD only among those who were exposed to recurrent violence, such as beating or torture, by North Korean authorities.Conclusion The present findings highlight the significant effects of human rights violations, such as the inhumane treatment of prisoners in North Korea, on the PTSD of NKRs.

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Cho, Kuk. „Death Penalty in Korea: From Unofficial Moratorium to Abolition?“ Asian Journal of Comparative Law 3 (2008): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2194607800000120.

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AbstractThe death penalty is one of the most contentious issues in Korea. In contrast to other Asian countries, the issue of whether the death penalty should be abolished has been actively debated and reviewed at governmental levels and in civil society. It is important to note that it is not just civic organizations that have begun to favor abolition of the death penalty but also state organizations including the National Assembly and the National Human Rights Commission. The Constitutional Court has invalidated some disproportionate provisions in relation to the death penalty. Since President Kim Dae-Jung took office in February 1998, there has been an “unofficial moratorium” on executions.This article provides an overview of the legal regime governing the death penalty and the ongoing debate on the death penalty in Korea. It begins by briefly reviewing international treaties that call for the abolition of the death penalty, contrasting them with the retentionist trend in most Asian countries. It then reviews the major decisions of the Korean Supreme Court and the Korean Constitutional Court. It also discusses recent moves in the National Assembly and the National Human Rights Commission to abolish the death penalty. It suggests that the Korean death penalty debate has potentially significant implications for its retentionist Asian neighbours grappling with similar issues.

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Ryan, Mark. „In defence of digital contact-tracing: human rights, South Korea and Covid-19“. International Journal of Pervasive Computing and Communications 16, Nr. 4 (06.08.2020): 383–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpcc-07-2020-0081.

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Purpose The media has even been very critical of some East Asian countries’ use of digital contact-tracing to control Covid-19. For example, South Korea has been criticised for its use of privacy-infringing digital contact-tracing. However, whether their type of digital contact-tracing was unnecessarily harmful to the human rights of Korean citizens is open for debate. The purpose of this paper is to examine this criticism to see if Korea’s digital contact-tracing is ethically justifiable. Design/methodology/approach This paper will evaluate Korea’s digital contact-tracing through the lens of the four human rights principles to determine if their response is ethically justifiable. These four principles were originally outlined in the European Court of Human Rights, namely, necessary, proportional, scientifically valid and time-bounded (European Court of Human Rights 1950). Findings The paper will propose that while the use of Korea’s digital contact-tracing was scientifically valid and proportionate (albeit, in need for improvements), it meets the necessity requirement, but is too vague to meet the time-boundedness requirement. Originality/value The Covid-19 pandemic has proven to be one of the worst threats to human health and the global economy in the past century. There have been many different strategies to tackle the pandemic, from somewhat laissez-faire approaches, herd immunity, to strict draconian measures. Analysis of the approaches taken in the response to the pandemic is of high scientific value and this paper is one of the first to critically engage with one of these methods – digital contact-tracing in South Korea.

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Yang, Joonseok. „Korean Perceptions of Czechoslovakia’s Charta 77: Focusing on Korean Media Reports“. East and West Studies 34, Nr. 3 (31.08.2022): 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.71.

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This study analyzes the development process of Czechoslovakia’s Charta 77 and Korean perceptions of the Czechoslovak liberalization movement in 1977 based on media materials. Charta 77, published on January 1977, was a Czechoslovak dissident movement that emphasized non-political purposes and human rights motives. The media of the Republic of Korea(ROK) quickly and concretely reported on the suppression of the human rights of those involved in Charta 77 by the Czechoslovak government, with particular attention to the reactions of countries around the world to human rights issues in Eastern Europe. The People’s Republic of China supported Charta 77 and called it a “new Prague Spring.” The United States also broke with the principle of nonintervention in human rights issues in Eastern Europe and strongly criticized violations of human rights and freedoms there. The media of the ROK continued to report on the trend toward liberalization from Charta 77 until the Velvet Revolution in 1989. In particular, in analyzing the causes of Charta 77, ROK media cited Czech intellectuals’ longing for democracy and internal conflicts within the communist forces that resisted the dictatorship of the proletariat. While multi-layered reports on Charter 77 in the ROK progressed quickly, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK) reported in detail on the 1968 Prague Spring, but there were no reports in DPRK on Charta 77 during the worsening economic crisis of the late 1970s.

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Lee, Su Min. „SOCIOECONOMIC ABUSE: FROM GOVERNMENT MISHAP TO SYSTEMETIC FAILURES“. Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 4, Nr. 2 (21.04.2019): 31–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v4i2.708.

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ABSTRACT The tragic stories of poverty, famine, and the systematic abuse of citizens by the government in North Korea are all too common. In fact, for millions of children in North Korea today, these are recurring themes. The exploitation of underage childrenâ€”forced into labor and given minimal to no paymentsâ€”is common. These children are placed in vulnerable situations and exploited by the very government which should be protecting them. Kim Jong Un, the Supreme Leader, is a perfect example of how dictators often exploit citizens to maintain power, by violating human rights and suppressing freedom. Today, the world is only aware of the modernized Pyongyang, but do they really know what is behind the faÃ§ade of luxury? The aim of this paper is to investigate the harsh reality of the exploitation taking place inside North Korea. Secondary sources are the main method of investigation, as well as information taken directly from personal testimonies given by North Korean refugees. Compared to what has been portrayed in the mass media, the true picture of North Koreaâ€™s situation is unbearable. I was able to glean insight into the North Korean regime that has abused its powers through a cascade of systematic measures that suppress and oppress its citizens from attaining communal benefits of society. This research summarizes research goals which identifies specific ways through which North Korea has exercised its abusive power over its citizens â€“ through child labor, â€œvirgin school girlsâ€, state-wide propaganda, etc. While the primary focus of this article is to shed light on the prevalent abuse found inside North Korea, it also attempts to address a much broader question pertinent to general human nature: â€œDoes human nature allow power to lead to corruption?â€

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Nam, Kwang-kyu. „The Yoon Seok-yeol Administration's Policy on North Korea and the Direction of ROK-U.S. Relations and Policy Tasks“. Public Policy Research Institute, Korea University 8, Nr. 1 (30.06.2022): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34266/jnks.2022.8.1.51.

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The direction of Yoon Seok-yeol's North Korea policy and foreign relations can be summarized as "first U.S.-South Korea relations, later inter-Korean relations," "first international cooperation after inter-Korean cooperation," and "first denuclearization after peace." At the same time, it is expected that the it will be more active on North Korean human rights issues than Moon Jae In government. The Yoon Seok-yeol administration's policy toward the U.S. is aimed at a "comprehensive strategic alliance" that expands the international role of the Korea-U.S. alliance by normalizing the Korea-U.S. alliance and restoring cooperation. This is expected to strength the Korea-U.S. economic alliance and technology alliance in the international supply chain. In order to smoothly operate the Korea-U.S. alliance, efforts to cooperate with South Korea, the U.S., and Japan are expected to be strengthened by restoring relations with Japan. If North Korea makes a high-intensity provocation, it will resume its strategy to deter the North Korea and will resume the actual joint exercise between South Korea and the U.S.. Since the Yoon Seok-yeol administration's foreign relations are likely to flow around the U.S., opposition and checks from China and Russia will be inevitable. In this regard, since a new Cold War atmosphere is likely to form in Northeast Asia, South Korea needs a high level of ability to coordinate diplomatic and security issues between the U.S., China, and the U.S. and Russia to prevent them from getting worse. In this regard, the additional THAAD deployment under the Yoon Seok-yeol administration will be the right time to proceed if North Korea resumes its nuclear test, and participation in the Quad should be strategically approached according to the timing and conditions.

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Lee, Jeong-eun. „The Human Rights Debate and the Emergence of the Human Rights Organizations after the Liberation in Korea“. Society and History 124 (30.12.2019): 89–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.37743/sah.124.3.

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Koo, Jeong-Woo, Jin Won Chung und Sun-Woong Kim. „Public Attitude toward Human Rights Policy Issues: An Analysis of National Human Rights Survey of South Korea“. Korean Journal of Sociology 53, Nr. 2 (31.05.2019): 43–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21562/kjs.2019.05.53.2.43.

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Wolman, Andrew, und Dahee Chung. „Human Rights Institutionalization at the Local Level: A Case Study of Sub-National Human Rights Commissions in Korea“. Journal of Human Rights Practice 13, Nr. 2 (01.07.2021): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huab017.

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Abstract Over the past decade, all upper-level (regional) Korean sub-national governments and a large number of lower-level (municipal) governments have passed ordinances mandating the establishment of local human rights commissions. Many of these commissions have now been set up and operating for several years. In this case study, we critically examine the development and work of these commissions, with a particular focus on five aspects: personnel; functions; norms; level of activity, and relationships with other relevant actors. In each of these areas, we examine the choices made and the major challenges faced, and contextualize within the standards established for national human rights institutions and experiences in other jurisdictions. The case study will be based on examination of a mix of primary source documents and secondary Korean-language research on the topic, supplemented by interview and questionnaire responses from practitioners active in the field.

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