Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Hungarian and Georgian“

Phylogenetics is a sub-field of historical linguistics whose aim is to classify a group of languages by considering their distances within a rooted tree that stands for their historical evolution. A few European languages do not belong to the Indo-European family or are otherwise isolated in the European rooted tree. Although it is not possible to establish phylogenetic links using basic strategies, it is possible to calculate the distances between these isolated languages and the rest using simple corpus-based techniques and natural language processing methods. The objective of this article is to select some isolated languages and measure the distance between them and from the other European languages, so as to shed light on the linguistic distances and proximities of these controversial languages without considering phylogenetic issues. The experiments were carried out with 40 European languages including six languages that are isolated in their corresponding families: Albanian, Armenian, Basque, Georgian, Greek, and Hungarian.

Abstract A burial of a Turkic (Qıpčaq/Cuman/Polovtsian) prince excavated in the grasslands of southern Ukraine is witness to an exchange in objects and products throughout the Black Sea/Mediterranean littoral, the Middle East, and central and northwest Europe in the Middle Ages. The grave goods, arms and costumes, which are of unprecedented richness for a medieval Turkic burial, are datable to the first three decades of the thirteenth century. They were likely accumulated through trading and raiding or through diplomatic and marriage gifts of this Qıpčaq leader, and his tribal confederation, with the neighboring Rus’, Georgian, Armenian, Hungarian, Byzantine, Crusader and Islamic polities. Among the grave goods excavated in the tumulus/ kurgan are a variety of containers such as two complete and reused amphorae, glazed ceramic albarello and bottle and a gilded silver covered cup. The albarello and bottle could be associated with the Mediterranean pharmacological practice of shipping valuable substances in specialized containers. Other vessels, such as the covered ceremonial cup from northwest Europe, were reused likely in a complex ritual utilizing plants native to these grasslands. This paper will consider the circumstances under which these substances would have been deposited and discuss the origins and uses of the containers.

Ahmadiyah events in Cikeusik, Shia in Sampang, until the case of Tanjung Balai, are various events of intolerance that often color the reality of our plural society. However, in some other areas with its diverse community, as in Bali, we can find a society that is able to maintain harmony among its diverse peoples and live side by side. This study aims to describe various factors that support inter-religious harmony in Bali. This review is important to overcome the various religious conflicts that occurred in Indonesia, as well as how to create harmony among religious followers. Using a qualitative approach, this study found that the creation of tolerance and harmony among religious believers in Bali, in addition influenced by historical model, also because Bali has a strong cultural capital and structural capital. Cultural capital in the form of local wisdom that is still maintained and also the harmony agents such as guardians of tradition and FKUB also play a major role in maintaining and creating harmony among religious followers in Bali G M T Detect language Afrikaans Albanian Arabic Armenian Azerbaijani Basque Belarusian Bengali Bosnian Bulgarian Catalan Cebuano Chichewa Chinese (Simplified) Chinese (Traditional) Croatian Czech Danish Dutch English Esperanto Estonian Filipino Finnish French Galician Georgian German Greek Gujarati Haitian Creole Hausa Hebrew Hindi Hmong Hungarian Icelandic Igbo Indonesian Irish Italian Japanese Javanese Kannada Kazakh Khmer Korean Lao Latin Latvian Lithuanian Macedonian Malagasy Malay Malayalam Maltese Maori Marathi Mongolian Myanmar (Burmese) Nepali Norwegian Persian Polish Portuguese Punjabi Romanian Russian Serbian Sesotho Sinhala Slovak Slovenian Somali Spanish Sundanese Swahili Swedish Tajik Tamil Telugu Thai Turkish Ukrainian Urdu Uzbek Vietnamese Welsh Yiddish Yoruba Zulu Afrikaans Albanian Arabic Armenian Azerbaijani Basque Belarusian Bengali Bosnian Bulgarian Catalan Cebuano Chichewa Chinese (Simplified) Chinese (Traditional) Croatian Czech Danish Dutch English Esperanto Estonian Filipino Finnish French Galician Georgian German Greek Gujarati Haitian Creole Hausa Hebrew Hindi Hmong Hungarian Icelandic Igbo Indonesian Irish Italian Japanese Javanese Kannada Kazakh Khmer Korean Lao Latin Latvian Lithuanian Macedonian Malagasy Malay Malayalam Maltese Maori Marathi Mongolian Myanmar (Burmese) Nepali Norwegian Persian Polish Portuguese Punjabi Romanian Russian Serbian Sesotho Sinhala Slovak Slovenian Somali Spanish Sundanese Swahili Swedish Tajik Tamil Telugu Thai Turkish Ukrainian Urdu Uzbek Vietnamese Welsh Yiddish Yoruba Zulu Text-to-speech function is limited to 200 characters Options : History : Feedback : Donate Close

Revolution of 1917 in the Russian Empire took place in February (according to the Julian calendar) or in March (according to the Georgian calendar used in Western Europe). As a result, Tsar Nicholas II of Russia abdicated in the first phase of the revolution which caused the fall of the Romanov dynasty. Consequently, the Provisional Government was brought into power. At the time, the First World War was ongoing and Russia suffered severe defeats in the conflict. The country was ruled by chaos and various political groupswere fighting against each other. Furthermore, many nations started their fight for independence from the Russian Empire. The most significant events took place in Ukraine. The national activists set up their own governmental authority – Central Council of Ukraine. And, at the same time, various domestic conflicts took place in Ukraine as well. The situation was very complicated then as a 600 kilometer-long front line ran across Ukraine.Moreover, most of the country was occupied by German and Austria-Hungarian armies. It is common knowledge that the Bolsheviks led their forces against the Provisional Government in Petrograd, which was the contemporary capital of Russia (modern-day Saint Petersburg), in October / November 1917. The Bolsheviks seized power in Russia and, in consequence, the Russian Civil War started. The Bolsheviks were in no position to continue fighting in World War I and so they signed a separate peace treaty with Germany and Austria-Hungary in March 1918 in order to focus on the Russian Civil War. Ukraine, which was independent at the time, also signeda separate peace treaty with Germany and Austria-Hungary. A new phase in the war between Russia and Ukraine started which Ukraine eventually lost.

Bishop of Timișoara dr Georgije Letić (⁎1872†1935) was one of the most prominent dignitaries of our Serbian Orthodox Church of his time. He marked his era as a respectable hierarch, man of letters, a good and skilled organizer of church life in the dioceses that have been permanently or temporarily entrusted to him. Bishop dr Georgije Letić led the Diocese of Timișoara for many years, between 1904-1931 as a diocese bishop, and between 1931-1935 as administrator. The change of state administration (Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, Kingdom of Romania - Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) over Banat (which was later split between Romania and Yugoslavia), as well as the difficult and irregular times during the First World War left heavy marks on the entire territory of the Serbian Orthodox Diocese of Timișoara, as well as consequences on the life of the Serbian Church in Romania. Bishop dr Georgije managed, as a skilled organizer, despite of current conditions, not only to successfully organize the diocesan life, but also to build new foundations for the upcoming generations.

<p>Οι περισσότεροι ερευνητές, συμφωνούν, πλέον, πως η βασική αιτία των ελλειμμάτων, που εμφανίζουν οι δυσλεκτικοί μαθητές στην κατάκτηση του γραπτού λόγου, οφείλονται στο «φωνολογικό έλλειμμα», δηλαδή στις δυσκολίες αποθήκευσης, όσο και ανάκλησης, των φωνημάτων των λέξεων. Οι δυσλεκτικοί μαθητές εμφανίζουν, επίσης, ένα γενικότερο έλλειμμα αυτοματισμού, που εκδηλώνεται ως αδυναμία γρήγορης και αυτοματοποιημένης ονομασίας των φωνημάτων, καθώς και γρήγορης και αυτοματοποιημένης γραφής τους, με τα αντίστοιχα γραπτά σύμβολα. Η σημασία της παροχής πολυαισθητηριακής διδασκαλίας σε επίπεδο γραφοφωνημικής, ορθογραφικής και μορφολογικής συνειδητοποίησης είναι αποδεδειγμένη από πολλές έρευνες στον τομέα των παρεμβάσεων για δυσλεκτικούς μαθητές.</p><p> Στην παρούσα μελέτη διερευνήθηκε η αποτελεσματικότητα της Πολυαισθητηριακής Μεθόδου Διδασκαλίας, που δημιουργήσαμε στην ελληνική γλώσσα, στην ανάπτυξη των δεξιοτήτων<strong> </strong>ορθογραφημένης γραφής στους δυσλεκτικούς μαθητές<strong>. </strong>Η πολυαισθητηριακή μέθοδος<strong> </strong>εφαρμόστηκε, εξατομικευμένα, 6 ημέρες την εβδομάδα για διάστημα τριών μηνών, σε 24 δυσλεκτικούς μαθητές δημοτικού σχολείου. Ως ομάδα έλεγχου επιλέχθηκαν 24 δυσλεκτικά παιδιά, με αντίστοιχα χαρακτηριστικά με την πειραματική ομάδα, τα όποια παρακολούθησαν αποκλειστικά το πρόγραμμα του σχολείου τους. Τα αποτελέσματα της χρήσης της Πολυαισθητηριακής Μεθόδου έδειξαν στατιστικά σημαντική βελτίωση στην ορθογραφημένη γραφή λέξεων της πειραματικής ομάδας, σε σχέση με την ομάδα έλεγχου, καθώς και στατιστικά σημαντική βελτίωση στην επίδοση της πειραματικής ομάδας, σε σχέση με την επίδοση της πριν από την εφαρμογή της μεθόδου.</p><div id="SL_balloon_obj" style="display: block;"><div id="SL_button" style="background: transparent url('chrome://imtranslator/content/img/util/imtranslator-s.png') repeat scroll 0% 0%; display: none; width: 24px; height: 24px; position: absolute; cursor: pointer; visibility: visible; opacity: 1; transition: visibility 0.1s ease 0s, opacity 0.1s linear 0s;"> </div><div id="SL_shadow_translation_result2" style="display: none; margin-top: 30px; margin-left: 1px; direction: ltr; text-align: left; min-height: 40px;"> </div><div id="SL_shadow_translator" style="display: none;"><div id="SL_providers"><div id="SL_P0" class="SL_BL_LABLE_ON" title="Google">G</div><div 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value="bn">Bengali</option><option value="bs">Bosnian</option><option value="bg">Bulgarian</option><option value="ca">Catalan</option><option value="ceb">Cebuano</option><option value="ny">Chichewa</option><option value="zh-CN">Chinese (Simplified)</option><option value="zh-TW">Chinese (Traditional)</option><option value="hr">Croatian</option><option value="cs">Czech</option><option value="da">Danish</option><option value="nl">Dutch</option><option value="en">English</option><option value="eo">Esperanto</option><option value="et">Estonian</option><option value="tl">Filipino</option><option value="fi">Finnish</option><option value="fr">French</option><option value="gl">Galician</option><option value="ka">Georgian</option><option value="de">German</option><option value="el">Greek</option><option value="gu">Gujarati</option><option value="ht">Haitian Creole</option><option value="ha">Hausa</option><option value="iw">Hebrew</option><option value="hi">Hindi</option><option 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value="fa">Persian</option><option value="pl">Polish</option><option value="pt">Portuguese</option><option value="pa">Punjabi</option><option value="ro">Romanian</option><option value="ru">Russian</option><option value="sr">Serbian</option><option value="st">Sesotho</option><option value="si">Sinhala</option><option value="sk">Slovak</option><option value="sl">Slovenian</option><option value="so">Somali</option><option value="es">Spanish</option><option value="su">Sundanese</option><option value="sw">Swahili</option><option value="sv">Swedish</option><option value="tg">Tajik</option><option value="ta">Tamil</option><option value="te">Telugu</option><option value="th">Thai</option><option value="tr">Turkish</option><option value="uk">Ukrainian</option><option value="ur">Urdu</option><option value="uz">Uzbek</option><option value="vi">Vietnamese</option><option value="cy">Welsh</option><option value="yi">Yiddish</option><option value="yo">Yoruba</option><option 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value="fi">Finnish</option><option value="fr">French</option><option value="gl">Galician</option><option value="ka">Georgian</option><option value="de">German</option><option value="el">Greek</option><option value="gu">Gujarati</option><option value="ht">Haitian Creole</option><option value="ha">Hausa</option><option value="iw">Hebrew</option><option value="hi">Hindi</option><option value="hmn">Hmong</option><option value="hu">Hungarian</option><option value="is">Icelandic</option><option value="ig">Igbo</option><option value="id">Indonesian</option><option value="ga">Irish</option><option value="it">Italian</option><option value="ja">Japanese</option><option value="jw">Javanese</option><option value="kn">Kannada</option><option value="kk">Kazakh</option><option value="km">Khmer</option><option value="ko">Korean</option><option value="lo">Lao</option><option value="la">Latin</option><option value="lv">Latvian</option><option value="lt">Lithuanian</option><option value="mk">Macedonian</option><option value="mg">Malagasy</option><option value="ms">Malay</option><option value="ml">Malayalam</option><option value="mt">Maltese</option><option value="mi">Maori</option><option value="mr">Marathi</option><option value="mn">Mongolian</option><option value="my">Myanmar (Burmese)</option><option value="ne">Nepali</option><option value="no">Norwegian</option><option value="fa">Persian</option><option value="pl">Polish</option><option value="pt">Portuguese</option><option value="pa">Punjabi</option><option value="ro">Romanian</option><option value="ru">Russian</option><option value="sr">Serbian</option><option value="st">Sesotho</option><option value="si">Sinhala</option><option value="sk">Slovak</option><option value="sl">Slovenian</option><option value="so">Somali</option><option value="es">Spanish</option><option value="su">Sundanese</option><option value="sw">Swahili</option><option value="sv">Swedish</option><option value="tg">Tajik</option><option value="ta">Tamil</option><option value="te">Telugu</option><option value="th">Thai</option><option value="tr">Turkish</option><option value="uk">Ukrainian</option><option value="ur">Urdu</option><option value="uz">Uzbek</option><option value="vi">Vietnamese</option><option value="cy">Welsh</option><option value="yi">Yiddish</option><option value="yo">Yoruba</option><option value="zu">Zulu</option></select></td><td align="center" width="5%"> </td><td align="center" width="6%"> </td><td align="center" width="6%"> </td><td align="center" width="6%"> </td><td align="center" width="6%"> </td><td width="10%"> </td><td align="right" width="6%"> </td></tr></tbody></table></div></div><div id="SL_shadow_translation_result" style="background: #ffffff url('chrome://imtranslator/content/img/util/bg.png') repeat scroll 0% 0%; visibility: visible; min-height: 40px;"> </div><div id="SL_loading" style="background: transparent url('chrome://imtranslator/content/img/util/indicator.gif') repeat scroll 0% 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Черты анимистических представлений обнаруживаются в традиционной культуре многих народов и включаются в зооморфный код культуры того или иного этноса. Образы животных в национальном фольклоре обладают характеристиками, позволяющими судить об их самобытности и включающими их в понятийное поле «этнический культурный код». Олень – один из основополагающих образов зооморфного кода культуры осетин, а также знаковая фигура в изобразительном искусстве скифов и алан, важнейший элемент звериного стиля. Для древних кочевых народов он имел не только практическое, но и культовое значение. В предлагаемой статье образ оленя рассматривается на материале осетинских «Кадагов о Нартах». Целью исследования является уточнение и расширение функциональных характеристик указанного фольклорного образа с привлечением данных истории и археологии. При выполнении работы использован структурно-семантический метод исследования фольклорного текста с элементами сравнительного историко-типологического изучения, выявления символического и архетипического компонентов. Многогранность анализируемого зооморфного образа впечатляет даже в рамках одного фольклорного жанра, где олень предстает и желанным охотничьим трофеем, и культовым жертвенным животным, помощником или проводником, воплощением астральных персонажей или вместилищем души эпического героя. В ходе исследования выявлено, что представления об олене в осетинском эпосе отличаются от таковых в христианской культуре (славянской, грузинской, венгерской и др.) и ведут в эпоху раннего средневековья. Черты генеалогических преданий об олене-прародителе обнаруживаются в осетинском эпосе, а биполярность фольклорного образа еще раз подчеркивает его архаичность. The features of animistic representations are found in the traditional culture of many peoples and are included in the zoomorphic code of the culture of one or another ethnic group. The images of animals in national folklore have characteristics that make it possible to judge their originality and include them in the conceptual field of "ethnic cultural code". The deer is one of the fundamental images of the zoomorphic code of the Ossetian culture, as well as a symbolic figure in the visual arts of the Scythians and Alans, the most important element of the animal style. For the ancient nomadic peoples it had not only practical, but also cult significance. In this article, the image of a deer is considered on the material of the Ossetian "Kadags about Narta". The aim of the study is to clarify and expand the functional characteristics of the specified folklore image using historical and archeological data. When performing the work, a structural and semantic method of folklore text researching was used with elements of a comparative historical and typological study, identifying symbolic and archetypal components. The versatility of the analyzed zoomorphic image is impressive even within the framework of a single folklore genre, where the deer appears both as a desired hunting trophy and as a cult sacrificial animal, an assistant or guide, the embodiment of astral characters or the container of the soul of an epic hero. The study revealed that the concept of deer in the Ossetian epos differs from those in Christian culture (Slavic, Georgian, Hungarian, etc.) and dates back to the early Middle Ages. Traits of genealogical legends about the ancestor deer are found in the Ossetian epic, and the bipolarity of the folklore image once again emphasizes its archaism.

The root bioassay method allows for 4-6 week continuous observation of grape phylloxera feeding on the grape root. 10 Hungarian phylloxera strains were compared on susceptible Vitis vinifera cv. Chardonnay and the resistant rootstocks of V. berlandieri x V. riparia Teleki 5C and V. berlandieri x V. rupestris Georgikon 121 in in vitro observations. The strains originated from Villany and Eger (Figure 3) had higher reproduction on the root of V. berlandieri x V. riparia Teleki 5C (201 and 119 eggs) and were more aggressive than the others (average production 10 eggs). The continuous high level of survival, development and reproduction of the Eger strain on Teleki 5C (V. berlandieri x V. ripuria) until day 46 may be due to adaptation.

The Tractatus de moribus, condicionibus et nequitia Turcorum is one of the most important first-hand accounts of life in fifteenth-century Turkey known to modern scholarship. It is the work of a Christian former slave of the Turks, writing after his return to the West. Although the author does not name himself, he can be identified as a Dominican priest, Georgius de Hungaria, who died in Rome in 1502. His Tractatus is conceived as a work of anti-Islamic polemic, yet it contains a surprisingly unbiased appraisal of Turkish customs. First printed c.1480 when European apprehension in the face of Ottoman expansion was at its height, the Tractatus was reprinted in numerous editions, and was widely used as a source by other authors. Luther edited the text in 1530, using the positive account of Turkish customs and religious observance as a weapon in his polemic against the Roman Catholic Church: if heathens could perform such exemplary works, who could fail to doubt the efficacy of works as a means of salvation? Sebastian Franck in his German translation of the Tractatus went further: replacing Georgius' commentary with his own, he used the text to attack institutional religion as a whole and to promote his concept of a non-dogmatic, spiritual Church of individuals united with each other only through their union with God -a Church which was not closed to Moslems or members of any other creed. This translation or adaptation, the Cronica der Türckey, marks Franck's decisive break with the Lutheran cause and the beginning of his lonely path as a 'spiritual individualist'. Franck reworked his translation of the Tractatus for his major geographical work, the Weltbuch of 1534. This thesis concerns itself primarily with Franck's Cronica, providing the first modern critical edition of this text, in a near-diplomatic transcription with an extensive glossary. The thesis also includes transcriptions of the Tractatus; of Türckei, an anonymous translation of the Tractatus, and of relevant additional material from Franck's Weltbuch. None of these texts has been published in full in a modern edition. In the Introduction Franck's Cronica is compared in detail with the Tractatus, highlighting the changes that occur in translation; the character and the significance of these changes are then discussed. It is established that Franck, whilst being unwilling to reverse any of Georgius' value judgements on Islam and Turkish culture, is highly selective in his choice of material for translation, and frequently gives the text new nuances and adds his own comment. The question of the Tractatus' influence on Franck's further development as a writer and thinker is also raised. The investigation then turns to Franck's use of the Tractatus material in his Weltbuch. His eclecticism becomes apparent in this text, in which Georgius' account is juxtaposed - but not synthesised - with material from other sources, often of lesser veracity and greater anti-Islamic bias. Franck's distortion of the Tractatus material to suit his own line of argument is clearly discernible: from the unique phenomenon presented in the Tractatus the Turks become one more example of the general human tendency to externalise and dogmatise faith. In addition, the transmission of Cronica and Türckei is examined, and the relationship between these two translations is clarified: Franck certainly used Türckei in writing his Cronica, but is unlikely to be the author of the anonymous work.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.