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1
Field, Sandra Leonie Philosophy UNSW. „Political liberalism and political change“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Philosophy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24365.
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Michel Foucault???s and John Rawls??? respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault???s arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls??? preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls??? later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls??? and Foucault???s historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.
2
Kumar, Pooja. „Ethical liberalism“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243049.
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3
Salami, Kolawole. „The coherence of political liberalism“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387389.
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4
Macmillan, John Ross. „Liberalism and peace“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334142.
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5
Ossewarde, Marinus Richard Ringo. „Tocqueville's Catholic liberalism“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270861.
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6
Manikkalingam, Ramanujam. „Political liberalism, social pluralism and group conflict“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8239.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-221).
This dissertation develops a political liberal approach to multiculturalism as an alternative to its dismissal by some egalitarian liberals and its celebration by some multicultural liberals. Some egalitarian liberals overstate the liberal tension with group-specific claims, disregard the role of culture in a person's life, and exaggerate the propensity of group-specific claims to exacerbate conflict. Confusing religion with culture, they assign to religion the status of an all purpose good that liberals traditionally assign to income and wealth. While political liberals require that the state grant exemptions to religious practices that violate uniform rules, these egalitarian liberals do not. Some multicultural liberals overstate the liberal failure to accommodate group-specific political claims, exaggerate the role of culture in a person's life, and ignore the invented nature of culture. Confusing culture with religion, they assign to culture the moral weight liberals traditionally assign to religion. Political liberals, however, assign to culture the same social weight they assign to a person's family, firm, neighborhood and other associations. Political liberals also distinguish encompassing groups, such as language-nations or factory-towns, whose members primarily live, work and socialize with their own group, from other groups, whose members do not. The former have greater social weight, though not moral weight, than the latter. This leads political liberals to require state support for encompassing groups to adjust to new social and economic circumstances, irrespective of whether they are cultural.
(cont.) Unlike some multicultural liberals, political liberals do not require that such adjustment lead to the maintenance of the encompassing group because it is a cultural community. Finally, political liberals distinguish the role of reasonable differences over how to treat others as equals, from that of hate and greed in aggravating group conflict. This leads to a less pessimistic view about the prospects for resolving group conflict. By looking at reasonable differences among liberals over political claims in two group conflicts - Tamil self-determination in Sri Lanka and Black political representation in the United States - a political liberal approach to cultural pluralism can contribute to the design of just institutions that resolve group conflict.
by Ram Manikkalingam.
Ph.D.
7
Wijze, S. A. de. „Political liberalism : a consolidation, reconstruction, and defence“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284771.
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8
Thompson, Simon. „Political theory in a democratic society : a critique of political liberalism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239381.
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9
Tamir, Yael. „Nationalism within the boundaries of liberalism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302963.
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10
Scalet, Steven Paul. „Justice, liberalism, and responsibility“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/288997.
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This dissertation addresses the importance of conceptions of responsibility for contemporary theories of justice. I criticize recent defenses of liberalism which try to proceed without conceptions of responsibility. I argue that a conception of neutrality does not provide adequate support for defending a liberal theory of justice. I defend this claim by examining Brian Barry's recent defense of neutrality liberalism. His idea of neutrality reduces to an indefensible skeptical argument about conceptions of the good. I next examine John Rawls's account of political liberalism. I argue that his approach fails to appropriately address the persons and traditions that would be sacrificed within a Rawlsian liberal order. Rawls's notion of reasonableness and his argument from the burdens of judgment are insufficient bases to develop a liberal theory of justice. I then examine the idea of equality and its relationship with responsibility. Egalitarians describe the ideal of equality as the most fundamental notion for a theory of justice. They also interpret other traditions--such as the contractarian approaches of Barry and Rawls--in terms of this commitment to moral equality. Through a discussion of Ronald Dworkin's liberal egalitarianism, I argue that any plausible interpretation of moral equality must rely on an account of personal responsibility. Claims about responsibility, I argue, must be at the core of any theory of theory of justice. In the last chapter, I consider what a theory of justice should be about. I argue that the common assumption that justice is about devising principles to regulate institutions distorts how we should organize concerns of justice. Justice is about people treating each other with the respect and dignity that they are due. Problems about institutional design must be responsive to an account of individual responsibilities of justice, rather than the contemporary liberal approach of devising institutional principles prior to and with regulative primacy.
11
Connin, Lawrence Jay. „Methodological liberalism : the thought of F.A. Hayek /“. The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487259125219587.
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12
Wellman, Christopher Heath. „Liberalism, self-determination, and secession“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186640.
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This dissertation provides a systematic analysis of when an individual or group has a right to secede that is grounded in self-determination. Since the primary question in a secessionist conflict concerns the territory being contested, any analysis of the right to secede must provide an account of what grounds the existing state's claim to political jurisdiction over its territory. With this in mind, I examine consent and teleological justifications for the state and find both inadequate. The consent account posits that a political state is justified just in case it has the consent of its citizens. I reject the consent approach for its unacceptable implication that unlimited secession is permissible from all existing states. I then suggest that our disinclination to allow unlimited secession is instructive since it indicates not only that we believe a consentual justification is morally unnecessary, but also that a state is justified in virtue of the peace it secures and the rights it protects. This teleological justification ultimately proves inadequate as well, however, because it both restricts secessionist movements that seem permissible and allows coercive annexations that appear clearly unjustified. As an alternative to these extremes, I propose a hybrid model of political legitimacy. According to my theory, while individuals and small groups may not secede, a larger group may, provided it is of sufficient size to satisfactorily perform the functions that are necessary for a state to ground its claim to territory. Thus I conclude a political state should limit political liberty in a manner analogous to the way it legitimately limits the liberty to drive a car. Specifically, since many people would be harmed if there were no legal restrictions on who could drive, states institute age and health requirements limiting who may drive. Citizens not eliminated by these standards must also demonstrate a minimum threshold of competence by passing tests. In similar fashion, a state may initially restrict the right to secede to groups of a specific size, and then further require that interested parties demonstrate their ability and willingness to govern in a stable, efficient, and liberal manner.
13
Mang, Fan Lun Franz. „Beyond public reason liberalism : moderate perfectionism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:154eaccf-40fe-439c-b0b7-158e2e79d675.
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Should the state undertake the task of promoting the good life? Perfectionism is the idea that the state should promote the good life. Many philosophers have answered in the negative to the above question, so they reject perfectionism. This thesis aims to develop a moderate version of perfectionism, and seeks to defend it against several influential anti-perfectionist arguments, in particular the argument from public reason liberalism. I begin by examining public reason liberalism. John Rawls, Gerald Gaus, Martha Nussbaum, and many other political philosophers endorse public reason liberalism. They believe that state coercion should be publicly justified, and that perfectionism cannot meet the requirements of public reason. I argue that public reason is the object of reasonable rejection, so it cannot be realised in actual politics through state intervention in a publicly justified way. In addition, I argue that respect for persons is not a reliable basis for public reason. Thus we have good reason to reject public reason liberalism. Then I develop a moderate version of perfectionism. I contend that the state should promote the good life through supporting a wide variety of perfectionist goods, and that it should do so by using moderate measures and by appealing to perfectionist judgements of a moderate kind. Some anti-perfectionists consider that perfectionism would be unnecessary when a fair distribution of resources is realised. Yet a fair distribution of resources is not foreseeable. I propose several kinds of moderate perfectionist policies that are of great importance for any neo-liberal society where the distribution of resources is far from fair, and these policies are ultimately important for the good life, not only for remedying unfairness. Contrary to the positions of many liberal philosophers including Ronald Dworkin and Jeremy Waldron, I argue that moderate perfectionism should not be rejected on grounds of paternalism and unfairness to different conceptions of the good.
14
Pierpan, Jonathan Parks. „Liberalism and Toleration: Competing Concepts of Toleration in Liberal Thought“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1996. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626068.
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15
Colburn, Marta R. „Liberalism, Community, and the Context of Choice“. PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4888.
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Issues of community have become an important focus in the field of political theory in North America. Critics of liberalism, the dominant American theoretical tradition, have charged that liberal theorists have misconceived the nature of community at the ontological and societal level. Some critics see a relationship between the failure of liberal theorists to adequately address community and certain social pathologies facing the American liberal polity. This thesis seeks to address the following questions: How have liberal theorists typically dealt with the issue of community? What are the major criticisms related to issues of community currently being leveled at liberalism? Are there theorists who have noted liberalism's weaknesses with regard to community and who have retooled the liberal enterprise? Finally, assuming a liberal response, which of these if any are the most compelling? In response to the last question, the work of two liberal theorists, Will Kymlicka and William Galston, are analyzed for their responses to criticisms of liberalism issuing from the communitarian school. In the findings of this thesis, the liberal response found in Kymlicka's Liberalism, Community, and Culture presents the most powerful reply to these critiques. Kymlicka uses the challenge of minority rights to liberal conceptions of justice to argue that liberal traditions can be drawn upon for a coherent recognition of culture as an essential right of the individual. Kymlicka bases his argument for expanding liberal understandings of minority rights on liberalism's commitment to equality of circumstances; viewing culture as a potential source of inequality which the dominant culture takes for granted, but which minority cultures must struggle to maintain. By addressing the questions above I hope to contribute to the debate about liberalism and community and sharpen the insights of liberal political theory. By incorporating the insights of Kymlicka into liberal theory I believe that liberalism can better address public policy challenges in contemporary American society, many of which are closely tied to concerns of community.
16
Hilbert, Aubrey Jeanne. „Blinded by the Right: Liberalism among Black Christian Conservatives“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216573.
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SociologyPh.D.
In 2012, President Barack Obama was elected to a second term amidst concerns that his support of same-sex marriage would deter conservative African American voters. Rather, for the first time on record, the share of Black voters surpassed the share of White voters in the general electorate (File 2012). This seemingly paradoxical relationship, for conservative Black voters to support Obama while denouncing gay marriage, has yet to lead to any serious scholarly investigation. Instead, past research on religion and party alignment has focused primarily on the White Christian Right. Political sociologists, therefore, possess a better understanding of the correlation between White Christian conservatism and political conservatism. Meanwhile, not only are explorations into how Christian conservatism affects Black voter alignment scarce, but also, these investigations rarely isolate Black Christian conservatives from the general Black electorate. The current political climate complicates the relationship between race, religion, and politics considerably. The election of Barack Obama has symbolized to some that the American electorate exists within a post-racial environment. Accusations to the contrary have focused on supporters of the Tea Party, a movement that formed on the premise of anti-government interventionism. This highly conservative coalition has dictated the Republican Party's shift to the right, much like the "Moral Majority" in decades past. Similar to its religious predecessor, the Tea Party advocates conservative stances on abortion and gay rights. However, just as the White Christian Right consists almost entirely of White members, so too does the Tea Party. The current study examines Black Christian conservatives' political decision-making. The focus of this research is on Black Christian conservatives. However, in order to explain the environment in which Black voters must operate, I also study White Christian conservatives' political motivations. Thus, I ask, what motivates Black Christian conservatives to align with the Democratic Party despite their conservative political and religious ideologies? I explore three well-known explanations for why Black conservative voters may align with Democrats over Republicans. The first is redistributive policy support, which considers the longstanding espousal of fiscal liberalism among Black voters. Next, racial resentment investigates whether conservative Whites are antagonistic to Black voters' concerns. Finally, religious philosophy examines how Black Christian conservatives apply their religion to their political viewpoints. Each analysis chapter employs data that can directly address the following questions. First, how does Christian conservatism affect White and Black voters' support for various government initiatives? Second, does racial resentment contribute more to Whites' support of the Tea Party, or rather, does that support stem from fiscal and/or Christian conservatism? Finally, given that roughly 90 percent of the Black electorate aligns with the Democratic Party, how do Black Christian conservatives explain their conservatism on gay marriage and abortion alongside their Democratic alignment? To answer these questions, I employed a mixed-methodology consisting of: (1) datasets collected by the American National Elections Survey and the New York Times and CBS News; (2) a content analysis examining Black Christian conservative responses to an opinion editorial featured on four Christian websites and (3) ten in-depth interviews conducted with Black Christian voters. My findings show support for all three explanations. First, I find that Biblical literalism is problematic, since White and Black Christian conservatives diverge on a number of religious issues. While White Christian conservatives place an emphasis on abortion and homosexuality, I find that Black Christian conservatives possess greater concern for economic and racial issues. The White framework in which most scholars operate restricts the religious-political issues to family values. Therefore, when Black Christian conservatives consider poverty and racism as their biggest political issues, many miss the religious weight attached to their liberal stances. In other words, while Christian conservatism has a conservatizing effect on Whites' economic and racial views, it has a liberalizing effect for Blacks. Therefore, to frame Black Christian conservatives' Democratic allegiance as paradoxical misses that political and religious ideologies are contextualized through a White lens. Second, my findings show that the American electorate is still entrenched in racial politics. Whites who exhibit greater racial resentment are more likely to support either the Republican Party or the Tea Party. Moreover, racial resentment is the strongest predictor of White opposition to racial policies, demonstrating that an overall fiscal conservative ideology has very little to do with these stances. I argue that this hostile environment continues to block any hope for political alliance between Black and White Christian conservatives. Third, Black Christian conservatives, while often skeptical of welfare programs, still view redistributive policies in a positive light. Their greater support for economic redistribution is interwoven with a shared history of racial discrimination. Even those among the upper-middle class whom I interviewed had a greater appreciation for government services that helped the unfortunate. Their close proximity to poverty affected this outlook. In fact, all of my interviewees had either received government benefits personally or knew a family member who had. The implications of this research reveal the ramifications of the GOP's fiscal and racial conservatism. By completely ignoring economic concerns, or failing to address the long-standing effects of racial discrimination, Republicans have attracted racially intolerant Whites and pushed away nearly all Black voters. Black Christian conservatives view homosexuality and abortion as sins that are no greater than greed. Due to the economic circumstances of Black voters, it is often the case that economic issues are discussed more frequently than are abortion or homosexuality. Furthermore, Black Christian non-conservatives are much more supportive of gay marriage and abortion than their Christian conservative counterparts are. Therefore, conservative family values will do little to attract Black voters to the Republican Party. To make matters worse, the Tea Party's political prowess during the 2010 midterms pushed the Republican Party far to the right on particular fiscal issues. While opposing social programs that largely affected the poor and racial minorities, the Tea Party sought to appease its base by protecting Medicare. The Republican Party has effectively disapproved of programs benefiting the less fortunate by applying fiscal conservatism only to segments of the population deemed undeserving. In addition, the Tea Party attracts Whites who have high levels of racial resentment regardless of their political ideologies. Indeed, politically liberal and moderate Whites in the Tea Party were even more likely than White conservatives to be motivated by racial resentment. If any Republican effort to attract Black conservatives were to succeed, it would mean diminishing the Tea Party's political power. Anything less than this will convey the GOP's endorsement of a faction deeply entrenched in White interests.
Temple University--Theses
17
Tufan, Ege. „A theory of dystopian liberalism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b732e4f1-1f0d-4d3c-8335-8529bc6b6d68.
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This dissertation aspires to revive the dystopian liberalism which identifies the avoidance of the worst as the fundamental aim of politics. The theory I present consists of three elements overall: The first element is what I call the Priority Claim, stating that the most important aim of social institutions should, morally speaking, be to avoid cruelty qua worst evil (Part I). The second element is the identification of the informal structure, the set of social norms within a population, as an important site to realize this ideal (Part II). The third element is the application of the principle that cruelty be avoided to the in-formal structure (Part III). This leads to an account of desirable social norms and in turn to a concrete answer to the question how individuals can in their everyday lives do their part to create a world that is overall less cruel and more humane.
18
Hall, Edward. „Realism and liberalism in the political thought of Bernard Williams“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/881/.
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This thesis offers the first systematic critical examination of the political thought of Bernard Williams; explains the relation between his political realism and his critical assessment of much modern moral philosophy, and discusses how his work illuminates the debates about the nature and purpose of political theory. I defend Williams’s fundamental claim that the central questions of political morality arise within politics and argue accordingly that political theory should not, contrary to the position implicit in much contemporary political theory, in the first instance be seen as an exercise in applying a set of external moral principles to politics. I argue that although Williams’s critique of contemporary political theory is mistaken in its claim that contemporary political theorists conventionally endorse a monolithic form of moralism, he convincingly shows that political theory should begin with an understanding of the distinctive character of politics, as this enables us to understand the goods that are internal to it. In this regard, Williams’s realism is best read as an attempt to make ethical sense of politics, and as an attempt to explain how we can continue to affirm a kind of liberalism, without recourse to the moralised presuppositions that he insists we must jettison. I go on to argue that by developing the insights of Williams’s late work we can articulate a defence of liberalism that has marked advantages over the ‘high liberalism’ that most contemporary liberal theorists defend. This latter argument illustrates the distinctiveness of Williams’s contribution to contemporary debates about realism in political theory as most of the realist thinkers with whom he is grouped endorse a form of realism in order to impugn liberalism.
19
Estep, Erik. „Critiquing liberalism : the political thought of Garry Wills“. Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1020183.
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This study concerned the political thought of Garry Wills. His books Nixon Agonistes (1969), and Confessions of a Conservative (1979), and the article "The Order of Convenience" (1961) were all analyzed. A common theme in Wills's thought is the rejection of individualism. He also finds fault in the liberal orthodoxies that serve as a governing orthodoxies in the United States. In place of liberal individual Wills suggests the Convenient State, a entity based on “loved things held in common." The potential inadequacy of the Convenient State is presented in light of the economic, racial, class, and ethnic divisions that trouble the United States.Department of Political Science
20
Warner, Steven. „Liberalism, disadvantage and deliberation : the search for solutions to social injustice“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363781.
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21
Cherniss, Joshua. „Political Ethics and the Spirit of Liberalism in Twentieth-Century Political Thought“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070021.
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Liberalism is often criticized as too moralistic and removed from the realities of politics; and too complacently accepting of injustices. Such criticisms, familiar among contemporary political theorists, were expressed far more forcefully in the earlier twentieth century. Liberalism then came under attack from anti-liberals who wholly rejected the institutional and ethical limits on the political deployment of violence and fear insisted upon by liberals. Such anti-liberals advanced arguments for political ruthlessness on behalf of a truer morality - either the morality of pursuing morally imperative political goals; or the morality of "realistically" responding to threats to public order. Liberals found themselves faced with a dilemma: to adhere to their principles at the price of hampering their ability to combat both existing injustices, and the threat posed by ruthless anti-liberal movements; or to abandon their scruples in seeking to defend, or transform, liberal society.
The criticisms and challenges confronting liberalism between the end of World War I, and the end of the Cold War, thus centered on opposing responses to problems of political ethics. They were also shaped by opposed ideals of political ethos - the "spirit", dispositions of character, sensibility and patterns of perception and response, which characterize the way in which actors pursue their values and goals in practice.
In this dissertation I reconstruct these debates, and explicate the ethical claims and questions involved, presenting accounts of the opposed - yet often convergent - positions of moral purism, end-maximalism, and realism. I offer accounts of the ethical arguments and ethos of such anti-liberals as Lenin, Trotsky, and Lukacs; and explore the ambivalent commitments and ambiguous arguments of Max Weber, who influenced both critics and defenders of liberalism. Finally, and primarily, I reconstruct the ethical arguments and ethos of "tempered liberalism" - a strain of liberalism, represented by Reinhold Niebuhr, Isaiah Berlin, and Adam Michnik, which sought to re-imagine liberalism as an ethos which rejected both the innocence and complacency of some earlier liberalisms, and the ruthlessness of anti-liberalism, and steered a "moderate" ethical path between hard-headed, skeptical realism, and values of individual integrity and idealism.Government
22
McMillan, Katherine Alexandra. „Citizenship Under Neo-Liberalism: Immigrant Minorities in New Zealand 1990-1999“. Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2347.
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Ideally, a citizen is an individual who is a formal member of a self-governing political community, with individual rights and freedoms that are equal to those of other citizens, and which are protected by law. This thesis investigates how closely the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities in New Zealand approximated this ideal during the 1990s. Its particular focus is on how the neo-liberal ideology of National and Coalition Governments between 1990 and 1999, and those Governments' understandings of the nature and political significance of ethnicity, affected the ability of those belonging to non-Maori ethnic minority groups to be full and equal members of the New Zealand political community, with an equal capacity for self-governance at the individual level and as members of the political community. The thesis takes the form of a survey of public policy and law over a period of nine years. Five broad areas or aspects of public policy are examined: the collection and dissemination of official 'ethnic' statistics; immigration and citizenship policy; civil rights provided for in domestic and international law; mechanisms for ensuring access to political decision-making; and social policy. The question asked in the thesis is whether the policies developed and administered in each of these areas during the 1990s enriched or detracted from the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities.
23
Sell, Geoffrey. „Liberal revival : Jo Grimond and the politics of British Liberalism 1956-1967“. Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368855.
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Forrester, Katrina Max. „Liberalism and realism in American political thought, 1950-1990“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283922.
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25
Scott, Jennifer. „The Black Sash : a case study of liberalism in South Africa 1955-1990“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335876.
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Dolovich, Sharon. „Does political morality have a gender? : Feminism, contemporary liberalism and the ethic of care“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282885.
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27
Grugel, J. B. „Populism, nationalism and liberalism in Chile : The second administration of Carlos Ibanez, 1952-58“. Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373771.
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Nestaiko, Marta. „ECOLOGICAL CRISIS AND HUMAN NATURE: The Green and Liberal Approaches“. Thesis, Waterloo, Ont. : University of Waterloo, [Dept. of Polical Science], 2003. http://etd.uwaterloo.ca/etd/mnestaik2003.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Waterloo, 2003."A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science". Includes bibliographical references.
29
Stewart, Iain. „Raymond Aron and the roots of the French Liberal Renaissance“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/raymond-aron-and-the-roots-of-the-french-liberal-renaissance(80d5362a-6256-40f2-821d-06eaec43e4c3).html.
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Raymond Aron is widely recognised as France's greatest twentieth-century liberal, but the specifically liberal quality of his thought has not received the detailed historical analysis that it deserves. His work appears to fit so well within widely accepted understandings of post-war European liberalism, which has been defined primarily in terms of its anti-totalitarian, Cold War orientation, that its liberal status has been somewhat taken for granted. This has been exacerbated by an especially strong perception of a correlation between liberalism and anti-totalitarianism in France, whose late twentieth-century renaissance in liberal political thought is viewed as the product of an 'anti-totalitarian turn' in the late 1970s. While the moral authority accumulated through decades of opposition to National Socialism and Soviet communism made Aron into an anti-totalitarian icon, his early contribution to the rediscovery of France's liberal tradition established his reputation as a leader of the renaissance in the study of liberal political thought. Aron's prominence within this wider renaissance suggests that an historical treatment of his thought is overdue, but while the assumptions underpinning his reputation are not baseless, they do need to be critically scrutinised if such a treatment is to be credible. In pursuit of this end, two main arguments are developed in the present thesis. These are, first, that Aron's liberalism was more a product of the inter-war crisis of European liberalism than of the Cold War and, second, that his relationship with the French liberal tradition was primarily active and instrumental rather than passive and receptive. The first argument indicates that Aron's liberalism developed through a dialogue with and partial integration of important strands of anti-liberal crisis thought during these inter-war years; the second that earlier liberals with whose work he is frequently associated - notably Montesquieu and Tocqueville - had no substantial formative influence on his political thought. These contentions are interrelated in that Aron's post-war interpretation of his chosen liberal forebears was driven by a need to address specific problems arising from the liberal political epistemology that he formulated before the Second World War. It is by establishing in detail the link between Aron's reading of Montesquieu and Tocqueville and these earlier writings that the thesis makes its principal contribution to the existing literature on Aron, but several other original interpretations of his work are offered across its four thematic chapters on 'Political Epistemology', 'Anti-totalitarianism', 'The End of Ideology' and 'Instrumentalizing the French Liberal Tradition'. Regarding Aron's relationship with the wider late twentieth-century recovery of liberal political thought in France, it contends that the specific liberal renaissance to which he contributed most substantially emerged not as part of the anti-totalitarian turn, but in hostile reaction to the events of May 1968. This informs a broader argument that French liberal renaissance of these years was considerably more heterogeneous than is often assumed.
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Billingham, Paul. „Justification to all : liberalism, legitimacy, and theology“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3c205a0e-3d43-4037-abd6-eeedd249670f.
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This thesis concerns the reason-giving aspect of legitimacy. What reasons must be used to justify coercive laws, if citizens are to be respected as morally free and equal, in the face of their many moral, religious, and philosophical disagreements? Many theorists endorse 'political liberalism', according to which laws must be justified to all citizens by reasons that they can accept. This claim has been interpreted in two conflicting ways. The dominant view, which I call 'public reason liberalism', holds that laws must be justified by appeal to a set of values that all citizens can share, despite their many disagreements. In the first part of the thesis, I argue that this view should be rejected in favour of 'justificatory liberalism', which holds that laws must be conclusively justified to each citizen on the basis of all of their reasons. I also respond to the challenge of the 'right reasons view', which rejects the claim that laws need to be justified to citizens by reasons they can accept. Several prominent objections to political liberalism claim that it is incompatible with committed religious belief. In the second part of the thesis I investigate whether this is the case with regard to Christianity, by engaging with Christian theology. I argue that many of the common objections to political liberalism fail, but so do certain arguments that aim to show that Christians ought to endorse public reason liberalism on the basis of their religious beliefs. Nonetheless, Christians can accept political liberalism, and justificatory liberalism in particular. The requirements of justificatory liberalism and individuals' Christian beliefs will sometimes conflict, however. Justificatory liberals should accept that individuals can sometimes justifiably prioritise the latter over the former. My overall argument is that justificatory liberalism offers the best account of the reason-giving aspect of legitimacy, and that this is partly shown by its compatibility with Christian theology.
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Chachine, Isaias Ezequiel. „Community, justice, and freedom : liberalism, communitarianism, and African contributions to political ethics /“. Uppsala : Univ, 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017536099&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Helvaci, Ahmet. „The influence of liberalism on Turkish economy, politics and civic culture with particular reference to the Ozal era“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301556.
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Hughes, Llewelyn (Llewelyn P. ). „The limits of liberalism? : long-run petroleum prices and government intervention in petroleum markets in Japan, France, and the United States“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/54601.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009."June 2009." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 355-367).
This study considers cross-national and inter-temporal variation in national oil policies in Japan, France, and the United States. A test was performed of the extent to which policies in these countries continue to emphasize national control over the petroleum supply chain, or have adopted more liberal forms of market governance. It was found that national petroleum policies converged on liberal outcomes in the 1980s and 1990s. In each country regulatory, trade and other policy instruments were restructured to give the forces of supply and demand an increasingly important role in trade in crude oil and petroleum products. It was also found that convergence on liberal outcomes was partially reversed in some countries, but not others. This was explained through the interests and policy preferences of state actors with responsibility for setting oil policy, and domestic oil firms. In two of the cases - the United States and Japan - policies promoting national control remained in the interests of state actors and firms, meaning these policies were restructured but not discarded in response to changes in the structure of the petroleum market. In the case of France, policies supporting national control were jettisoned as national firms became increasingly internationally competitive and disinterested in obtaining state support. It was argued that the findings are significant for our understanding of liberal convergence in the advanced industrial states. Alternative explanations of this phenomenon explain outcomes by arguing either that domestic actors have little capacity to shape policy outcomes, or by assuming the policy preferences of domestic actors uniformly match liberal policy outcomes.
(cont.) The findings presented here suggest: 1) the policy preferences of domestic actors remain important; 2) the policy preferences of domestic actors need not uniformly match liberal policy outcomes when inimical to interests. This suggests that identifying whether changes in international markets or other processes will lead to a convergence on liberal policy outcomes, or whether this process is likely to be reversed, requires us to identify the effects of shifts in international markets or other kinds of changes on the underlying interests and policy preferences of multiple domestic political actors.
by Llewelyn Hughes.
Ph.D.
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Kley, Roland. „Political philosophy and social theory : a critique of F.A. Hayek's justification of liberalism“. Thesis, St. Gallen : [s.n.], 1990. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00190430.pdf.
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Howard, Jeffrey. „The fragility of justice : political liberalism and the problem of stability“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:921277fe-a454-4441-bb9b-5bf5e9afc5b0.
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Human powers of moral reasoning and motivation are fragile. How should citizens committed to the achievement of liberal justice respond to this fact? This dissertation theorises a class of moral requirements that are central to the practice of liberal democracy but have been recently overlooked by political philosophers: the fortificational duties, which enjoin citizens to design and submit to civic practices that improve both their moral reasoning and the motivational resilience of their sense of justice. It considers the proposition that a conception of justice is unjustified if unlikely to generate its own freely willed maintenance, or stability, in the face of human nature, and it argues that this proposition is false. If justice may face overwhelming resistance unless steps are taken to fortify ourselves against our own fallibility, the right response is to pursue precisely such fortification. Chapter One sketches the orienting ideal of the dissertation: an ideal of a social world in which citizens live together as free and equal. Chapter Two assesses the proposition that we ought to modify or abandon this ideal if we determine that it is unlikely to be freely realised without serious civic or institutional assistance—a move suggested by John Rawls’s “stability test”—and it argues that the candidate arguments for this conclusion fail. The chapter instead argues that citizens are subject to moral requirements to fortify their sense of justice by designing and submitting to measures that increase the likelihood that they will accurately identify and freely comply with their fundamental moral duties. These measures together constitute a liberal democracy’s “stability charter.” Chapters Three to Six explore proposed elements of citizens’ stability charter. Chapter Three discusses the fortification of moral reasoning through democratic deliberation. Chapter Four considers what institutional mechanisms could keep democracy oriented toward the achievement of justice despite human fallibility, and it defends a minimalist conception of judicial review as a case study. Chapter Five argues that the practice of criminal punishment is justified by the duties of wrongdoers to pursue additional fortificational measures in the aftermath of their moral powers’ defective operation. And Chapter Six focuses on the special problem posed to the enduring achievement of justice by “unreasonable citizens” who reject fundamental liberal values. The distinctive contribution of the dissertation lies, firstly, in its novel appropriation of the Rawlsian ideal of stability—reconceiving stability not as a justificatory condition set by reason on our convictions, but as a practical challenge that our own convictions set for us—and, secondly, in its deployment of that insight to motivate novel arguments about the character of democratic deliberation, the limits and role of judicial review, the proper purposes of criminal punishment, and the ideal method of engagement with unreasonable citizens.
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Kiraly, Attila. „Zwischenruf: Welch eine Macht?“ Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/5795/.
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Vonseiten Nordkoreas wurde der Tod Kim Jong-ils am 17. Dezember 2011 mitgeteilt. Kim Jong-il war der Zweite der Familie, der Nordkorea regierte, nach seinem Vater Kim Il-sung. Die fortfolgende Herrschaft der leiblichen Söhne gibt dem Ganzen eine archaisch traditionale Komponente. Das Erstaunliche ist, warum dies trotz allem auch im 21. Jahrhundert zu funktionieren scheint.
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Coyle, Douglas L. Beckwith Francis. „Nicholas Wolterstorff's Reformed epistemology and its challenge to Lockean and Rawlsian liberalism“. Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4209.
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Harjanto, Nicolaus Teguh Budi. „Islam and Liberalism in Contemporary Indonesia: The Political Ideas of Jaringan Islam Liberal“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1070464571.
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Anili, Bruno 1977. „Beyond liberal discourse: Meta-ideological hegemony and narrative alternatives“. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11064.
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xiii, 253 p.This project presents a critical engagement with the concept of ideology. It advances the view that political ideologies can be regarded as distinctive narrative styles and as such can be analyzed in their peculiar discursive formations. It specifically concentrates on liberalism, which I regard as the dominant ideology in much of "the West" today. My study contributes to the scholarship at the intersection between contemporary political theory, theories of language, and comparative politics. By employing simple instruments of semiotics I show how the discourse of liberalism organizes the production and deployment of political meaning. In particular, I argue that a critical engagement with the texts of thinkers ranging from John Locke to John Stuart Mill and John Rawls can contribute to unveiling the deep structures of liberal discourse. I maintain that these structures constitute liberalism as a "grammar" which operates by organizing political content around key concepts like individual agency, rationality, and anthropocentrism. Crucially, liberalism also acts as a "meta-ideology" capable of expressing alternative positions through its versatile grammatical infrastructure. I analyze contemporary theorists like Will Kymlicka, Robert Putnam, and Philip Pettit, and argue that they engage in similar intellectual projects, incorporating elements of communitarianism and republicanism in a liberal framework. In the second part of my dissertation I inquire into the possibility of alternative meta-ideological constellations. In particular, I focus on the contribution of Jean-Luc Nancy: I argue that his characterization of "being-in-common" as the fundamental position of existence can replace the liberal tenet of individualism as the basic assumption on human nature. Finally, I ground these abstract reflections in the concrete reality of the community of Badolato, in southern Italy, where locals and immigrants alike seem to understand and organize their relationality outside of a paradigm of liberal toleration. I present the results of the ethnographic research that I conducted in Badolato and I characterize that experience of encounter with the other as an example of the practices of hospitality envisioned by the late Jacques Derrida.
Committee in charge: Deborah Baumgold, Co-Chair; Leonard Feldman, Co-Chair; Dennis Galvan, Member; Craig Parsons, Member; Massimo Lollini, Outside Member
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Kirkby, Daniela M. „An analysis of Samuel P. Huntington's theories“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1015964.
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The traditional notion of Western liberal democracy has in recent years been met with a barrage of negative criticism. Liberal democracy from both a minimalist and substantive position appears to be backsliding, and once more falling into what Samuel P. Huntington (1991) termed a reverse wave. The analysis which Huntington (1991) presented ended in an era in which liberal democracy once more dominated the political landscape for a third consecutive wave, without any indication that it was going to relapse. In light of Huntington’s (1991) closure, this study has attempted to continue with his analysis and point to the possible existence of a third wave reversal. In order to do so, this study has meticulously used the same methodological approach as Huntington (1991) did to highlight previous wave reversals. This has been done by critically discussing, with examples, the existence of those factors that lead to a global decline in liberal democratic practice as prescribed by Huntington (1991). This study attempts not only to point to the possible existence of a third wave reversal, but also to explain the contextual reasons behind such an increase in anti-democratic rhetoric. The application of Huntington’s (1991) wave theory does not explain the subjective reasoning behind the contemporary deterioration of liberal democracy, as his factors leading to wave reversals may be too pragmatic for this study. It is in this light that a second argument as brought forward by Huntington in 1996, serves as the contextual layer for the decrease in democratic support as it provides the basis for the application of a critical discourse analysis. Therefore, this study serves not only as an investigation of the possible existence of a current third wave reversal, but also as an analysis into the discursive nature of liberal democracy’s historical and future trajectory.
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Bergström, Arvid. „Vad är Liberalernas liberalism? : En idéanalys av Liberalernas partiprogram 1934–2019“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185642.
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This essay is about ideological change within the Liberal Party in Sweden between its modern founding in 1934 to 2019. In this period there has also been a change in what liberalism is, and its ideological stances has shifted. How has this change affected the Liberal Party in Sweden, and what denomination of liberalism has been the dominant one in the party programs adopted during the period between 1934 and 2019?
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Taylor, Jeffrey L. „From radical to respectable : the declining influence of Jefferson's political thought on twentieth-century American liberalism /“. free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9841189.
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Evtusjenko, Alexander. „Socialdemokratins idéutveckling : Har det skett en förskjutning mot liberalism i partiets ideologi?“ Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-71100.
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The purpose pf this thesis is to explore the occurence of an ideological changen of Swedish social democratic party towards liberalism. the Swedish social democratic party ha during recent decades been experiencing political setebacks and it may be a reason that caused an ideological shift in favour for liberal values. To answer this question this paper conducts ideal type analysis pf the party programmes from 1990s an onwards. The analysis is based on an ideal types framework that includes najor tenets from liberalism and reformistic socialism and typical traits of both ideologies.
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Chandler, Eric B. „GIVING GROUND: EXPLORING NON-COERCIVE POLITICS“. Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1069797702.
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Hoffner, Frederick James. „The moral state in 1919, a study of John Watson's idealism and communitarian liberalism as expressed in The state in peace and war“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq28205.pdf.
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Ziarat, Zadeh Hanna. „Säkerhetspolisens hantering av terrorism : En kvalitativ idéanalys om nationellt intresse & individens frihet“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-84661.
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The aim of this report is to analyze the Swedish security service Säkerhetspolisen (SÄPO) actions against terrorism in Sweden. The report will also focus on analyzing the new strategies that the state has implemented for SÄPO after the terrorist attack which happened in Sweden 7th of June 2017 on Drottninggatan. Both of the questions is answered through a perspective of liberalism and realism. This report is grounded on an empirical investigation method and is a qualitative idea analysis. Furthermore, to make this study reliable, the idea analysis is mostly based on primary sources. The conclusions of this report are that SÄPO’s strategies are mostly grounded on liberalized fragments, such as corporation and justice. However, the new strategies of SÄPO against terrorism have become more realistic after the attack on Drottninggatan. SÄPO will be emphasized as the main actor against terrorism. Liberalism and realism as theories will illustrate different views on how Sweden will or should provide security for the country itself.
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Andersson, Christoffer. „Bistånd och Ideologi : En studie om ideologins påverkan på svenskt bistånd“. Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-69431.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether or not the Swedish aid has had an ideologicalinclination for the past 12 years and, if that is the case, examine what ideology/ideologies hasexcersised greatest influence over the aid as well as how the influence has manifested itself. Thisthesis will be using a qualitive method for this investigation, more specifically an Ideal typeanalysis. The priorities, use of language and overall goals concerning the aid from various budgetproposals and policy frameworks are the main subjects for analysis which will then be used tocompare them to the ”pure” thoughts from three major ideological thoughts: Social democracy,social liberalism and social conservatism.The results of the thesis shows that the Swedish aid has most certaintly been affected by theideological views of the reigning government. It likewise shows that social democracy, as well associal liberalism, served as the major ideological foundations during this time. However, the overallobjectives have not been subject to change during this time but have rather remained adamant in theface of ideological changes. Keywords: aid, ideal type analysis, ideology, social conservatism, social democracy, socialliberalism.
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Assaad, Michelle. „The Humanitarian Gaze and the Spectatorial Nature of Sympathy“. Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7732.
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Ansel Adams, one of the world’s great photographers, once said, “There are always two people in every picture: the photographer and the viewer.” This thesis will explore the relationship of the photographer, the viewer, and the photographed subject in the context of humanitarian photography, which has historically internalized a specific balance of power between the worlds of the photographer, viewer, and subject. By examining this tangible expression of the internalized world, this thesis is also performing a critical examination of humanitarianism itself with the intent of improving humanitarian practices and interior worlds. In examining these topics, this thesis will answer the following questions: What is the humanitarian gaze? And: Why is the spectatorial nature of sympathy reserved for Global South? These are questions that will lead to the core question that this thesis asks: what is the relationship between humanitarianism and colonialism?
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Wareham, Christopher. „Liberal aristocracy & the limits of democracy“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/124/.
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Björk, Robin. „EU:s Handelspolicy : Liberalism eller Merkantilism?“ Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39448.
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Uppsatsen syfte är att ta reda på ifall den Europeiska Unionens (EU) handelspolicy för den interna respektive den externa marknaden följer den liberala retoriken som förs av unionen. Det är en komparativ fallstudie som använder sig av idealtyper för att ge en nyanserad bild av unionens handelspolicy. Det teoretiska ramverket som används för att framställa dessa idealtyper är merkantilism samt liberalism. Idealtyperna appliceras sedan på de två fallen. Fokus för studien ligger på tiden mellan Lissabonfördraget och 2012 innan den senaste utvidgningen till 28 medlemsstater ägde rum. I analysen kan man se delar av båda teorierna i varierande grad. Avslutningsvis diskuteras i vilken grad de båda teorierna influerar EU:s handelspolicy för den inre samt yttre marknaden. I resultatet kan man se att liberalismen genomsyrar stora delar av EU:s handelspolicy, men att det finns merkantilistiska undertoner i ett flertal olika områden.The aim with this thesis is to find out whether the European Union (EU) trade policy for the internal and the external market comply with the liberal rhetoric that is conducted by the Union. It is a comparative case study based on ideal types to give the reader a nuanced view of EU:s trade policy. The theoretical framework that is being used to produce the ideal types is mercantilism and liberalism. Consequently, the ideal types are being applied on the two cases. The focus of the study is the time between the Lisbon Treaty and 2012, before the recent enlargement to 28 member states took place. In the analysis, one can see portions of both theories in varying degrees. Finally, the extent of how liberalism and mercantilism influences EU:s trade policy for the internal and the external market is being discussed. The result of the thesis show that liberalism influence most parts of the trade policy, but there are also some mercantilist undertones in several areas.