Zeitschriftenartikel: „Logophobia“

1

Kleinschmidt, Edward. „Logophobia“. College English 53, Nr. 6 (Oktober 1991): 664. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/377891.

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Pigliucci, Massimo. „Logophobia“. EMBO reports 10, Nr. 10 (11.09.2009): 1068. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/embor.2009.206.

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3

Śniszewska, Edyta. „Recenzja Zbigniew Tarkowski, Ewa Humeniuk: Shyness, logophobia, mutism. Diagnosis and therapy [Nieśmiałość, logofobia, mutyzm. Diagnoza i terapia]. New York, Nova Science Publishers, 2020, 221 stron“. Logopedia Silesiana, Nr. 9 (29.12.2020): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/logopediasilesiana.2020.09.11.

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Zbigniew Tarkowski, Ewa Humeniuk: Shyness, logophobia, mutism. Diagnosis and therapy [Nieśmiałość, logofobia, mutyzm. Diagnoza i terapia]. New York, Nova Science Publishers, 2020, 221 stron - recenzja publikacji.

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4

Pablé, Adrian. „Logophilia, logophobia and the terra mota of personal linguistic experience“. Language & Communication 32, Nr. 3 (Juli 2012): 257–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langcom.2012.04.001.

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5

Qotadah, Hudzaifah Achmad, Maisyatusy Syarifah und Adang Darmawan Achmad. „MISINTERPRETATION OF SALAFI JIHADIST ON JIHĀD VERSES: AN ANALYSIS“. Asy-Syari'ah 23, Nr. 2 (02.09.2022): 297–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/as.v23i2.14757.

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Nowadays, the term "Jiha̅d" has taken on the connotation of a frightening term (logophobia). This is due to the fact that religious extremists use it in a very narrow context. Unfortunately, the concept of pure and vast Jihad has been tainted by insights and actions that have transcended its borders, resulting in the term Jihad being viewed negatively by some segments of the world's society. The study examines how these scholars (of Salafi Jihadism) interpret these specific verses of the Holy Quran, as well as how their concepts and explanations regarding Jihad verses differ from other scholars. A thorough qualitative method is used in this article to examine the misinterpretation of the Jiha̅d verses used by Salafi Jihadism. The study shows, first, the Salafi-Jihadi movement interprets jihad verses only based on literal meanings, ignoring the context of the asbab nuzul verses, pay less attention to the period and socio-historical verses revealed. Second, considering jihad as a physical struggle only and war in the way of Allah as a natural obligation for Muslims.

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Priiki, Katri. „The Finnish logophoric pronoun hän: a quantitative approach“. Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 8, Nr. 2 (06.09.2017): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2017.8.2.11.

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The paper examines the logophoric use of hän ‘he/she’ in contemporary Finnish conversation data. A logophoric pronoun is a device used in reported speech referring to the original speaker of a reported utterance. In informal spoken Finnish the pronoun hän is mostly used logophorically, even though in Standard Finnish, it is the regular third person personal pronoun. The paper approaches the logophoric function of hän from a new, quantitative viewpoint by examining the frequency of different aspects of the logophora. Based on the quantitative analysis of the data, the canonical construction of indirect speech seems to be the most typical context for the pronoun hän to occur, even though previous studies have claimed Finnish logophora semantic rather than structural. From the prototypical position the logophoric use spreads to reporting thoughts, interpreting feelings, and expressing the roles of the participants of the interaction.Kokkuvõte. Katri Priiki: Soome keele logofooriline asesõna hän: kvantitatiivne lähenemine. Artikkel käsitleb asesõna hän ‘tema, ta’ logofoorilist kasutamist tänapäeva soome kõnekeeles. Logofooriline asesõna on vahend, mida kasutatakse vahendatud kõnes selleks, et viidata vahendatud lausungi algsele kõnelejale. Soome kõnekeeles kasutatakse asesõna hän enamasti logofooriliselt, kuigi standardkeeles on see regulaarne kolmanda isiku isikuline asesõna. Artikkel käsitleb asesõna hän logofoorilist funktsiooni sageduse vaatepunktist. Kvantitatiivsest analüüsist ilmneb, et kanooniline vahendatud kõnet väljendav konstruktsioon on asesõna hän kasutamise kõige püsivam kontekst, vaatamata sellele, et varasemates uuringutes on logofoori soome keeles peetud pigem semantiliseks kui struktuurseks. Prototüüpsest vahendatud kõne kontekstist on logofooriline kasutus levinud ka mujale: seda kasutatakse mõtete esitamisel, tunnete tõlgendamisel ja suhtluses osalejate rollide väljendamisel.Võtmesõnad: logofoor; isikulised asesõnad; asesõnad; vahendatud kõne; kõnekeel; kolmas isik; soome keel

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Kaiser, Elsi. „Effects of perspective-taking on pronominal reference to humans and animals: Logophoricity in Finnish“. Open Linguistics 4, Nr. 1 (01.12.2018): 630–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2018-0031.

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AbstractThis paper investigates the logophoric pronoun system of Finnish, with a focus on reference to animals, to further our understanding of the linguistic representation of non-human animals, how perspective-taking is signaled linguistically, and how this relates to features such as [+/-HUMAN]. In contexts where animals are grammatically [-HUMAN] but conceptualized as the perspectival center (whose thoughts, speech or mental state is being reported), can they be referred to with logophoric pronouns? Colloquial Finnish is claimed to have a logophoric pronoun which has the same form as the human-referring pronoun of standard Finnish, han (she/he). This allows us to test whether a pronoun that may at first blush seem featurally specified to seek [+HUMAN] referents can be used for [-HUMAN] referents when they are logophoric. I used corpus data to compare the claim that han is logophoric in both standard and colloquial Finnish vs. the claim that the two registers have different logophoric systems. I argue for a unified system where han is logophoric in both registers, and moreover can be used for logophoric [-HUMAN] referents in both colloquial and standard Finnish. Thus, on its logophoric use, han does not require its referent to be [+HUMAN].

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Charnavel, Isabelle. „Logophoricity and Locality: A View from French Anaphors“. Linguistic Inquiry 51, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2020): 671–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00349.

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In many unrelated languages, the same anaphor is either subject to Condition A of the binding theory, or exempt from it but with specific interpretive properties. On the basis of French data and crosslinguistic comparisons, I first show that such exempt anaphors must be anteceded by logophoric centers. Elaborating on but modifying Sells 1987 , I provide specific tests to argue that these logophoric antecedents can be classified into two kinds of perspective centers, attitude holders and empathy loci, thus reducing logophoricity to mental perspective. Next, I propose to derive the logophoricity of exempt anaphors from the following hypothesis: seemingly exempt anaphors are in fact bound by silent logophoric pronouns introduced by syntactically represented logophoric operators within their local domain. Crucially, this hypothesis, which is independently supported by exhaustive coreference constraints on locally cooccurring exempt anaphors, also accounts for their apparent exemption from Condition A, reanalyzed here as local binding by a silent logophoric binder.

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Perekhvalskaya, Elena. „Logophoric strategy in San-Maka“. Language in Africa 1, Nr. 4 (30.12.2020): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2020-1-4-115-130.

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The article deals with strategies of coding the participants of communication in reporting dicours in San-Maka (Eastern Mande < Mande < Niger-Congo). San-Maka demonstrates an interesting case wherein 3rd person Sg and Pl pronouns, combined with an emphatic marker sɛ́, are used in a logophoric function. However, this construction is not fully grammaticalized. The combination of the pronouns with the emphatic marker acts in a logophoric function in specific reported speech contexts in the presence of the quotative particle mà ~ mə̀ ~ m’ which occupies the leftmost position of the clause. Different possible interpretations of this strategy are shown, followed by a conclusion about the ongoing formation of the logophoric strategy in San-Maka and the grammaticalization of pronouns with the marker sɛ́ into a specialized logophoric pronoun series.

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Daniel, Michael. „Logophoric reference in Archi“. Journal of Pragmatics 88 (Oktober 2015): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2015.07.002.

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11

McCready, Eric. „Discourse subordination and logophoric binding“. Research on Language and Computation 5, Nr. 1 (14.11.2006): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11168-006-9017-8.

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12

Oshima, David Y. „On empathic and logophoric binding“. Research on Language and Computation 5, Nr. 1 (19.12.2006): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11168-006-9020-0.

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13

Udayana, I. Nyoman. „On the Distribution of Reflexive Anaphors and Logophoric Anaphors in Balinese“. Theory and Practice in Language Studies 12, Nr. 9 (01.09.2022): 1848–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1209.18.

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The central claim of this paper is that reflexive anaphors and logophoric anaphors in Balinese share the same forms. It is shown that Balinese possesses simple and complex reflexives. Only complex reflexives participate in the logophoric environment. Importantly it is claimed that the logophoric use of the reflexive anaphor occurs in a clausal complement of the verbs of communication and other verbs denoting a general state of consciousness. The logophor can appear in the subject or object position of the embedded clause while the reflexive use of the anaphor is only limited to occurring in a single clause and is restricted to occupying the object position, either the object of a verb or the object of a preposition. The characteristic differences in the distribution between the two are reflected in a syntactic domain having to do with passivization in that logophoric constructions allow it while reflexive constructions completely ban it. In addition, logophoricity may characterize an operation where there is a mismatch in the agreement between the logophor and its targeted antecedent whereas in reflexivity there must be an agreement in the phi-features between the binder and the bindee.

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Wälchli, Bernhard. „Logophoricity in Eastern Vidzeme“. Baltic Linguistics 6 (31.12.2015): 141–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32798/bl.397.

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Eastern Vidzeme is an important, hitherto neglected, area for the study of logophoricity in the Circum-Baltic languages. This paper shows, on the one hand, that logophoricity in Latvian is not restricted to Latgalian dialects, but is almost fully consistent in the writings of the novelist Andrievs Niedra (1871–1942) originating from Tirza, and on the other hand, that Leivu Estonian, a moribund South Estonian language island in Northeastern Vidzeme between Gulbene and Alūksne, is the only Estonian variety having developed a logophoric pronoun. Given the high diversity of logophoricity in Latvian, it is important to study idiolects with large corpora, and written language deserves more study. Like Finnish dialects and Leivu Estonian, Niedra’s idiolect uses logophoric pronouns even for marking the report addressee in questions. Unlike in the Latgalian tales discussed by Nau (2006), logophoricity can be extended beyond the domain of report to thought. A distinction between allophoric (frame and report speaker are different) and autophoric reports (frame and report speaker are the same) is introduced. It is argued that logophoric pronouns are a non-deictic and noncoreference-based strategy to mark reports, that their function is not primarily reference tracking, and that logophoric pronouns in Latvian are constructionalized rather than grammaticalized.

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Nagata, Hiroshi. „Off-Line Reflexive Resolution in Parsing Japanese Logophoric Sentences: An Extension“. Perceptual and Motor Skills 81, Nr. 1 (August 1995): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1995.81.1.128.

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This study examined the external validity of Nagata's 1995 finding on off-line resolution of a Japanese reflexive. jibun, for logophoric and nonlogophoric sentences. The subject marker, - ga, was attached to both a matrix-subject and a subordinate-subject as contrasted with the previous study in which the matrix-subject received a topic marker, - wa. Analysis again showed no effect of sentence type, thus making invalid Kuroda's (1973) thesis and Chomsky's (1981) binding principle as applied to parsing logophoric and nonlogophoric sentences.

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Bimpeh, Abigail Anne, und Frank Sode. „Not all occurrences of logophoric pronouns are bound by a logophoric operator: The case of Ewe.“ Snippets, Nr. 41 (Juli 2021): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.7358/snip-2021-041-biso.

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Culy, Cristopher, und Kungarma Kodio. „Dogon pronominal systems their nature and evolution“. Studies in African Linguistics 23, Nr. 3 (15.06.1994): 315–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v23i3.107411.

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The Dogon language family has received little attention in the linguistics literature to date. In this paper we examine the binding properties of the pronominal systems of three Dogon languages, Donno S:>, T:>r:> S:>, and Togo Ka. We also posit the pronominal system of their common ancestor, and the changes from the common ancestor to the contemporary languages. In doing so, we find two ways in which languages can lose logophoricity: (1) the logophoric pronoun becomes a subject oriented reflexive, and (2) the logophoric pronoun is lost without any reflex. The Dogon languages thus give us insight into the nature of pronominal systems and how they evolve.

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Nikitina, Tatiana, und Anna Bugaeva. „Logophoric speech is not indirect: towards a syntactic approach to reported speech constructions“. Linguistics 59, Nr. 3 (21.04.2021): 609–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0067.

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Abstract The distinction between direct and indirect speech has long been known not to reflect the crosslinguistic diversity of speech reporting strategies. Yet prominent typological approaches remain firmly grounded in that traditional distinction and look to place language-specific strategies on a universal continuum, treating them as deviations from the “direct” and “indirect” ideals. We argue that despite their methodological attractiveness, continuum approaches do not provide a solid basis for crosslinguistic comparison. We aim to present an alternative by exploring the syntax of logophoric speech, which has been commonly treated in the literature as representative of “semi-direct” discourse. Based on data from two unrelated languages, Wan (Mande) and Ainu (isolate), we show that certain varieties of logophoric speech share a number of syntactic properties with direct speech, and none with indirect speech. Many of the properties of indirect speech that are traditionally described in terms of perspective follow from its syntactically subordinate status. Constructions involving direct and logophoric speech, on the other hand, belong to a separate, universal type of structure. Our findings suggest that the alleged direct/indirect continuum conflates two independent aspects of speech reporting: the syntactic configuration in which the report is integrated, and language-specific meaning of indexical elements.

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Pearson, Hazel. „The interpretation of the logophoric pronoun in Ewe“. Natural Language Semantics 23, Nr. 2 (22.03.2015): 77–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11050-015-9112-1.

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20

Nagata, Hlroshi. „Reflexive Resolution in Parsing Japanese Logophoric and Nonlogophoric Sentences“. Perceptual and Motor Skills 80, Nr. 3 (Juni 1995): 943–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1995.80.3.943.

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This study addresses online resolution of the Japanese reflexive, jibun, for logophoric and nonlogophoric sentences in which the reflexive was manipulated to relate more often with a subject of a subordinate sentence (subordinate-subject) than with that of a matrix sentence (matrix-subject). 48 students were administered an antecedent identification task on which they were required to identify quickly and accurately the antecedent of the reflexive with a marker given to them either immediately after the end of a sentence following a matrix-verb or 4 sec. later. Despite the manipulation, the matrix-subject was predominantly judged to be the antecedent of the reflexive regardless of the sentence type. However, the subordinate-subject as the judged antecedent of the reflexive increased on the average from around 30.6% immediately after the end of the sentence to 50.1% 4 sec. later. Findings indicate that Japanese speakers are insensitive to the logophoricity involved in the reflexive sentences and a certain length of time is needed for the final interpretation of the sentences to be well established.

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Hinterwimmer, Stefan, Andreas Brocher und Umesh Patil. „Demonstrative Pronouns as Anti-Logophoric Pronouns: An Experimental Investigation“. Dialogue & Discourse 11, Nr. 2 (27.10.2020): 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5087/dad.2020.204.

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In this paper we report the results of two experimental studies in which we tested the claim of Hinterwimmer and Bosch (2017) that German demonstrative pronouns are anti-logophoric pronouns: They avoid discourse referents as antecedents that function as perspectival centers. In both experiments we tested the interpretative options of demonstrative pronouns in text segments which were either perspectivally neutral or in which the narrator’s or a topical protagonist’s perspective was foregrounded. Taken together, the experimental results are most compatible with a slightly modified version of the analysis argued for in Hinterwimmer and Bosch (2017) according to which topical discourse referents in neutral narration automatically become perspectival centers.

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Nishida, Koichi. „Logophoric first-person terms in Japanese and generalized conversational implicatures“. Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 37, Nr. 1 (25.06.2011): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v37i1.839.

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Nikitina, Tatiana. „Logophoric Discourse and First Person Reporting in Wan (West Africa)“. Anthropological Linguistics 54, Nr. 3 (2012): 280–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anl.2012.0013.

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24

Göksu, Duygu. „Logophoric Centers as Antecedents of NOC PRO: Evidence from Turkish Subject Infinitives“. Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 4, Nr. 1 (07.10.2019): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/ptu.v4i1.4595.

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This paper questions the mechanism behind the control structure observed in subject infinitival clauses in Turkish. After comparing the main points of the proposals in the Movement Theory of Control in Boeckx, Hornstein, and Nunes (2010), pragmatics based Non-Obligatory Control analysis in Landau (2013), and the UPro Approach in McFadden and Sundaresan (2016), I conclude with the claim that these are logophoric center sensitive NOC structures.

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Nikitina, Tatiana. „Logophoricity and shifts of perspective“. Notes from the field on perspective-indexing constructions 27, Nr. 1 (15.04.2020): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.20001.nik.

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Abstract This study presents a typology of existing approaches to logophoricity and discusses problems the different approaches face. It addresses, in particular, perspective-based accounts describing constructions with logophoric pronouns in terms of their intermediate position on the direct-indirect continuum (Evans 2013), and lexical accounts incorporating the idea of coreference with the reported speaker into the pronoun’s meaning, either through role-to-value mapping mechanisms (Nikitina 2012a, b), or through feature specification (Schlenker 2003a, b). The perspective-based approach is shown to be unsatisfactory when it comes to treating language-specific data in precise and cross-linguistically comparable terms. It fails to account, for example, for cross-linguistic differences in the behavior of logophoric pronouns, for their optionality, and for their close diachronic relationship to third person elements. Lexical accounts are better equipped to handle a variety of outstanding issues, but they, too, need to be revised to accommodate a variety of discourse phenomena associated with logophoricity, including alternation with first person pronouns. The proposed solution follows the lines of lexical approaches but aims at enriching the pronouns’ lexical representation with notions pertaining to narrative structure, such as the role of Narrator. A separate solution is proposed for treating conventionalized uses occurring outside speech and attitude reports.

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Nagata, Hiroshi. „On-line and off-line reflexive resolution in Japanese logophoric sentences“. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 24, Nr. 3 (Mai 1995): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02145356.

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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. „Logophoric Marking and Represented Speech in African Languages as Evidential Hedging Strategies“. Australian Journal of Linguistics 21, Nr. 1 (April 2001): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07268600120042499.

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Boyeldieu, Pascal. „Personal pronouns in Bua languages“. Language in Africa 1, Nr. 3 (25.12.2020): 292–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2020-1-3-292-335.

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Bua languages in general are poorly documented and many aspects of their morphosyntax are still undescribed. The purpose of this paper is to outline a state of the art concerning the structure and operation of the personal pronoun systems. Largely based on unpublished or restricted documentation, it systematically reviews the systems of eight languages, commenting on both the identity of persons and the types of functional paradigms. Despite numerous shortcomings and uncertainties, interesting observations can be made concerning the 1st person plural ‘exclusive’/‘inclusive’ contrast, the logophoric pronouns, the tonal polarity of Subject and Object pronouns, and different types of personal possessive constructions.

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Hirschová, Milada. „Logophoricity in discourse“. Topics in Linguistics 21, Nr. 2 (01.12.2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/topling-2020-0006.

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Abstract This paper deals with the notion of logophoricity as a phenomenon pertaining to discourse, not grammar. An examination of the discourse role configurations (discourse environments) proposed by Peter Sells has shown that particular configurations are either overloaded by role-multiplication or non-specific. Instead of discourse environments, a general pragmatic matrix (a non-overt abstract sentence) is suggested, anchoring any utterance event to the current speaker’s perspective, including his/her communicative activity and temporal and spatial location. The role of the pragmatic matrix shows that all utterance events can be considered logophoric. At the same time, the pragmatic matrix underlines specific properties of explicit performative formulae.

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Devalve, John R. „Gobal and Local: Worship Music and the ‘Logophonic’ Principle, or Lessons from the Songhai“. Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 36, Nr. 4 (10.09.2019): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378819867835.

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The Christian church has always lived in tension between its global and its local identities, between gospel and culture. One aspect in which this tension plays out is in worship music. As the gospel came to them, many African churches adopted a North American/European form of song, ignoring or neglecting their local, traditional music. They opted for a more global identity and minimized their local identity. The church amongst the Songhai of West Africa is an example of this phenomenon. A church that neglects its local identity, however, has little appeal to the surrounding society and loses its prophetic voice to the community. Resolving the tension between the two identities is an important matter for every church. Thinking through worship music practices plays a key part in resolving this tension. A tool called the ‘logophonic’ principle may be of help in this regard. The tool looks at both words (lyrics) and sounds (accompaniment) to reexamine and renew worship practices and craft new music for congregations. This article explains how this tool might work and urges the necessity of good theological thinking and about worship and worship music.

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Andersen, Torben. „Anti-Logophoricity and Indirect Mode in Mabaan“. Studies in Language 23, Nr. 3 (31.12.1999): 499–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.23.3.03and.

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In Mabaan, a Western Nilotic language, indirect speech is characterised by the following three features. Firstly, verbs are inflected in a special way, having an indirect mode as opposed to the direct mode of direct speech. Secondly, in pronominal morphemes a distinction is made between forms that refer to a third person reported speaker (third person forms) and forms which have other third person referents (fourth person forms), a distinction which is coextensive with the use of the indirect mode. Thirdly, third person pronominal forms are identical to the third person pronominal forms used in direct speech, while fourth person pronominal forms are different and, thus, anti-logophoric. Taken together, these features make Mabaan typologically unusual.

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Delfitto, Denis, und Gaetano Fiorin. „Person Features and Pronominal Anaphora“. Linguistic Inquiry 42, Nr. 2 (April 2011): 193–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00040.

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This article aims at clarifying the role of person at the interface between syntax and the interpretive systems. We argue that first person interpretations of third person pronouns (de se readings) stem from the option of leaving the referential index underspecified on the pronoun, thus accounting for the interplay of this phenomenon with the anaphoric usage of first person indexicals (pronoun shifting) and logophoric pronouns. The results include proposals on the connection between the semantics of first person and the syntax of the left periphery, a neo-Davidsonian treatment of the semantics of first person indexicals, and a novel view of pronominal anaphora according to which Higginbotham's (1983) asymmetric relation of linking involves a mechanism of θ-role inheritance tied to the semantics of first person.

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Lødrup, Helge. „Animacy and long distance binding in Norwegian“. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 32, Nr. 1 (Juni 2009): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586509002054.

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Norwegian allows binding into finite subordinate clauses when the subordinate subject is inanimate and has a thematic role that is low on the hierarchy of thematic roles (e.g.Hun trodde hun gjorde det som var best forseg selv‘she thought she did that which was best forrefl self’). This kind of long distance binding is productive, and generally acceptable, but it has never been mentioned in the literature. This article discusses its syntactic and semantic properties. It is shown that the reflexives in question are not necessarily logophoric, and that they prefer a distributive interpretation. The general binding properties of inanimate subjects are discussed, and it is proposed that binding theory must have the option to disregard them. Binding across inanimate subjects can then be treated as local binding.

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Lyu, Jun, und Elsi Kaiser. „Chinese complex reflexive <em>ta-ziji</em> as an exempt anaphor“. Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 8, Nr. 1 (27.04.2023): 5560. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v8i1.5560.

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This study examines whether the complex reflexive ta-ziji in Mandarin Chinese can be used as an exempt anaphor. To this end, an offline antecedent choice experiment and an online self-paced reading experiment were conducted to explore whether and how discourse-level factors influence the interpretation of ta-ziji. The offline and online experiments provide converging evidence that the logophoric role (source vs. perceiver) of the non-local subject impacts the interpretation of ta-ziji. Crucially, the online experiment shows that when the non-local subject is an empathized source, non-local binding is preferred; when it is an empathized perceiver, there is no clear binding preference. The implications of these findings are discussed in relation to linguistic theories of anaphora and logophoricity.

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Harley, Matthew. „Aspects of the phonology and morphosyntax of Kyak, an Adamawa language of Nigeria“. Language in Africa 1, Nr. 3 (25.12.2020): 373–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2020-1-3-373-404.

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This paper provides a preliminary analysis of a few aspects of the phonology and morphosyntax of Kyak [bka], a largely undocumented Adamawa language spoken in the northern part of Taraba State in Nigeria. The paper is divided into four main sections. The first section deals with the phonology, focusing on consonant and vowel inventories, some phonetic processes, and syllable structure. The second section looks at nominal morphology, particularly nominal modifiers and possessive constructions, which show a distinction between alienable and inalienable possession. The third section describes the verbal morphosyntax, identifying the various forms that encode the expression of tense-aspect and person-number. The fourth part looks at a couple of clause/sentence level features, namely the clitic -ŋ, which is associated with the marking of assertiveness, and the use of logophoric pronouns. This is the first description of the phonological and grammatical features of the language, and one of the first for the Jen cluster. It thus adds to the knowledge of the cluster and to the evaluation of genealogical and areal hypotheses which involve languages of this region.

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Parenteau, Danic. „Jean-Luc Gouin, Hegel. De la Logophonie comme chant du signe, Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, 2018, 339 pages“. Philosophiques 48, Nr. 1 (2021): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1077846ar.

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Moussaly, Omer. „Hegel : de la Logophonie comme chant du signe, de Jean-Luc Gouin, Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, 2018, 312 p.“ Politique et Sociétés 38, Nr. 3 (2019): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1064739ar.

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Anderson, Thomas. „Jean-Luc Gouin, Hegel. De la Logophonie comme chant du signe. Québec, Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 2018, xxvi-313 p.“ Laval théologique et philosophique 75, Nr. 3 (2019): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1073199ar.

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Hamilton, Robert. „Against underdetermined reflexive binding“. Second Language Research 12, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1996): 420–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026765839601200405.

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Reflexive binding has for a decade now been a fruitful area of inquiry for researchers seeking to establish that adult second language (L2) learners have access to Universal Grammar (UG), in this case access to the binding conditions. For example, it has been claimed that some L2 learners of English allow English reflexives to be bound by long-distance (LD) antecedents even when such LD binding is underdetermined for these learners with respect to their first language grammar(s) and the L2 input. I present four major reasons why the data underlying this claim do not support UG access. First, there are theoretical and empirical difficulties with the Agr(eement)-based account of reflexive binding assumed by these researchers that undercut the argument for UG access from these studies. Secondly, underdetermination fails to obtain in principle due to the possibility of semantically-based logophoric binding in the relevant languages. Thirdly, there are theoretical and empirical reasons to call into question the assumption (necessary to a UG-access account) that L2 learners mistook polymorphemic English reflexives for monomorphemic reflexives. Finally, there are several methodological factors which likely inflated the rate of LD binding in many of the relevant studies, again undercutting the argument for UG access from putative underdetermination.

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Herbeck, Peter. „Dative experiencers and (null) subjects in Peninsular Spanish infinitives“. Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 8, Nr. 5 (25.10.2022): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.221.

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Dative experiencers have been argued to have certain subject properties in finite domains. The question thus arises whether they can ever be controlled like structural (null) subjects. In the literature, it has been argued that one feature distinguishing dative experiencers from (nominative) subjects in Spanish is that the former cannot be controlled, differently from true quirky subjects. By examining corpus data, I argue that Dative experiencers have been argued to have certain subject properties in finite domains. The question thus arises whether they can ever be controlled like structural (null) subjects. In the literature, it has been argued that one feature distinguishing dative experiencers from (nominative) subjects in Spanish is that the former cannot be controlled, differently from true quirky subjects. By examining corpus data, I argue that Spanish dative experiencers, even though they cannot be obligatorily controlled in complement infinitives, can appear in adjunct infinitives in non-obligatory control contexts. One property that is crucial for sanctioning this option is the possibility of licensing full DP subjects in nonfinite domains. If the subject position is occupied by a non-controlled nominative DP, dative experiencers are bound by logophoric or topic coordinates in C. The data give further support to an Agree-based theory of control, according to which the referential relation between the subject of infinitives and its controller is mediated by functional heads of the extended verbal projection.

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Podgórska-Jachnik, Dorota. „Selective mutism and shyness. Differential diagnosis and strategies supporting child development“. Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, Nr. 30 (15.12.2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2020.30.07.

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The article deals with the problem of differential diagnosis of extreme reticence or selective speech in a child, categorised as selective mutism and shyness. Selective mutism is an increasingly recognized disorder among preschool and school children. It manifests itself functionally in the sphere of speech and communication, but in relation to the anxiety factor. As an anxiety disorder, it is categorised in the latest medical classifications ICD-11 and DSM-5, and therefore, primarily psychological or psychiatric therapeutic intervention could be expected. The specificity of the pathomechanism of selective mutism, however, requires interdisciplinary activities, with a room for a speech therapist, a special pedagogue (e.g. at a public school as a supporting teacher), any other pedagogue working with the child (educator, teacher of integrated classes, subject teacher), other specialists (therapist pedagogue, physiotherapist), as well as the parents. The speech therapist may play a special role in the diagnosis of mutism in the conditions of inclusive education, as he will probably be the first specialist who will receive a child who is not speaking or very taciturn at a public school. In the article, the diagnosis of selective mutism is associated with the differential diagnosis of shyness, which may not be treated as a disorder, but only a certain personality trait, but with incompetent pedagogical support in everyday educational practice it can lead to more serious difficulties, including logophobia and mutism. The diagnosis of mutism requires specialised therapeutic measures, but with the awareness of the differences in the situations of a shy child and a child with mutism, it is worth learning some supportive strategies that are useful in both cases.

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Curnow, Timothy Jowan. „Three types of verbal logophoricity in African languages“. Studies in African Linguistics, 01.06.2002, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v31i1.107351.

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The term logophoric is most strongly tied to pronominal systems. However, most recent literature on logophoricity accepts the existence of verbal marking of logophoricity. Through examining the verbal logophoricity which has been reported in African languages, it can be seen that there are three different types of verbal marking: logophoric cross-referencing, first person logophoricity, and verbal logophoric affixation. These different types may appear as the only form of logophoric marking in a language, or they may combine with each other and with logophoric pronouns. Each of these types appears to have distinct properties and, hence, needs to be treated separately in typological literature.

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Ganenkov, Dmitry. „Agreement Shift in Embedded Reports“. Linguistic Inquiry, 21.10.2021, 1–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00449.

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Abstract The article discusses person agreement in embedded reports in Aqusha Dargwa (Nakh-Daghestanian). In contrast to root clauses, which have obligatory person agreement matching the features of the controller, finite embedded reports allow pronoun–agreement mismatches, such as third person agreement in the presence of the 1SG subject or 1SG agreement in the presence of a third person subject. I argue that person agreement in Aqusha can function in two different modes: plain φ-feature mode and logophoric mode, depending on whether person morphology responds to usual morphological person features or to discourse-related logophoric features. Concentrating on the logophoric mode, I propose that the left periphery of finite embedded reports contains a logophoric complementizer that carries the discourse feature [LOG] and a null pronominal in its specifier specified as [ATTITUDE HOLDER].

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CULY, CHRISTOPHER. „Aspects of logophoric marking“. Linguistics 32, Nr. 6 (1994). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1994.32.6.1055.

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FRAJZYNGIER, ZYGMUNT. „Logophoric Systems in Chadic“. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 7, Nr. 1 (1985). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jall.1985.7.1.23.

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Demirok, Ömer Faruk, und Balkız Öztürk. „The Logophoric Complementizer in Laz“. Dilbilim Araştırmaları Dergisi, Nr. 2 (30.12.2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.18492/dad.08998.

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Lin, Dong-yi. „Obligatory control and event structure in Kavalan“. Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, 07.10.2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2014.15.

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The embedded verb of so-called object-control verbs in Kavalan must be affixed with the causative marker pa-. It is argued that such control predicates in Kavalan like pawRat ‘force’ feature an internal Logophoric Center in its complement clause and this property of logophoricity is absent in other control predicates. Moreover, control predicates that do not take a causativized verb complement like paska ‘try’ and tud ‘teach’ are restructuring predicates and are thus devoid of a Fin head in their complement that can be linked to an internal Logophoric Center. In contrast, the TP and CP of the complement of pawRat ‘force’-type predicates are still projected and active. The causativization of the embedded verb in a control sentence cannot be explained by a purely syntactic or semantic account of obligatory control. Instead, a comprehensive and satisfactory explanation for Kavalan obligatory control must take into account how event structure and Logophoric Center are encoded in Syntax.

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CULY, CHRISTOPHER. „Logophoric pronouns and point of view“. Linguistics 35, Nr. 5 (1997). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1997.35.5.845.

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VON RONCADOR, MANFRED. „Types of Logophoric Marking in African Languages“. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 13, Nr. 2 (1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jall.1992.13.2.163.

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Bogomolova, Natalia. „Indexical shift in Tabasaran“. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 25.05.2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-023-09584-3.

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AbstractThe Nakh-Daghestanian language Tabasaran displays indexical shift in the reported speech construction. Having many properties in common with indexical shift attested in other languages, the shift of embedded pronouns in Tabasaran depends strongly on the presence of person clitics on the embedded verb in the reported speech. Pronouns doubled by clitics receive a shifted interpretation, while independent personal pronouns have an indexical interpretation. This behavior of clitics contrasts with their behavior in an affirmative root clause, where they obligatorily double any first or second person subject. The investigation of interrogative sentences draws a link between two different strategies in the behavior of person clitics in the reported speech construction and in the affirmative root clause. I propose that personal pronouns and clitics are separate DPs, specified for different features: pronouns are indexicals, while clitics specified for person features also have the Logophoric feature and therefore indicate the logophoric Speaker and Addressee. In reported speech, when bound by a clitic, personal pronouns receive a shifted interpretation and also refer to logophoric participants that are matrix arguments in the reported speech. The paper also discusses the binding relationship between clitics and personal pronouns in those cases where they do not match in their phi-features and proposes that the binding is based not on the interaction between their morphological phi-features but rather on their referential content, which is generated by the whole feature set of each item.

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