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Dissertationen zum Thema „National socialism and occultism“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

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1

Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas Jauffrineau Patrick Dubant Bernard. „Les Racines occultistes du nazisme : les Aryosophistes en Autriche et en Allemagne, 1830-1935 /“. 45-Puiseaux : Pardès, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37016964q.

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2

Wagar, Samuel Eldon Charles. „Theosophical socialists in the 1920s Okanagan: Jack Logie's Social Issues Summer Camps /“. Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2425.

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3

Bent, George R. „Austrian National Socialism and the Anschluss“. Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1357673930.

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4

Cook, Andrew V. „Marxist historiography and the problem of National Socialism /“. Title page and introduction only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc7681.pdf.

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5

Hallam, Huw. „Political sound : National Socialism and its musical afterlive“. Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/political-sound(32adb915-a688-45b5-9107-e110e54d7f7f).html.

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This thesis examines the political significance of music (and sonic expression more broadly) in National Socialist Germany and the shadow cast by it over subsequent music history. I argue that sonic expression in the Third Reich held much greater political significance than has elsewhere been recognized, featuring as a prominent component of the Reich’s sovereign command structure. The thesis attempts to shed light on this intercourse between the musical and the political at a theoretical level and to trace its impact on various developments in post-1945 sonic arts practices. Part I explores ways in which sonic expression was manipulated as part of the National Socialist regime’s articulation of sovereignty. It reframes Walter Benjamin's phrase ‘aestheticization of politics’ in relation to various forms of sonic (often vocal) activity in the Third Reich. It then analyses the National Socialist radio broadcasting system as a unique, technical and bureaucratic medium of sovereign command. This gives new insight into the place of sonic expression and music in modernity and raises questions about the quality of the relationship between music and political power and how that relationship might be modulated through creative practice. Part II then considers the musical ‘afterlives’ of this meeting of politics and sonic expression. It explores how different sonic arts practices have subsequently (since 1945) rethought and reworked the political form of sonic expression, guided by theexperience of National Socialism. Chapter Four analyses work by Luigi Nono and Bernd-Alois Zimmermann in relation to language and historical testimony. Chapter Five explores Karlheinz Stockhausen’s and Christina Kubisch’s engagements with technology. Finally, Chapter Six examines Mauricio Kagel’s treatment of the musical ‘work’ form’s temporal implications. Together, these analyses reveal the outline of an historically transformative approach to critical, politically self-reflexive music making.

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6

Kunz, C. „The history of National Socialism in Herne, 1925-1949“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384677.

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7

Haeberlin, Andrew Jarausch Konrad Hugo. „Politicizing education German teachers face National Socialism, 1930-1932 /“. Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2327.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Jun. 26, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

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8

Bowden, Robin L. „Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /“. [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).

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9

Maxwell, Rachel Elizabeth. „Aeschylus and National Socialism: Lothar Müthel's Orestie as Nazi Propaganda“. BYU ScholarsArchive, 2016. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/6020.

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This thesis analyzes the text, stage design, and historical context of Lothar Müthel's production of Aeschylus's Oresteia trilogy in 1936, which was sponsored by the National Socialist government during a broader publicity campaign during the Summer Olympics of 1936. The third play, Eumenides (Die Versöhnung in German) has democratic undertones, and therefore seems incompatible with Nazi ideology at first glance. There are three ways in which the Nazis made Müthel's adaptation of Die Versöhnung compatible. First, in the context of the Olympics, the Nazis attempted to draw a connection or relationship between modern German and ancient Greek culture, implying themselves to be successors to ancient Greece. Second, through Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff's interpretations of the Greek word δίκη (justice), a central concept in the Oresteia, the Nazis were able to emphasize the progression of a state from a savage, chaotic period to a new, better civilization, an idea that particularly appeals to Nazi narrative owing to their own recent history with the Weimar Republic. Third, the Nazis shifted focus from the institution of the Areopagus to the role of Athena and interpreted her to be a Germanic goddess. Müthel's adaptation is a good case study in how, through appropriation, a political movement can interpret a text to fit their ideology.

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10

Stewart, Richard M. (Richard Matthew). „Intellectuals and National Socialism: The Cases of Jung, Heidegger, and Fischer“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279245/.

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This thesis discusses three intellectuals, each from a distinct academic background, and their relationship with National Socialism. Persons covered are Carl Gustav Jung, Martin Heidegger, and Eugen Fischer. This thesis aims at discovering something common and fundamental about the intellectuals' relationship to politics as such. The relationship each had with National Socialism is evaluated with an eye to their distinct academic backgrounds. The conclusion of this thesis is that intellectuals succumb all too easily to political and cultural extremism; none of these three scholars saw themselves as National Socialists, yet each through his anti-Semitism and willingness to cooperate assisted the regime.

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11

Higham, Jon. „The politics of memory in the Austrian province of Carinthia how distinctive are the collective memories of the three main political parties of Carinthia? /“. Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=26086.

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12

Wright, Martin. „Wales and socialism : political culture and national identity c. 1880-1914“. Thesis, Cardiff University, 2011. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/26969/.

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Thesis examines the spread of socialist ideas and the growth of the socialist movement in Wales in the period 1880-1914. It pays particular attention to the way in which socialists related to Welsh national identity, and analyses the processes through which the universalist ideals of socialism were related to the particular and local conditions of Wales. It examines the interplay between Wales and the wider world that occurred through the medium of the socialist movement, and balances this against the internal dynamic and organic growth of socialism within Wales itself. Having surveyed and commented upon existing British and Welsh labour historiography, the thesis opens with a discussion of the first „modern‟ socialists to undertake propaganda in Wales in the 1880s. It then examines the way in which socialist societies began to put down roots in the 1890s, through case studies of the Fabian Society in Cardiff and the Social Democratic Federation in south Wales. The central part of the thesis is concerned with the rise of the most important of the socialist organisations, the Independent Labour Party. Attention is given to the way in which the ILP used the south Wales coal strike of 1898 to gain its ascendancy in Welsh socialist politics, and the nature of the political culture that was created by the party in south Wales. The remainder of the thesis discusses the nature of socialist growth beyond south Wales, and pays particular attention to indigenous Welsh forms of socialism. The thesis concludes with an examination of the rapid growth of the socialist movement in Wales after 1906, and the consequent debate that occurred about the relationship of socialism, Welsh nationalism and the Welsh language.

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13

Matthews, Wade. „Socialism and nationalism : British Marxists and the national question after 1945“. Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2006. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21674.

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1989, it is commonly suggested, marked the final victory of nationalism over socialism -a victory, it is further argued, with which Marxism was inherently unable to contend. Has Marxism failed to properly understand nationalism? The thesis will explore the nexus between socialism and nationalism in the work of a number of influential British Marxist intellectuals in the period after 1945. Eric Hobsbawm, E. P. Thompson, Raymond Williams, Stuart Hall, Perry Anderson and Tom Nairn - all these important Marxist thinkers were concerned with the national question and how it impacted on the advance of socialism. Against conventional historiographical opinion which has argued that Marxism ignored and misunderstood nationalism, the thesis will argue that British Marxism consistently engaged with questions of nation and nationalism both in the terms of (Marxist) theory and from the perspective of (socialist) practice. The thesis will break new ground by considering the collective British Marxist engagement with the national question. The thesis will consider the British Marxist encounter with the national question in a number of historical, social and political contexts. From Thompson's attempt to appropriate nationhood for socialism in the nineteen fifties and during the period of the first New Left to Hobsbawm's critique of separatist nationalisms in the late nineteens eventies, from Williams's engagement with Welsh nationalist politics in the context of the rise of peripheral nationalisms in Britain to Anderson's understanding of the relationship between the nation state and capitalism in modern history, from Hall's understanding of Thatcherism as a form of national hegemony to Nairn's analysis of the British Left's nationalism in the context of Britain's entry into Europe - these and many other instances of the British Marxist engagement will be explored in the thesis. The thesis will conclude by suggesting that the British Marxist encounter with nationalism was marked by both illumination and antinomy.

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14

Munson, Geddes. „Enemies of the state political violence and the fall of the Weimar Republic /“. Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1229.

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15

Klein, Gary A. „The American press and the rise of Hitler, 1923-1933“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1459/.

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This Ph.D. study will trace the development of National Socialism in Germany as it was depicted by three major American newspapers: the New York Times, the Chicago Daily Tribune and the Chicago Daily News. While news stories and editorials will be analyzed with respect to scope and bias, particular attention will also be paid to the decision-making processes within the newspaper establishments themselves. In attempting to understand the "news behind the news", an archival-driven methodology will be used in conjunction with the more conventional product-driven one. That is to say, memoranda and cables between publishers, editors and foreign correspondents will be examined in addition to the back issues of the newspapers themselves. By adopting this twin-pronged methodological approach, the scholar will be able to view the Hitlerian phenomenon through the eyes of the American public as well as penetrate the minds of newspapermen. My choice of publications is based strongly on the availability of primary source evidence. The Newberry Library possesses important internal documents of the Chicago Daily News. Specifically, a great deal can be learned about this newspaper's coverage of the rise of Hitler through an analysis of the relevant sections of the Charles H. Dennis Papers, Edward Price Bell Papers, Carroll Binder Papers, Edgar Mowrer Papers, Paul Mowrer Papers and Victor Lawson Papers, as well as other assorted materials. I will use the data generated from the Newberry Library in conjunction with information from the Sigrid Schultz Papers, courtesy of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin (Mass Communications History Center), as well as documents from the New York Times Archive. This will provide fresh insights into the news and editorial perceptions of the Chicago Daily News, Chicago Daily Tribune and New York Times as they relate to the events in Germany between 1923 and 1933. A key feature of this study will be a comprehensive analysis of how the relationship between a newspaper's management (which in the upcoming chapters will also be referred to as the "Home Office") and its Berlin bureau influenced the publication's news and editorial coverage of Germany. Furthermore, by examining the transatlantic correspondence between the Home Offices of the New York Times. Chicago Daily News and Chicago Daily Tribune and their field reporters, the reader will gain insight into issues which transcend the subject matter of this dissertation. These issues include: 1) Who exercised control over the formation and presentation of news -- management or the field reporter. 2) How did each paper's coverage of Hitler's rise to power reflect the journalistic principles of the day, especially those related to accuracy and objectivity. and 3) How did journalists define their role in the conduct of international affairs during the 1920's and early 1930's. Did they view themselves as detached recorders of events or as active participants in the political process, hoping to influence the course of events by shaping their coverage to conform to a particular ideological agenda?

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16

Holcomb, Stephanie M. „Symbolism and ritual as used by the National Socialists“. Huntington, WV : [Marshall University Libraries], 2002. http://www.marshall.edu/etd/descript.asp?ref=77.

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17

Petersen, Michael Brian. „Engineering consent : Peenemuende, national socialism, and the V-2 missile, 1924-1945 /“. College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/2577.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2005.
Thesis research directed by: History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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18

Golder, Zachariah J. „Subtle Socialism? Capitalist Disaffection within the NSDAP, 1925-1934“. Miami University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1501252797439154.

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19

Anderson, Alexander W. „National socialist violence and anti-semitism as propaganda in Germany, 1928-1934“. Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67523.

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This thesis is an analysis of National Socialist violence and anti-Semitism as propaganda from 1928-1934. It states that the primary role of NSDAP violence and anti-Semitic propaganda was to mute public opinion in Germany, and to manipulate the German population into a state of apathy regarding National Socialist policy. To this end, the effects of National Socialist violence end anti-Semitism on Germans, Jews, and the British foreign press are analyzed.

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20

Frietsch, Elke. „"Kulturproblem Frau" Weiblichkeitsbilder in der Kunst des Nationalsozialismus /“. Köln : Böhlau, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/71712948.html.

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21

Di, Rienzo Stephen R. „Sieg des Glaubens : National Socialism and the making of a twentieth-century religion“. Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274886.

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The objectives of this research are to investigate, in Chapter I, how other researchers, both contemporaries of the National Socialists and modern researchers, have represented National Socialism as being fundamentally more than a political movement. The aim is to examine and identify the strengthens and weaknesses of previous interpretations and to offer a further contribution to the suitability of classifying National Socialism a religion. Chapter II identifies and explores religion as a model for social organisation, outlines the important factors shaping this model and investigates where National Socialism as a religion would be located on such a model. There is now a growing interest in re-interpreting twentieth-century movements as something fundamentally more than simple political extremes. The contribution that this chapter makes to this growing interest is the building of a unified foundation from which the analysis of other twentieth-century movements, such as Fascism and Communism, can be reassessed. Because the definition of religion, and the understanding of the civil and political variants of religion that this study identifies is not limited to local, regional or national boundaries, it provides a valuable starting point for further research projects concerned with the construction of identity and organisation post-Enlightenment. This study has chosen to use National Socialism as the object of the definition because it was the most radical and highly documented of the three ‘new politics’ of the twentieth-century. Chapter III analyses current trends in discussing the success of National Socialism. The purpose of this will be to demonstrate the shifting understanding of why National Socialism was successful and to negotiate with the weaknesses of existing approaches. After documenting current research weaknesses, this chapter introduces a theory that will challenge these paradigms. Chapter IV analyses the iconographic record of National Socialism in relation to the definition of religion proposed in Chapter II. By highlighting the iconographic record as evidence of the nascent National Socialist religion, this chapter investigates the self-perception of the National Socialists based on their understanding of the future that they wanted to create.

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22

Copley, Clare. „Post-authoritarian governmentality? : renegotiating the 'other' spaces of National Socialism in unified Berlin“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.634903.

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Building on a literature that identifies the technologies of liberal governance in the urban fabric of the nineteenth-century ‘liberal city’, my thesis explores the built environment of unified Berlin as a space within which power relations are performed and resisted. The original contribution to knowledge made by this thesis is through its contention that none of the forms of governmentality that have thus far been identified in the literature are adequate for an analysis of the Berlin Republic. To this end it posits the existence of a specifically post-authoritarian governmentality and uses the built environment of Berlin to explore its features and the ways in which it is continually (re)asserted, challenged and (re)negotiated in the German context. More specifically, it analyses post-1990 responses to National Socialist prestige buildings in Berlin which had also been incorporated into the highly politicised narratives of the Cold War: the former Aviation Ministry, the Olympic Stadium and the former Tempelhof Airport. Using these sites’ status as heterotopia, or ‘other spaces’, it highlights how the politics of the past inform the negotiation of the tensions between the celebration / delimitation of heterogeneity, the valorisation / instrumentalisation of ‘objective’ knowledge and the balance between freedom/ control. As well as uncovering evidence to support the idea of post-authoritarian governmentality, the thesis also finds indications that this is a transitional phase and that, in some respects, Germany can be seen to be moving towards the advanced liberal governance seen elsewhere in the western world.

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23

Westermann, Stefanie. „Verschwiegenes Leid : der Umgang mit den NS-Zwangssterilisationen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland /“. Köln : Böhlau, 2010. http://d-nb.info/998879592/04.

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24

Wilds, Karl. „Identity creation and the culture of contrition : reconfiguring national identity in the Berlin Republic“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14625/.

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The thesis examines the reconfiguration of concepts of national identity in postunification Germany in three broad sections. Section one examines the discourse of identity of neoconservatives and critical thinkers between the 1960s and 1980s. Neoconservatives advocated a return to conventional national identity based upon the patriotic identification with indigenous national traditions. Critical thinkers argued for a post-national Constitutional Patriotism based upon the critical reflection of national traditions. Both these approaches are located within the context of conflictual attitudes towards the concepts of "compensation" and "emancipation" in past and present and towards the experience of the National Socialist past. Section two examines the reception of unification within the liberal conservative and neue Rechte milieu. Liberal conservatives sought to synthesise the technocratic Westernisation of the post-war FRG with a traditional national concept. Neue Rechte conservatives rejected "Western" values and perceived in the collapse of Communism the discrediting of both the "utopia" of radical social alternative and also of the Kleinutopie of civil society. The post-Cold War constellation signified for these thinkers the opportunity for a return to pre-1945 traditions of German nationalism and offered an opportunity to relativise the national socialist past. Finally, section three offers an analysis of the reconfiguration of national identity which synthesises the concern for "national" identity with the left-liberal concept of "postnational" identity. The "Westernisation" of the concept of the German nation perceived positive antecedents in the bourgeois emancipation movements of the pre-national nineteenth century. The final chapter elaborates the thesis of a "culture of contrition" for the national socialist past which formulates a radical, "post-national" identity with emancipatory aspirations. The thesis perceives in this latter discourse of "broken" identity an attempt to reconfigure a sense of national "normality" in the present which is predicated upon the acknowledgement of "abnormality" in the past.

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25

Barbre, Brian. „Protestant reform and the "German Christians"“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1996. http://www.tren.com.

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26

Leo-Stone, Gesine Charlotte Maria. „Esotericism and conservative utopias : a study of the School of Wisdom in Darmstadt, 1920 - 1930“. Thesis, Lancaster University, 1995. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296947.

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27

White, David Robert. „Upper-middle-class complicity in the National Socialist phenomenon in Germany“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7528.

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The original research element of this thesis consists of the study of an emerging· professional association of senior managerial employees in business and industry in Weimar Germany. This association which went by the name of VELA, Vereinigung der leitenden Angestellten, or the Organisation of Leading Salaried Employees, was founded in December 1918, and continued in existence until December 1934. Utilising a complete collection of VELA's bi-monthly members' periodical, the development of a coherent ideology of elitism is traced from 1919 to 1933, with the emphasis upon the crystallisation of a world-view compatible and congruent with that of National Socialism by 1924/25. Political convergence with, and support for, the Nazi Party then followed some time after the onset of the Great Depression. A detailed study of the process of Gleichschaltung, or co-ordination, in the spring and summer of 1933 is used to illustrate how easily, readily and enthusiastically VELA embraced the coining of a New Order in the Third Reich.

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28

Smith, Victoria. „Representations of memory in transition : National Socialism in contemporary (auto)biographical writing in German“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.489704.

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29

Kupsky, Gregory J. „“The True Spirit of the German People”: German-Americans and National Socialism, 1919–1955“. The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1268155678.

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30

Stone, Katherine Mary. „Gender and German memory cultures : representations of National Socialism in post-1945 women's writing“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708863.

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31

Ward, Elizabeth Margaret. „A past misremembered? : depictions of Jewish persecution under National Socialism in East German cinema“. Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9060/.

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Throughout its existence, East Germany’s ruling Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED) never officially acknowledged any direct or inherited responsibility for the crimes committed on its territory between 1933 and 1945, instead choosing to recast itself as both victim and victor of fascist oppression through the foregrounding of political persecution. This interpretative framework undoubtedly resulted in the marginalisation of the fate of Jews under National Socialism in East German historiography and memories of the past. However, by focusing on East German cinematic engagements with National Socialist racial persecution, I seek to challenge the assertion that films depicting Jewish victimhood were unwelcome or even taboo in the German Democratic Republic. By combining close readings of five films – 'Ehe im Schatten' (Maetzig, 1947), 'Sterne' (Wolf, 1959), 'Lebende Ware' (Luderer, 1966), 'Jakob der Lügner' (Beyer, 1974) and 'Die Schauspielerin' (Kühn, 1988) – with an analysis of the films’ production files, I unravel the complex status of films dealing with Jewish persecution produced in a country which consistently privileged narratives of political persecution above racial victimhood.

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32

Steinback, Athahn. „Thinking Beyond The Führer: The Ideological and Structural Evolution of National Socialism, 1919-1934“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/949.

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Much of the discussion of German National Socialism has historically focused on of Adolf Hitler as the architect of the Nazi state. While recognizing Hitler’s central role in the development of National Socialism, this thesis contends that he was not a lone actor. Much of the ideological and structural development National Socialism was driven by senior individuals within the party who were able to leverage their influence to institutionalize personal variants of National Socialism within broader party ideology. To explore the role of other ideologues in the development of Nazi ideology, this thesis examines how Hitler’s leadership style perpetuated factionalism, how when and by whom central elements of Nazi ideology were introduced, as well the ideological sources from which these concepts were adapted. After the party’s ultimate rise to power Hitler, always centrally positioned, eliminated internal competition and institutionalized his own variant of National Socialism whilst co-opting the concepts and structures developed by other ideologues that offered useful tools to pursue his goals. Through this analysis, this thesis seeks to demonstrate how the foundational elements of National Socialism took form, even before the party achieved power, and how these elements were subsequently utilized to consolidate Nazi control over the German state. Above all else, this thesis sheds much-needed light on the pivotal role of individuals and the conflict between them that engineered the cataclysm of the Third Reich.

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33

Day, Uwe. „Silberpfeil und Hakenkreuz : Autorennsport im Nationalsozialismus /“. Berlin : Bebra, 2005. http://books.google.com/books?id=hdGBAAAAMAAJ.

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34

Woollen, John Carter. „Memory mapping monument : a political science institute on the site of the Berlin Wall“. Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/22951.

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35

Lockot, Regine. „Erinnern und Durcharbeiten zur Geschichte der Psychoanalyse und Psychotherapie im Nationalsozialismus /“. Giessen : Psychosozial-Verlag, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52557698.html.

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36

McEwan, Alice. „Bernard Shaw at Shaw's Corner : artefacts, socialism, connoisseurship, and self-fashioning“. Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/20780.

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This thesis analyses artefacts belonging to the playwright, socialist and critic Bernard Shaw, which form part of the collections at Shaw’s Corner, Hertfordshire, now managed as a National Trust property. My original contribution to knowledge is made by revealing Shaw through the artefacts in new or under-explored roles as socialist-aesthete, art patron, connoisseur, photographer, celebrity, dandy, and self-commemorator. The thesis therefore challenges the stereotypical views expressed in the literature which have tended to focus on Shaw at Shaw’s Corner as a Fabian with ascetic characteristics. The thesis aims are achieved by contextualizing the Shaw’s Corner Collections, both extant and absent. Historically the artefacts in the house have been viewed from the perspective of his socialist politics, ignoring his connoisseurial interests and self-fashioning. Hence there was a failure to see the ways in which these elements of his consuming personality overlapped or were in conflict. By examining artefacts from the perspectives of art and design history, focussing on furniture, private press books, clothing, painting and sculpture, Shaw is shown to be a highly complex and at times contradictory figure. The discontinuities and ambiguities become clearer once we examine the possessions from the house which were removed and sold by the National Trust after Shaw’s death. Whilst some Shavian scholars and art historians have acknowledged Shaw’s role as an art critic and the impact it had on his dramaturgy, there has been little recognition of the ways in which this influenced his domestic interiors, consumption, and personal taste, or indeed his interest in the decorative arts and design. Artefacts and furniture in the house today reflect Shaw’s role as a socialist-aesthete, and his involvement with Arts and Crafts movement practitioners and Aestheticism. As an art patron Shaw also shared the aims of artists, connoisseurs and curators working in the first decades of the twentieth century, and we see evidence of this through certain artefacts at Shaw’s Corner. With a strong aesthetic sense, he devoted time to matters of beauty and art, but was equally governed by economics and a desire to bring ‘good’ art and design to everyone. Shaw was considered to be one of the greatest cultural commentators and thinkers of his generation, but he was at the same time a renowned celebrity and influential figure in the mass media. The literature has tended to dismiss the latter role in order to preserve his place among the former, but I argue here that Shaw did not necessarily view the two as separate endeavours. In fact items from the house, notably Shaw’s clothing and sculpture, are considered as the bearers of complex philosophical, symbolic or iconographic meanings relating to his self-fashioning, aesthetic doctrines, and desire for commemoration, which demonstrate the links between the celebrity and the critic. By considering the artefacts in conjunction with the Trust’s archive of Shaw photographs, as well as his representation in popular culture, and by then relating this material dimension to his writings, the thesis brings a new methodological approach to the study of Shaw. More importantly this thesis reveals new knowledge about the philosophical ideas, humanity, generosity, and personal vanity of the man that lay behind those artefacts.

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Neidhart, Karin. „Nationalsozialistisches Gedankengut in der Schweiz : eine vergleichende Studie schweizerischer und deutscher Schulbücher zwischen 1900 und 1945 /“. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39271938t.

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38

Ellis, Francis Sian. „The representation of teachers in German prose literature from the Wilhelmine period to National Socialism“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.278228.

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Smith, Dana. „The Jewish Kulturbund in Bavaria, 1934-1938 : art and Jewish self-representation under National Socialism“. Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2015. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/27224.

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This thesis has two foci: the development of a National Socialist anti- Jewish cultural policy and the processes of internal Jewish community cultural self-representations. At the most basic level it is an organisational history of the Jewish Kulturbund in Bavaria between 1934 and 1938. Ultimately, however, the thesis is about the people: the artists, how they employed certain mediums for specific uses and how these events were received. The Kulturbund was the lone state approved Jewish cultural organisation in Nazi Germany; it was, in other words, the only public space for Jewish cultural performance and consumption. Activity began in Berlin in the summer of 1933 and expanded to cities, towns and villages throughout the country. Unlike the majority of these early branches, however, the Jewish Kulturbund in Bavaria developed independently of Berlin's main offices. Bavarians maintained autonomous control of their cultural league until the autumn of 1935. Organised Bavarian Jewish cultural life was 'liquidated' upon official state orders after 9 November 1938. This thesis analyses the Kulturbund programme as an internal projection of willed identity for Bavarian Jews. Kulturbund events - particularly in the early seasons when National Socialist censorship was ill-defined and haphazardly enforced - reflected the ways its membership chose to stage their own understandings of what it meant, to them, to be 'Jewish'. It was a process of dissimilation and internal community building that helped its membership navigate their experiences of political persecution and social flux. What developed in the Bavarian programme from February 1934 until November 1938 was a representation of 'Jewishness' that was self-described as both religious- and heritage-based with a regional bent.

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Pauly, Matthew D. „Building socialism in the National classroom : education and language policy in Soviet Ukraine, 1923-1930 /“. [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1031049451&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=12010&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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41

Mollel-Blakely, Delois Ǹaewoaanǵ. „"Education for self-reliance" / education and national development in Tanzania /“. Access Digital Full Text version, 1990. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/10909187.

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Thesis (Ed.D)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1990.
Includes appendices. Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: William C. Sayres. Dissertation Committee: Paul Byers. Bibliography: leaves 208-222.

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Karademir, Aret. „Subject of Conscience: On the Relation between Freedom and Discrimination in the Thought of Heidegger, Foucault, and Butler“. Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4821.

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Martin Heidegger was not only one of the greatest philosophers of the twentieth century but also a supporter of and a contributor to one of the most discriminatory ideologies of the recent past. Thus, "the Heidegger's case" gives us philosophers an opportunity to work on discrimination from a philosophical perspective. My aim in this essay is to question the relationship between freedom and discrimination via Heidegger's philosophy. I will show that what bridges the gap between Heidegger's philosophy and a discriminatory ideology such as the National Socialist ideology is Heidegger's conceptualization of freedom with the aid of a monolithic understanding of history--one that refuses to acknowledge the plurality and heterogeneity in the socio-historical existence of human beings. Accordingly, I will claim that the Heideggerian freedom depends on the social, if not literal, murder of the marginalized segments of a given society. However, I will refuse to conclude that Heidegger's philosophy is a Nazi philosophy and that it should never be appropriated as long as we want to purify our thoughts from discriminatory ideas. Rather, I will re-appropriate Heidegger, against Heidegger, to read and interpret Michel Foucault's and Judith Butler's philosophies. My aim here is to construct a social ontology that may justify anti-discriminatory policies. More specifically, through my Heideggerian readings of Foucault and Butler, I will argue that one's freedom is dependent on the cultural resuscitation of socially, and sometimes literally, murdered racial, sexual, ethnic, religious, and sectarian/confessional minorities.

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Ward, Paul Joseph. „Englishness, patriotism and the British left, 1881-1924“. Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1994. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/25571.

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Historians have shown how, in the last third of the nineteenth century, the language of patriotism and national identity was appropriated by the political right. It has been all too easily assumed that after this they held a monopoly on such language. However, the British left did not give up ideas about patriotism and the nature of Englishness after the revival of socialism in the 18805. Socialism was rather presented as the restoration of an English past lost to industrial capitalism. They therefore argued for a return to 'Merrie England'. Socialists frequently used radical patriotic vocabulary as a tool in their struggles for social transfotmation, particularly in defence of what they saw as traditional English liberties. But some socialists also used ideas of Englishness to legitimate their own form of socialism and to repudiate other forms, such as anarchism, syndicalism and Marxism, as 'foreign'. Central to this was a belief that Parliament stood at the centre of the national history. This Whiggish parliamentary view of history was essentially English, yet many who held it were Scottish, Welsh and Irish, and they played a full role in creating a 'British Socialism' . The First World War dealt a severe blow to radical patriotism. Pro-war sections of the labour movement were brought into the state, and this reinforced their belief in parliamentarism and a consensual patriotism. The anti-war left continued to use radical patriotic language in the early years of the war, for example against the 'foreign yoke' of conscription, but the war degraded patriotism generally and the Russian Revolution gave internationalism a new focus. It also threatened the concept of British Socialism, and the post-war years saw a bitter debate over forms of socialism, when it was argued that Bolshevism was not suited to 'British conditions'. Moderate Labour, convinced that office could only be achieved on terms set by the British Constitution, sought to prove their fitness to govern. This meant concentration on traditional patriotism and the national interest, rather than conceptions of oppositional Englishness. The left of the labolD' movement now looked to soviet Russia rather than the English past as a model for the future socialist society. Hence the hold of radical patriotism on the British left was broken, but that of patriotism was not. It would take another world war to re-unite the two.

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Lauwers-Rech, Magda. „The influence of Nazism and World War II on German studies in the United States /“. The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487263399025108.

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45

Finschow, Martin. „Denunziert, kriminalisiert, zwangssterilisiert : Opfer, die keiner sieht : nationalsozialistische Zwangssterilisationen im Oldenburger Land /“. Oldenburg : Isensee Verlag, 2008. http://d-nb.info/989678784/04.

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Henson, Andrew B. „Before the seizure of power American and British press coverage of National Socialism, 1922 to 1933 /“. Connect to this title online, 2007. http://etd.lib.clemson.edu/documents/1181666243/.

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Horan, Geraldine Theresa. „'Ebenso echt weiblich wie echt nationalsozialistisch' : an analysis of female discourse in National Socialism, 1924-1934“. Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322878.

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48

Tourlamain, Guy Thomas. „VoÌˆlkisch writers and National Socialism : a study of right-wing political culture in Germany, 1890-1945“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442898.

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49

French, Rebecca S. C. „The devil in disguise : a comparative study of Thomas Mann's "Doktor Faustus" (1947 and Klaus Mann's "Mephisto" (1936, focussing on the role of art as an allegory of the rise and fall of Nazi Germany /“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1634/.

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50

Boaz, Rachel E. „The Search for “Aryan Blood:” Seroanthropology in Weimar and National Socialist Germany“. [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247676999.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed April 16, 2010). Advisor: Richard Steigmann-Gall. Keywords: blood; National Socialism; Weimar Republic; eugenics; race science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 338-357).

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