Thematische Bibliographien / National socialism and occultism / Zeitschriftenartikel
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „National socialism and occultism“

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Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021
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1

Beaumont, Matthew. „Socialism and Occultism at the Fin de Siècle: Elective Affinities“. Victorian Review 36, Nr. 1 (2010): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vcr.2010.0048.

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2

Wiesen, S. Jonathan, und Geoff Eley. „Beyond National Socialism?“ German Studies Review 35, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2012): 475–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2012.a488481.

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3

Strube, Julian. „Occultist Identity Formations Between Theosophy and Socialism in fin-de-siècle France“. Numen 64, Nr. 5-6 (28.09.2017): 568–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341481.

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Abstract Fin-de-siècle occultism is usually regarded within the context of an “occult revival” that implies the modernization of an older esoteric tradition. However, this notion is rooted in esoteric identificatory discourses at the end of the nineteenth century. This article will discuss two major aspects of these discourses. First, French esotericists polemically distanced themselves from the “Eastern” esotericism of the Theosophical Society by constructing an ésotérisme occidental. It will be shown that this separation of “East” and “West” occurred as a reaction to the T.S., and should thus be seen as a “nationalist” response to a global phenomenon. Second, another major aspect of occultist identity formations will be highlighted: socialism. It will be shown that fin-de-siècle occultists were deeply involved with socialist theories in the July Monarchy vein but ambiguously distanced themselves from contemporary “materialist” socialisms. An analysis of this context will further help to understand the construction of an esoteric tradition.
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Strube, Julian. „The Formation of Occultist Identities Amidst the Theosophy and Socialism of fin-de-siècle France“. Tekstualia 4, Nr. 63 (13.12.2020): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5814.

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Fin-de-siècle occultism is usually analyzed within the context of the „occult revival” that implies the modernization of the older esoteric tradition. However, this notion is rooted in the defi ning esoteric discourses at the end of the nineteenth century. This article discusses two major aspects of these discourses. First, French esotericists polemically distanced themselves from the „Eastern” esotericism of the Theosophical Society by constructing an ésotérisme occidental. This separation of „East” and „West” occurred as a reaction to the T.S., and should thus be seen as a „nationalist” response to a global phenomenon. The second major aspect of occultist identity formations is socialism. Fin-de-siècle occultists were deeply interested in the socialist theories formulated during the July Monarchy but ambiguously distanced themselves from contemporary „materialist” socialisms.
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5

Horák, Pavel. „Universalia, the Society of Czechoslovak Hermeticists“. Aries 23, Nr. 1 (30.01.2023): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700593-02301004.

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Abstract The article discusses the reception of occultism in Central Europe through a case study of the most sophisticated Czech occult society, Universalia: The Society of Czechoslovak Hermeticist. Established in the Czechoslovak Republic of the 1920s, dissolved by the Nazi regime in 1941, and subsequently revived in the 1990s, Universalia significantly shaped the Czech occult milieu through publishing and lecturing activities. The article focuses primarily on how the French occult milieu shaped local Czech occultism, exploring two extremes within Universalia’s leadership: universalism and nationalism. The article tracks these tendencies through discursive historical analysis, paying attention to the topoi related to occultism, universalism, the Czech nation, Slavic ethnicity, and national myths, along with notions of initiation, corruption of society, and the exclusivity of occult ideas and practices. It shows which discursive strategies underlined either universalism or nationalism and charts a balanced image of Universalia and the Czechoslovak occult milieu between 1890 and 1942.
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Seo Gyu-Hwan und WanJong Lee. „Socialism and National Question“. Korean Journal of Slavic Studies 23, Nr. 1 (Juni 2007): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17840/irsprs.2007.23.1.001.

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7

Xiyuan, Xiong. „Socialism and National Consciousness“. Chinese Studies in Philosophy 28, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1996): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csp1097-1467280210.

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8

Nitzschke, Bernd. „Psychoanalysis and national socialism“. International Forum of Psychoanalysis 12, Nr. 2-3 (Januar 2003): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/083037060310007915.

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9

ERDMANN, K. D. „National-socialism, Fascism, Totalitarianism“. Australian Journal of Politics & History 27, Nr. 3 (07.04.2008): 354–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1981.tb00472.x.

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10

de Bruin, Jan. „Parsons on national socialism“. European Legacy 1, Nr. 6 (Oktober 1996): 1965–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579650.

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11

Letica, Slaven. „National Socialism, Serb Style“. Foreign Affairs 74, Nr. 5 (1995): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047368.

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12

Krasztev, Péter. „In the Twilight of Ideologies: Power and Esotericism in Soviet State Socialism“. Colloquia Humanistica, Nr. 8 (27.11.2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2019.004.

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In the Twilight of Ideologies: Power and Esotericism in Soviet State SocialismAt the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, esoteric/occult ideas and movements played an important part in the intellectual, scientific and artistic life of Russia. Occultism lived in symbiosis for some time with virtually every 19th-century ideology, and, to a certain degree, it managed to convert this strange ability into the ideological environment of state socialism as well – a system that was officially hostile towards occultism. However, the relationship between state power, based on “dialectic materialism”, and the various forms of occult ideas that survived in that era was not always clear: it kept changing with time, and depended on the influence of those ideas on society. In this paper I will propose some frameworks for the interpretation of the bizarre dynamics between esotericism and Soviet state power, and argue that the reactions of state power to the various manifestations of esoteric ideas – from (quasi-) scientific to community-building and individualistic manifestations – require different interpretative approaches. Az ideológiák szürkületében: hatalom és ezoterika a szovjet állami szocializmusban A 19-20. század fordulóján Oroszország szellemi, tudományos és művészi életében az ezoterikus/okkult eszmék és mozgalmak meghatározó szerepet játszottak. Az okkultizmus szinte minden 19. századi ideológiával képes volt valamiféle szimbiózisba kerülni, s ezt a különös tulajdonságát a hivatalosan ellenséges államszocialista ideológiai közegbe is képes volt bizonyos mértékig átörökíteni. A „dialektikus materializmus” alapjain álló hatalom viszonya az okkult eszmék továbbélési formáihoz ugyanakkor nem mindig volt egyértelmű: ez korszakonként és az eszmék társadalmi-közösségei hatásától függően is változott. A tanulmány értelmezési kereteket próbál javasolni az ezotéria és szovjethatalom sajátosan bizarr dinamikájú viszonyára, s arra a következtetésre jut, hogy az ezoterikus eszmék különböző megnyilvánulási formái – a (kvázi)tudományos, a közösségépítő és az individuális-önmegvalósító – által kiváltott hatalmi reakció más-más interpretációs megközelítést igényel. W mroku ideologii: władza i ezoteryka w radzieckim socjalizmie państwowym Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku idee i ruchy ezoteryczne/okultystyczne grały znaczącą rolę w życiu duchowym, naukowym i artystycznym Rosji. Okultyzm był w stanie wejść w jakiś rodzaj symbiozy z niemal każdą dziewiętnastowieczną ideologią i do pewnego stopnia mógł przekazać w spadku tę szczególną sposobność oficjalnie wrogim im ideologicznie organom państwa socjalistycznego. Jednak relacja między władzą państwową, opartą na „materializmie dialektycznym”, a różnymi formami okultystycznych idei, które przetrwały w tamtym okresie, nie zawsze była jasna: zawsze zmieniała się ona wraz z upływem czasu i zależała od wpływu tych idei na społeczeństwo. Niniejszy artykuł proponuje pewne ramy interpretacji niecodziennej dynamiki relacji stosunków między ezoteryzmem i władzą radziecką, oraz dochodzi do konkluzji, że ogromna reakcja [władzy państwowej] wywołana poprzez różne formy manifestacji idei ezoterycznych – quasi-naukowe, tworzące wspólnotę, indywidualnie się realizujące – wymaga wielu różnych podejść interpretacyjnych.
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SAMUELS, ANDREW. „National Psychology, National Socialism, and Analytical Psychology.“ Journal of Analytical Psychology 37, Nr. 1 (Januar 1992): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-5922.1992.00003.x.

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SAMUELS, ANDREW. „National Psychology, National Socialism, and Analytical Psychology:.“ Journal of Analytical Psychology 37, Nr. 2 (April 1992): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-5922.1992.00127.x.

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15

Rani, Sangeeta. „Thoughts of Jayaprakash Narayan and Lohia in the National Movement“. Research Review Journal of Social Science 2, Nr. 1 (15.07.2022): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrjss.2022.v02.n01.004.

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It has become clear that the socialists were the first nationalists. His socialism was not an imaginary idea but was in search of a solution to the national problems. That is why sometimes he was also accused of being a national socialist. This allegation was true, but the socialism of any country is not anti-national. Socialism was discovered only in connection with the solution of the problems of their respective countries. The claim of socialism to be international than to be national is truer. So far as the problems of all countries are the same, socialism is international. But due to the separation of countries and problems, it is also national. Sometimes it seems that it is national oriented. Its aim is an international solution to national problems. Some problems are international. Modern science and technology have created similar problems in all countries. From this point of view, it is international, even though it is national, are the revolutions of Russia and China international? Aren't their national problems at their core? If socialism were only international, it would have universal spread. There was uniformity everywhere. A country like Japan has not even touched socialism. But socialism remained the main cause in China. Because China saw the solution to its problem in socialism, Japan's growing industrialization found socialism useless.
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16

Ridley, Hugh, und J. M. Ritchie. „German Literature under National Socialism“. Modern Language Review 80, Nr. 1 (Januar 1985): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3729470.

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17

Turner, B. S., und Uta Gerhardt. „Talcott Parsons and National Socialism.“ Contemporary Sociology 23, Nr. 2 (März 1994): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075287.

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18

Shalvey, Aisling. „Little’s Disease During National Socialism“. Medizinhistorisches Journal 57, Nr. 3 (2022): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/mhj-2022-0009.

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19

Edler, Frank. „Heidegger, Hölderlin, and National Socialism“. Janus Head 4, Nr. 2 (2001): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jh20014225.

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20

Rockmore, Tom. „Heidegger, National Socialism and “Imperialism”“. Symposium 13, Nr. 2 (2009): 128–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium200913228.

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21

Ajzner, Jan, und Uta Gerhardt. „Talcott Parsons on National Socialism.“ Social Forces 73, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1994): 767. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579834.

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22

Hunley, J. D., Monika Renneberg und Mark Walker. „Science, Technology and National Socialism“. Technology and Culture 37, Nr. 1 (Januar 1996): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3107224.

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23

Buxton, William, Ute Gerhardt, Uta Gerhardt und Talcott Parsons. „Talcott Parsons on National Socialism“. Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 19, Nr. 3 (1994): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3340741.

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24

Siefken, Hinrich. „NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND GERMAN LITERATURE“. German Life and Letters 38, Nr. 2 (Januar 1985): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1985.tb00625.x.

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25

Paquette, Laure. „Heidegger, Pride and National Socialism“. International Journal of Philosophy 1, Nr. 1 (2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ijp.20130101.11.

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26

GILLESPIE, MICHAEL ALLEN. „Martin Heidegger's Aristotelian National Socialism“. Political Theory 28, Nr. 2 (April 2000): 140–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591700028002002.

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27

Fuchs, E. „Talcott Parsons on National Socialism“. German History 12, Nr. 3 (01.07.1994): 430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/12.3.430.

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28

Harwood, J. „Science, Technology and National Socialism“. German History 13, Nr. 2 (01.04.1995): 274–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/13.2.274.

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29

Grenville, A. „German Literature under National Socialism“. German History 2, Nr. 1 (01.01.1985): 65–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/2.1.65.

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30

Brockman, Richard. „Freud, Hitler and National Socialism“. Psychoanalytic Review 90, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2003): 709–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/prev.90.5.709.25197.

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31

Pereira, S. M., J. Bohun und S. Guimarães. „Psychiatry, politics and national socialism“. European Psychiatry 26, S2 (März 2011): 762. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(11)72467-1.

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IntroductionThe misuse of psychiatry by politics during dictatorships has mainly happened in the first half of the last century during the Third Reich and Stalinist period in Soviet Union. Even today the psychiatric diagnoses may be changed in an abusive way for politic purposes as they were in the past. This may undermine the credibility of psychiatry. The psychiatric professional organizations only recently start to discuss and investigate this issue.MethodsThe authors made a literature review in historic and psychiatric books. They also visited some memorial sites were psychiatry and dictatorship were sadly connected in history. Using as main example the abuse made by psychiatrists as a politic instrument in the Third Reich period, the authors aim to make a historic review about the relationship between psychiatry and politics.ConclusionAbuse and misuse in psychiatry may also easily be done nowadays. Psychiatry is a science with not so clear boundaries, what is normal or abnormal may be sometimes unclear mainly if not seen in a serious and ethic perspective. Because of this psychiatrists should be very clear about their position in ethics, science and society.The psychiatric professional organizations should face the facts of the tragic relationship between psychiatry and politics in history, discussing this issue more openly for an appropriate understanding of the past and for preventing new errors in the future.
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32

Krischel, Matthis. „German urologists under national socialism“. World Journal of Urology 32, Nr. 4 (18.10.2013): 1055–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00345-013-1183-3.

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33

Stackelberg, Roderick. „?Cultural aspects of national socialism?“ Dialectical Anthropology 12, Nr. 2 (1987): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00263329.

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34

Artamoshin, Sergey. „Ideological Origins of National Socialism“. Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 3 (2019): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640004840-2.

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35

Dow, James R. „German Volkskunde and National Socialism“. Journal of American Folklore 100, Nr. 397 (Juli 1987): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/540327.

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36

Walker, Mark. „National Socialism and German Physics“. Journal of Contemporary History 24, Nr. 1 (Januar 1989): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948902400103.

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37

Englund, Steven. „Robert Stuart.Marxism and National Identity: Socialism, Nationalism, and National Socialism during the French Fin de Siecle.:Marxism and National Identity: Socialism, Nationalism, and National Socialism during the French Fin de Siècle.(SUNY Series on National Identities.)“. American Historical Review 112, Nr. 3 (Juni 2007): 934–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.3.934a.

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38

Haralambakis, G. „Marxism and National Identity: Socialism, Nationalism and National Socialism during the French Fin de Siecle“. French History 21, Nr. 2 (15.05.2007): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crm013.

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39

Loughlin, Michael B. „Gustave Hervé's Transition from Socialism to National Socialism: Continuity and Ambivalence“. Journal of Contemporary History 38, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2003): 515–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220094030384001.

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40

Strube, Julian. „Socialist religion and the emergence of occultism: a genealogical approach to socialism and secularization in 19th-century France“. Religion 46, Nr. 3 (29.03.2016): 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0048721x.2016.1146926.

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41

Massis, Henri. „Spengler – the Harbinger of National Socialism“. Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 65 (01.03.2020): 246–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-4-246-252.

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Henri Massis devoted special attention in his publicism to the issues of Germany and Russia as enemies of France and “the West” and he analyzed Oswald Spengler’s book “The Decline of Europe” as the philosophy that served, according to the author, as the basis for further coming into power of national socialists in Germany. While considering all the simplifications of the concept of O.Spengler (who was a recognized adversary of national socialism), the article gives the idea of how it was received by the conservative circles in France of the day.
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Duller’s, Matthias. „Sociology and National Socialism in Austria“. International Sociology 37, Nr. 2 (März 2022): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02685809221102698a.

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43

Steinberg, Michael Stephen, und Geoffrey J. Giles. „Students and National Socialism in Germany“. American Historical Review 91, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1986): 952. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873418.

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44

Buller, Andreas. „Morality and Language of National Socialism“. Ethical Thought 20, Nr. 2 (2020): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-4870-2020-20-2-80-99.

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This article presents an analysis of the diaries of the well-known German philologist of Jew­ish origin Victor Klemperer, who kept them in the Third Reich. From the perspective of these diaries, the author of the article examines the three central problems of the totalitarian language: the problem of its genesis and dissemination, the problem of the relationship of language with the ideology and morality of Nazi society, and, finally, the problem of per­sonal responsibility, especially the responsibility of public persons for the public language. Klemperer asks himself a question that we must ask ourselves as well: how can the language of a minor extremist (racist, religious, revolutionary) minority become the language of the majority? Furthermore, under what conditions does this linguistic change happen? Under what conditions does the totalitarian language emerge and spread? The danger of the totalitarian language is that it creates a seemingly legitimate basis to exclude a particular group or even specific groups from the society, thereby turning certain people into outsiders. The totalitarian language allows people to draw, mark and select. But behind this linguistic selection there is always a certain morality that implies concrete moral convictions and ethi­cal ideas. And so it was with the morality of National Socialism. The National Socialist morality was characterized by the spirit of racism and anti-Semitism, which manifested it­self primarily in the language of National Socialism. For this reason, we need to study the National Socialist language. But it also presupposes the study of National Socialist morality. This morality appears from time to time in the modern German language, esp. in the language of modern German extremists and racists. It poses a great danger to our soci­ety. In this respect, the study of the language of extremism can help us a lot, not only in or­der to recognize the close relationship between language and morality, but also possibly to avoid social catastrophes.
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Baryshnikov, Vladimir, Victor Borisenko und Oleg Plenkov. „From the enlightenment to National Socialism“. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 62, Nr. 1 (2017): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2017.108.

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46

Schellack, Werner. „Links between apartheid and national socialism“. Kleio 23, Nr. 1 (Januar 1991): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00232089185310071.

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47

Barker, Andrew W. „HEIMITO VON DODERER AND NATIONAL SOCIALISM“. German Life and Letters 41, Nr. 2 (Januar 1988): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1988.tb00926.x.

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48

Beck, Hermann. „The Antibourgeois Character of National Socialism“. Journal of Modern History 88, Nr. 3 (September 2016): 572–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/687528.

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49

McClelland, Charles E., und Geoffrey J. Giles. „Students and National Socialism in Germany“. German Studies Review 9, Nr. 2 (Mai 1986): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1429069.

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50

Stern, Fritz, und Geoffrey J. Giles. „Students and National Socialism in Germany“. Foreign Affairs 64, Nr. 4 (1986): 883. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042732.

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