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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Nationalisme arabe – 1945-“

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Nationalisme arabe – 1945-"

1

Bokhari, Imtiaz H. "Pakistan and West Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (1986): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2761.

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State to state relations between Pakistan and Southwest Asian states dateback to the birth of Pakistan in 1947, but the ideological bonds are much older.In 1946, it was late king (then prince) Faisal who chaperoned the PakistanMovement delegation headed by Mr. Isphahani that visited the United Nationsand got sympathetic ears to its pleas? Again, the Saudi king was thefirst head of state to felicitate Mohammad Ali Jinnah after learning of theViceroy’s decision to grant independence to Pakistan and India. Equally warmand sincere support came from Iran.Pakistan and West Asia: Evolution of Relatio
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2

Heuman, Johannes. "The Challenge of Minority Nationalism." French Historical Studies 43, no. 3 (2020): 483–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8278500.

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Abstract This article investigates how the French antiracist movement and its main organizations dealt with Zionism and the Middle East conflict from the liberation of France until the early 1970s. Their generally positive view of Israel and their concern for Arab interests at the end of the 1940s demonstrate these republican organizations' desire to recognize ethnic identities. During the 1950s an ideological split between left-wing antiracism and Zionism began to develop, and by the end of the 1960s a number of new antiracist associations questioned the very foundation of the Jewish state. O
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3

Adamczyk, Anita, and Fuad Jomma. "Arab Nationalism in Syria." Polish Political Science Yearbook 52, no. 1 (2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202251.

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Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and
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4

Baumgarten, Helga. "The Three Faces/Phases of Palestinian Nationalism, 1948––2005." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 4 (2005): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.25.

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This article takes a comparative look at the three main manifestations of Palestinian nationalism since 1948: the Movement of Arab Nationalists, embodying its pan-Arab phase; Fatah, its specifically Palestinian form; and Hamas, its religious (Islamic) variant. Tracing the origins of the three movements reveals that each arose as a consequence of its immediate predecessor's perceived failure to achieve Palestinian goals. The differing ideologies and strategies of each group are explored, and the points of similarity and contrast highlighted. The place of armed struggle in each is given particul
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5

Parsons, Laila. "Soldiering for Arab Nationalism: Fawzi al-Qawuqji in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 4 (2007): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.4.33.

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Fawzi al-Qawuqji was a soldier and Arab nationalist who fought European colonialism all over the Middle East between World War I and 1948. He served as an officer in the 4th Brigade of the Ottoman Army, fighting the British advance north through Palestine; led the al-Hama sector of the Syrian Revolt against the French in 1925––1927; was one of the rebel leaders in the Arab revolt against the British in Palestine in 1936; participated in the Rashid ‘‘Ali al-Kaylani coup against the British-controlled government in Iraq in 1941; and served as field commander of the Arab Liberation Army in the 19
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6

Bashkin, Orit. "The Barbarism from Within—Discourses about Fascism amongst Iraqi and Iraqi-Jewish Communists, 1942-1955." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 400–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a7.

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This article looks at the changing significations of the word “fascist” within communist discourses in Iraq and in Israel. I do so in order to illustrate how fascism, a concept signifying a political theory conceptualized and practiced in Italy, Germany, and Spain, became a boarder frame of reference to many leftist intellectuals in the Middle East. The articles shows that communist discourses formulated in Iraq during the years 1941-1945 evoked the word “fascist” not only in order to discredit Germany and Italy but also, and more importantly, as a way of critiquing Iraq’s radical pan-Arab nat
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7

Sanagan, Mark. "Teacher, Preacher, Soldier, Martyr." Welt des Islams 53, no. 3-4 (2013): 315–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-5334p0002.

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When Shaykh ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Qassām died in a gunfight with the Palestine Police Force in November 1935, the Government of the British Mandate for Palestine was ill prepared for the public outpouring of popular support and inspiration the imām from Haifa’s death would give to Arab Palestinian political aspirations. Al-Qassām soon became a powerful symbol in the nationalist fight against the British colonial power and subsequently the State of Israel. Al-Qassām remains a potent figure in Arab nationalist, Palestinian nationalist, and modern “Islamist” circles. The purpose of this paper is thus tw
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8

Afriani, Risna. "PENANAMAN NASIONALISME KETURUNAN ARAB DALAM LEMBAGA PENDIDIKAN AL-IRSYAD AL-ISLAMIYYAH PEKALONGAN TAHUN 1918-1942." Kebudayaan 13, no. 2 (2019): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/jk.v13i2.200.

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AbstractThe establishment of Al-Irsyad as an organization and educational institution born of Arab descent, is expected to have a role in instilling Indonesian nationalism for Arab descendants. However, there is a presumption that Al-Irsyad education does not at all instill Indonesian nationalism homeland, but Hadramaut’s nationalism. The above problems become the basis of this research, especially about how the nationalism of Arabian descent in the Institute of Education Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah Pekalongan year 1918-1942. As for the purpose of this research to know; first how the educat
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9

Baron, Beth, and Sara Pursley. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 4 (2011): 587–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001188.

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The first three articles in this issue, grouped under the subtitle “Insurgency, State Formation, Counterinsurgency,” all deal with historical aspects of nationalism and state-building in the 20th century and resonate with contemporary politics in the Arab world. Starting with Egypt, Omnia El Shakry looks at how student demonstrations in 1935 and 1936 helped usher in the “figure of youth as an insurgent subject of politics.” This discourse placed youth at the vanguard of nationalist struggle and social change in Egypt “but only insofar as they could enact a non-antagonistic conception of politi
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10

Mahzumi, Fikri. "Dualisme Identitas Peranakan Arab di Kampung Arab Gresik." TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 8, no. 2 (2018): 406–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2018.8.2.403-429.

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The article attempts to ethnographically describe struggle of identity among the Arabian offspring in Indonesia in the post Reformation Era. As the descendants of the Hadrami migrants who have born in Indonesia, the Arabian offspring deal with two interrelated identities; between their responsibility to preserve the traditions of their ancestors and becoming a wholly recognized citizen of Indonesia. The debate about nationalism among the Arabian-Hadrami people appeared prior to Indonesia’s independence revolution. Anti-colonialism movements in this period had raised solidarity and solidity amo
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