Thematische Bibliographien / North Korea (DPRK)

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „North Korea (DPRK)“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 1. Februar 2022

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "North Korea (DPRK)"

KIM, Sung Chull. „North Korea 2019–2020“. East Asian Policy 12, Nr. 02 (April 2020): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393052000015x.

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While the nuclear negotiations between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the United States reached a stalemate in 2019, North Korea has advanced its missile capability and strengthened its alignment with China. In 2020 and beyond, the security of the Korean peninsula will depend on China’s influence on the DPRK–US game amid the US–China rivalry; the modality of Kim Jong-un’s actions, i.e. whether they are provocations or restraints; and the sanctions’ effect on North Korea’s foreign currency reserves.

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Sabitov, Timur, Irina Zhilko und Artem Gilyov. „Criminal Code of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea: Recent Trends“. Russian Journal of Criminology 15, Nr. 1 (09.03.2021): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2021.15(1).124-132.

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Criminal law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is not stagnant, it is developing under the influence of international community, and this dynamics is of special interest for research that analyzes changes to the Criminal Code of the DPRK with the goal of understanding if there is a trend in North Korea for getting closer to the world community. Naturally, the reclusiveness of the DPRK does not make any speedy changes in its criminal policy likely, and we can only expect an evolutionary transformation of the policy in this sphere. At the same time, there is no denying the fact that the criminal law of the DPRK is converging more and more with the international standards. The examination of the CC of the DPRK included the analysis of the following: norms-principles and norms-declarations within the law; the structure of North Korean criminal law; its specific legal institutes; the system of punishments under the CC of the DPRK; the responsibility for some types of crimes under this Code. The current CC of the DPRK, adopted in 1950 and amended fifteen times since then, fits harmoniously with the policy of the DPRK. A study of key clauses of the CC of the DPRK, which reveal the attitude of North Korean lawmakers to universally recognized legal values, showed that there is a clear indication of the DPRK’s rapproachment with the international community. It is evident that the criminal law of North Korea is improving. At the same time, although some trends observed in North Korean lawmaking can be viewed as positive from the standpoint of universally recognized legal values, some of its criminal law’s features still make it impossible to conclude that the country has radically changed its criminal policy.

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K. Armstrong, Charles. „Trends in the Study of North Korea“. Journal of Asian Studies 70, Nr. 2 (Mai 2011): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000027.

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North Korean leader Kim Jong Il can be criticized for many failings, but if one of his goals has been keeping his country in the global media spotlight, he has been wildly successful. Of course, North Korea gets this international attention for all the wrong reasons: military provocations, a clandestine nuclear program, a bankrupt economy, an atrocious record on human rights, and an eccentric if not deranged leadership. Some of the accusations leveled against North Korea in the Western media and popular press may have a basis in fact, others are more questionable. But until recently, substantive knowledge of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) was notable mainly for its absence. Before the 1990s, little was written about the DPRK beyond official North Korean propaganda and its opposite, anti-North Korean propaganda from the South. Much of this has changed, both because of new sources of information (including material from North Korea's former communist allies), but more importantly because of the growing interest in the subject after South Korean democratization in the late 1980s and the first US-North Korean nuclear crisis of the early 1990s.

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Wright, Amanda, Lynn Pyun, Eunhee Ha, Jungsun Kim, Hae Soon Kim, Seok Hyang Kim, Insoo Oh und Eun Mee Kim. „Critical Review of North Korean Women and Children's Health, 2000-2019: Physical and Mental Health Challenges with a Focus on Gender“. International Studies Review 20, Nr. 2 (19.10.2019): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02002005.

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Women account for over eighty percent of recent North Korean defectors arriving in South Korea, yet there is dearth of gender-based research. Given the speed with which the dialogue on denuclearization with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea) has progressed since 2017, there is a surprising gap in research on possible health threats. If sanctions are eased, interactions with these previously isolated people will increase leading to potential health problems. This article reviews studies published since 2000 to understand physical and mental health faced in DPRK, among North Korean defectors to South Korea, and to provide policy recommendations. A content analysis of ninety studies found that mental health challenges are severe for North Korean defectors, and that women suffer differently than men during defection and its aftermath. We recommend a more nuanced and gendered approach for future research in order to devise tangible solutions to improve the health of North Koreans in general, and defector women and children in particular.

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Johnson, John A., Wojciech J. Cynarski und Sunjang Lee. „ITF Taekwon-Do pedagogy in North Korea: A case study“. Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 14, Nr. 2s (18.11.2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v14i2s.6017.

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<div>Background. Despite the style of Taekwon-Do taught by the International Taekwon-Do Federation (ITF) being founded in the Republic of Korea (ROK; South Korea), it is known predominately as “North Korean Taekwon-Do.” Problem and Aim. Taekwon-Do was introduced to the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK; North Korea) in 1980, but since then no studies have reported how it is practiced in that country due to the DPRK government’s restricting access to its populace. This research aims to begin establishing if there are differences in pedagogical purpose and praxis in DPRK Taekwon-Do. Methodology. An internet search for individuals who traveled to the DPRK to practice Taekwon-Do specifically was conducted. A systematic literature of ITF pedagogical materials was performed, and a multipurpose, qualitative questionnaire was implemented. Out of the seven individuals who were identified and contacted, two agreed to participate in the current study; however, one of those two were disqualified due to incorrectly completing the questionnaire. A descriptive, non-experimental case study of one subject (Singaporean female aged 36 yr.) was then conducted. A qualitative analysis of the data resulting from the questionnaire and follow-up interviews was performed. Results. All five areas of the ITF’s curriculum (i.e., fundamental techniques, tul [forms], sparring, dallyon [forging or conditioning of the body], and self-defense) and the three levels of Taekwon-do’s pedagogy (i.e., musul [martial technique], muyae [martial artistry], and mudo [martial way]) were found in DPRK Taekwon-Do. Discussion and Conclusions. Despite the severe limitations of being unable to interview DPRK Taekwon-Do practitioners directly and the smallest small sample group possible, it was learned that DPRK instructors most likely teach all aspects of General Choi’s Composition of Taekwon-Do, and the stratified Taekwon-Do pedagogy theory was found in the subject’s practice in the DPRK.</div>

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Batchimeg, Migeddorj. „Mongolia's DPRK Policy: Engaging North Korea“. Asian Survey 46, Nr. 2 (März 2006): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.2.275.

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Since the end of the 1990s, in order to improve relations, Mongolia has intensified its engagement policy with North Korea. This article analyzes the overall development and future prospects of bilateral relations and various aspects of this policy.

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Gauthier, Brandon K. „A Tortured Relic“. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 22, Nr. 4 (26.11.2015): 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02204002.

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Drawing on national and local news stories, newly declassified documents, u.s. prisoner of war (pow) memoirs, and popular films, this article argues that the legacy of the Korean War in the United States from 1953 to 1962 dramatically shaped how Americans imagined the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk). It specifically examines how media portrayals of North Korean atrocities, the alleged misconduct of u.s. captives, and the relationship between the People’s Republic of China and the dprk affected public perceptions of “North Korea” as a subjective construct. The painful legacy of the Korean War, particularly the experience of u.s.pows, encouraged Americans to think of North Korea as an inherently violent foe and as part of a broader “Oriental Communist” enemy in the Cold War. When the experiences of u.s. soldiers contradicted these narratives, media sources often made distinctions between “North Koreans,” a repugnant racial and ideological “other,” and “north Koreans,” potential u.s. friends and allies.

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Clemens, Walter C. „North Korea and the World: A Bibliography of Books and URLs in English, 1997–2007“. Journal of East Asian Studies 8, Nr. 2 (August 2008): 293–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800005336.

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This survey of books in English on North Korea, 1997–2007, identifies nearly 240 titles—mostly by US authors but also by authors in Australia, Europe, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and Russia. The books fall into eleven categories: history and culture; the Korean War revisited; the DPRK regime and its leaders; human rights and humanitarian issues; the economy: Juche, Songun, collapse, or reform; DPRK military assets and programs; relations with the United States; arms control negotiations and outcomes; regional and world security; prospects for North-South unification; and North Korea's future. A final section includes useful websites. This survey points to a wide interest in North Korea and underscores the serious and ongoing efforts of many scholars and policy analysts to understand developments there.

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Grzelczyk, Virginie. „Hard, Soft, Smart? North Korea and Power: It’s All Relative“. International Studies Review 18, Nr. 1 (19.10.2017): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01801007.

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North Korea is notable for its isolation, yet the Korean Central News Agency’s daily editions are filled with articles outlining international admiration for Pyongyang and its leader. Is Pyongyang actively promoting soft power as an integral part of not only its survival, but its development strategy? While scholarship on North Korea tends to focus on Pyongyang’s “high profile” relations with China or Russia (Shambaugh 2003, McCormack 2004, Wu 2005) or with nations seeking to cooperate on weapons of mass destruction (Henriksen 2001), little attention has been paid to how the DPRK engages in seemingly peaceful ways with the world. This article examines the notion of hard, soft, smart and other power declensions, and applies a soft-power framework to investigate DPRK rhetoric and the development of partnerships with both states and non-state actors. It suggests that the DPRK has long pursued a strategy of diplomatic diversification, which includes a more sophisticated understanding of power than previously considered in the literature.

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Lee, Steven Hugh. „Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas“. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, Nr. 1-2 (2000): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645958.

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AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "North Korea (DPRK)"

Mildenberg, Mary E. „The North Korea Problem: US policy toward North Korea from 2001-2013“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/748.

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Few countries have presented a policy problem for the United States with the consistency and longevity that North Korea has. The opacity of the regime that runs the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has served as a barrier to deciphering the policy perspective that Kim Jong-un, and his father before him, have pursued. This thesis analyzes the policy decisions of the US towards North Korea in an attempt to decipher which policies were pursued and what there effects have been. Modern US policy in regards to North Korea started with the signing of the Agreed Framework in 1994. US policy was largely consistent under the Clinton administration, which is the reason this paper will begin with the George W. Bush administration and will continue all the way up until the current Obama administration (2001-2013). Using the fundamental policy theories of “hawk engagement” and “strategic patience” this paper assesses the policy responses by examining a number of key events, personnel, and contextual issues. There have been a number policy responses toward North Korea but there has yet to be a permanent solution to the central concerns.

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Ovšonka, Pavol. „NUCLEAR WEAPONS AS A TOOL OF NORTH KOREAN FOREING POLICY“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113618.

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In 1990's, the North Korean leaders opened the military nuclear program in order to avoid the collapsing trend which affected many totalitarian regimes at that time. Thanks to the specific geographical position, Inter-Korean dispute became a very important issue of foreign policy of many great powers such as United States of America, People's Republic of China, Japan, or Russian Federation. This nuclear program is generally considered as a tool of threatening in order to maintain the regime and secure the food and energy assistance. In this thesis, the North Korean threatening policy is applied to various concepts dealing with the deterrence theory introduced by many authors.

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Lee, Ergene. „The 1993 North Korean Nuclear Crisis: A Foreign Policy Analysis“. Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33477.

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In this paper I apply the Rational Actor model to the 1993-1994 North Korean Nuclear Crisis. I begin with two hypotheses: 1) North Korea attempted nuclear armament because of its perception of threat from South Korea and the United States; 2) North Korea attempted nuclear armament because it wanted to use its nuclear program as leverage to obtain economic assistance from the United States. I conduct a diplomatic historical analysis based on the Rational Actor model to determine which was North Koreaâ s primary objective, and conclude that the primary objective of North Korea was obtaining economic concessions, but that threat perception did seem to play a role in the decision to start the nuclear program. In this process, I show that the Rational Actor model was insufficient in the analysis and that it must be complemented by cultural factors, â thickeningâ the rationality.
Master of Arts

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Bolton, Derek. „Identity maintenance & foreign policy decision-making : the quest for ontological security in the DPRK“. Thesis, University of Bath, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.760979.

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This thesis analyzes how the need for ontological security (OS), the ‘security of being’,impacts the foreign policy decision-making of states. Traditional security studies focus primarily on physical threats to the state. By contrast, an OS framework argues individuals feel secure when they are able to maintain communal narrative. This narrative in turn becomes the lens through which policymakers, and thus states, analyze events, while also becoming a potential source of conflict if challenged. Therefore, while physical security is still important, one is better positioned to account for perceptions of physical (and non physical) threats, and subsequent policies seemingly contradictory to traditional security studies, by employing an OS framework. While this will be explored within the context of the DPRK, the applicability of such a framework is far greater, holding key insights for International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). DPRK narrative formed out of the postcolonial nationalism of Japanese occupation, culminating into the hyper-nationalist ideology of Juche. North Korea’s seemingly ‘abnormal’ behavior might in turn be indicative of its unique national narrative and history of colonization and humiliation, leading to a different set of behavioral expectations than states whose narratives do not encompass such stories or reference points. While not all states are expected to act in the same manner as North Korea, the framework would expect them to defend and promote their respective national narratives. Moreover, while narratives can double as sources of legitimacy, as seen increasingly in the DPRK, this in no way detracts from, and merely compounds, the emphasis on narrative maintenance. Examining the historical record, it is argued the OS framework is consistently better at accounting for DPRK policies than traditional security studies. Therefore, more broadly in FPA, by taking seriously group narrative as a key component of OS, one can better account for perceptions and foreign policy decision-making.

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Drahorád, Vojtěch. „Čínský pohled na Korejský poloostrov: současnost a budoucnost“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10554.

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The thesis focuses on the relationship between China and the Korean Peninsula. It examines China's view on the peninsula, its ties to and influence over this region and its conceptions for the future of the peninsula. The thesis concentrates on the relations between the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Nevertheless, the relationship between them is analyzed in the context of the Chinese long-term strategy for the Korean Peninsula. The primary Chinese interests related to North Korea are identified together with instruments that can China use to accomplish them. Special focus is given to the assessment of the economic influence that China has over North Korea. However, the Chinese economic leverage is examined in connection with political and military relations between those two countries and in broader context of the development of international relations in Northeast Asia.

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Yoon, Seongwon. „Distorted security discourses : the ROK's securitisation of the Korean nuclear crisis, 2003-2013“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15865.

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South Korea’s security discourse on the nuclear threat posed by North Korea has been dichotomised by its position within the political spectrum between the progressives and conservatives. By drawing upon Securitisation Theory (ST), this study challenges the current security discourse in South Korea, which has divided and misled the public as well as securitising actors. This study examines the security discourses of the Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) administrations, since they represent the archetypes of the progressives and conservatives respectively. The results of the analysis suggest that the current security discourses that have been prevalent in South Korea do not correspond with reality and, subsequently, the discourses were not able to deal with real challenges that the nuclear threat posed. This research also explains the root cause of the distorted security discourses by applying a ‘discursive chasm’ as a preliminary concept, which indicates a discursive structure that fundamentally impedes the performance of securitising actors’ articulation, and that distorts the discursive formation (securitisation processes). The chasms consist of three elusive discourses: first, a discourse on threats that cannot simply be said to be either imminent or not imminent (nuclear weapons as materiality and discourse); second, a discourse on the other that cannot easily be defined (the difficulty of representation of North Korea); and third, a discourse on measures that cannot easily be realised (intangible extraordinary measures).

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Yoon, Seongwon. „Distorted Security Discourses. The ROK’s Securitisation of the Korean Nuclear Crisis, 2003–2013“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15865.

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Tegenfeldt, Hugo. „On the Effectiveness of Non-Proliferative Sanctions : Why have UN sanctions against North Korea failed?“ Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7232.

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The thesis argues that non-proliferation sanctions are effective primarily by their coercive effect, that is their power to change the target’s cost/benefit ratios. It does so by contrasting and comparing two key works in sanctions literature, authored by David Baldwin and the Targeted Sanctions Consortium respectively. In the case of the UN sanctions regime against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), it concludes that the reason why no sufficient coercive effect has been apparent, is due to the lack of costs shouldered by the actors who have implemented the sanctions, as this reflects an apparent lack of commitment. This in turn does not sufficiently increase the possible cost of the DPRK, in continuing its nuclear weapons program. Therefore it is not incentivized to cancel its program.

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Weissmann, Mikael. „Understanding the East Asian Peace : Informal and formal conflict prevention and peacebuilding in the Taiwan Strait, the Korean Peninsula, and the South China Sea 1990-2008“. Doctoral thesis, University of Gothenburg, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5166.

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The overall purpose of this dissertation is to provide an empirical study of the post-Cold War EastAsian security setting, with the aim of understanding why there is an East Asian peace. The EastAsian peace exists in a region with a history of militarised conflicts, home to many of the world'slongest ongoing militarised problems and a number of unresolved critical flashpoints. Thus, thepost-Cold War East Asian inter-state peace is a paradox. Despite being a region predicted to be ripefor conflict, there have not only been less wars than expected, but the region also shows severalsigns of a development towards a more durable peace. The dominant research paradigm –neorealism – has painted a gloomy picture of post-Cold War East Asia, with perpetual conflictsdominating the predictions. Other mainstream international relations theories, too, fail to accountfully for the relative peace. One of the greatest problems for mainstream theories, is accounting forpeace given East Asia's lack of security organisations or other formalised conflict managementmechanisms. Given this paradox/problem, this dissertation sets out to ask "Why is there a relativepeace in the East Asian security setting despite an absence of security organisations or otherformalised mechanisms to prevent existing conflicts from escalating into violence?" In order to answer this question, the case of East Asian peace is approached by comparingthree embedded case studies within the region: the Taiwan issue, the South China Sea, and theKorean nuclear conflict. It explores the full range of informal and formal processes plus the ConflictPrevention and Peacebuilding Mechanisms (CPPBMs) that have been important for the creation ofa continuing relative peace in East Asia between 1990 and 2008. The study furthermore focuses onChina's role in the three cases, on an empirical basis consisting of interviews conducted with keypersons during more than 1.5 years fieldwork in China. The three cases show that informal processes exist, and that they have furthermore beenimportant for peace, both by preventing conflicts from escalating into war, and by buildingconditions for a stable longer-term peace. Their impact on the persistence of peace has been tracedto a range of different CPPBMs. Returning to the level of the East Asian case, a common feature ofmany of the identified processes is that they can be understood as aspects or manifestations of theEast Asian regionalisation process. Specifically, elite interactions (personal networks, track twodiplomacy), back-channel negotiations, economic interdependence and integration, and functionalcooperation have together with (China's acceptance of) multilateralism and institutionalisation (ofpeaceful relations) been of high importance for the relative peace. Whereas formalised conflictmanagement mechanisms and the U.S. presence have also contributed to peace, this dissertationshows their contribution to be much more limited.

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Varpahovskis, Eriks. „SOCIALIST LEGACY: WEST GERMAN PERCEPTION OF EAST GERMANS AND SOUTH KOREAN PERCEPTION OF NORTH KOREANS“. Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23894.

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Opposition of socialist East and capitalist West in XX century led to division of nations andcreation of new states. Due to historical process Korea and Germany were divided intoDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea, and German DemocraticRepublic and Federal Republic of Germany, respectively. Development of states requiredconstruction of new ethnic identities/ethnicities. In this research through the prism of Cornell andHartmann’s constructivist approach and stereotype theory secondary and primary data isanalyzed.. On the basis of analysis of secondary data this research examines and comparesmeasures that were used by ruling parties of GDR and DPRK in order to create and develop newethnic identities. Further in paper on the basis of results of interviews and analysis of secondarydata is described and compared how West Germans perceive East Germans and how SouthKoreans perceive North Koreans. According to the results of the research it is possible to statewhich measures were undertaken by governments of GDR and DPRK in order to create anethnicity and it is possible to state that West German stereotypes about East Germans and SouthKorean stereotypes about North Koreans are partly based on ideological/political aspects ofdivisions of nations.

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Bücher zum Thema "North Korea (DPRK)"

Above the line: People and places in the DPRK (North Korea). London: British Council, 2014.

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Han Sŏrya and North Korean literature: The failure of socialist realism in DPRK. Ithaca, N.Y: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 1994.

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Myers, B. R. Han Sŏrya and North Korean literature: The failure of socialist realism in the DPRK. Ithaca, N.Y: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 1994.

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Kim Il Sung in the Khrushchev era: Soviet-DPRK relations and the roots of North Korean despotism, 1953-1964. Washington, D.C: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2005.

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Szalontai, Balazs. Kim Il Sung in the Khrushchev era: Soviet-DPRK relations and the roots of North Korean despotism, 1953-1964. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2006.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade. North Korean military and nuclear proliferation threat: Evaluation of the U.S.-DPRK agreed framework : joint hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade and Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourth Congress, first session, February 23, 1995. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1995.

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Made in North Korea: Graphics From Everyday Life in the DPRK. Phaidon, 2017.

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Printed in North Korea: The Art of Everyday Life in the DPRK. London, United Kingdom: Phaidon, 2019.

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GOVERNMENT, US. 2004 North Korea and Kim Jong-il: DPRK Military, Nuclear and Missile Programs, with Material from the DOD, Military, Congress, White House, CIA Factbook, ... and U.S. Policy on North Korea (CD-ROM). Progressive Management, 2003.

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US GOVERNMENT. 21st Century Complete Guide to North Korea and the Regime of Kim Jong-il: DPRK Nuclear and Missile Programs, with Material from the DOD, Military, Congress, ... Korea (Core Federal Information Series). Progressive Management, 2003.

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Buchteile zum Thema "North Korea (DPRK)"

Zhe, Jin. „“Hereditary Succession” and the DPRK Leadership“. In China and North Korea, 241–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137455666_15.

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An, Jin-Soo. „Verifying the DPRK Nuclear Program“. In Assessment of the Nuclear Programs of Iran and North Korea, 21–43. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6019-6_2.

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Bechtol, Bruce E. „DPRK Provocations: Deterring the Cycle of Violence“. In North Korea and Regional Security in the Kim Jong-un Era, 40–55. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137400079_3.

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Satterwhite, David. „A Half-century of US-Korea Policy: Inching Toward US-DPRK Rapprochement“. In North Korea in the New World Order, 17–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24981-7_2.

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Petersen, Martin. „Sleepless in the DPRK“. In North Korean Graphic Novels, 192–219. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Media, culture and social change in Asia ; 57: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315162430-7.

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McEachern, Patrick. „Korea’s Hot War Turns Cold: Korea in the Cold War“. In North Korea. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190937997.003.0002.

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What is the Juche philosophy of self-reliance? In 1955, North Korean leader Kim Il Sung delivered a major speech that introduced the world to the Juche idea. Coming just seven years after the establishment of the DPRK, two years after the...

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McEachern, Patrick. „The Future“. In North Korea. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190937997.003.0012.

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What are the prospects for Korean unification? The near-term prospects for Korean unification are dim, but unification remains a constitutionally derived, foundational idea of the ROK and DPRK that makes its eventual realization possible. Korean nationalism is strong on both sides of the DMZ....

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„Don’t poke the snake: US—DPRK relations“. In North Korea. Zed Books, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350221567.ch-008.

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Mehta, Rupal N. „North Korea“. In Delaying Doomsday, 180–93. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190077976.003.0008.

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In the last of the three comparative case study analyses, this chapter explores the greatest remaining challenge to the non-proliferation regime: North Korea. Its recent rise in belligerence toward its neighbors in the region and the United States presents a troubling prospect about peace and security in the region, especially in light of its continued nuclear and missile tests. Despite continued efforts by the U.S. and other key members of the international community to negotiate with Pyongyang, North Korea remains committed to its nuclear program. This chapter examines the history of the North Korean program and the myriad attempts by American leaders (beginning primarily with the Clinton Administration) to persuade the North Korean leadership to abandon its nuclear pursuit. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the current efforts to engage the North Koreans, the implications of this policy, and potential policy recommendations to help mitigate the challenges posed by the DPRK.

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Fields, David P. „Epilogue“. In Foreign Friends, 182–87. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177199.003.0008.

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The connections Rhee built with Americans during his four-decades-long campaign and the prestige these connections afforded him contributed directly to his rise to power in postwar Korea. Thanks largely to the debate that Bruce Cumings began in the 1980s about the origins of the Korean War, we know in some detail the actions taken by Koreans in the days immediately after Japan’s capitulation but prior to the joint Russian-American occupation. Hoping to prevent anarchy and the massacre of Japanese citizens in Korea, Japan cooperated with Korean independence activist Yeo Un-hyeong in establishing a transitional government, which Yeo proclaimed as the Korean People’s Republic (KPR, not to be confused with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or DPRK, commonly known as North Korea). This short-lived republic was the successor of hundreds of locally created People’s Committees which had a left-leaning political orientation....

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