Thematische Bibliographien / Political Assemblie

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Political Assemblie“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 1. April 2023

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Political Assemblie"

Rogister, John. „Assemblée rappresentative, autonomia territoriali, culture politiche Representative Assemblies, Territorial Autonomies, Political Cultures“. Parliaments, Estates and Representation 32, Nr. 2 (November 2012): 192–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2012.719702.

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Siatitsa, Ilia. „Freedom of assembly under attack: General and indiscriminate surveillance and interference with internet communications“. International Review of the Red Cross 102, Nr. 913 (April 2020): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383121000047.

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AbstractEvery day across the world, as people assemble, demonstrate and protest, their pictures, their messages, tweets and other personal information are amassed without adequate justification. Arguing that they do so in order to protect assemblies, governments deploy a wide array of measures, including facial recognition, fake mobile towers and internet shutdowns. These measures are primarily analyzed as interferences with the right to privacy and freedom of expression, but it is argued here that protest and other assembly surveillance should also be understood as an infringement of freedom of assembly. This is necessary not only to preserve the distinct nature of freedom of assembly that protects collective action, but also to allow for better regulation of surveillance and interference with internet communications during assemblies.

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Jones, Stephanie, Nickie Charles und Charlotte Aull Davies. „Transforming Masculinist Political Cultures? Doing Politics in New Political Institutions“. Sociological Research Online 14, Nr. 2 (März 2009): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1863.

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In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland and Wales the proportion of women representatives is approaching parity. This is in marked contrast to Westminster where one in five MPs are women. In this paper we explore the extent to which the masculinist political cultures characterising established political institutions are being reproduced in the National Assembly for Wales or whether its different gendering, both in the numbers of women representatives and in terms of its institutional framework, is associated with a more feminised political and organisational culture. Drawing on interviews with half the Assembly Members, women and men, we show that the political style of the Assembly differs from that of Westminster and that Assembly Members perceive it as being more consensual and as embodying a less aggressive and macho way of doing politics. AMs relate this difference to the gender parity amongst Assembly Members, to the institutional arrangements which have an ‘absolute duty’ to promote equality embedded in them, and to the desire to develop a different way of doing politics. We suggest that the ability to do politics in a more feminised and consensual way relates not only to the presence of a significant proportion of women representatives, but also to the nature of the institution and the way in which differently gendered processes and practices are embedded within it. Differently gendered political institutions can develop a more feminised political culture which provides an alternative to the masculinist political culture characterising the political domain.

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Goshulyak, V. V., und G. V. Sintsov. „Freedom of Assembly in Opinions and Reports of Venice Commission and Russian Legislation“. Lex Russica 75, Nr. 10 (18.10.2022): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2022.191.10.068-081.

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The paper is devoted to the consideration in the Russian constitutional legislation of the legal stances of the European Commission for Democracy through Law» (Venice Commission) in the field of freedom of peaceful assembly. Freedom of peaceful assembly is closely associated with political struggle, relationship between civil society and the authorities. It is fixed at the constitutional level and therefore is a sensitive topic in law enforcement practice and relevant in special scientific research, of which there are currently a small number in Russian and foreign science of constitutional law. Therefore, this article, as applied to the Russian Federation, aims to complete this gap. The implementation of the research tasks was achieved on the basis of the analysis of the Guidelines of the Venice Commission on Consolidation of Freedom of Peaceful Assembly in the legislation of European states. The author used the following research methods: comparative legal, logical, institutional, formal legal, comparative legal. The paper examines the legal principles of the Venice Commission on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and the extent to which they are taken into account in the constitutional legislation of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made about the narrow understanding of freedom of peaceful assembly reflected in the wording «the right to assemble peacefully without weapons». In this regard, the Federal Law on Assemblies is devoted not to freedom of peaceful assembly but to the right to assemble peacefully, which may be restricted by the State to a greater extent than freedom of peaceful assembly. This created the basis for a positivist regulation of freedom of peaceful assembly with broad powers of public authorities and the possibility of restricting the right to assemble peacefully, without weapons, while, according to the Venice Commission, the State should create adequate mechanisms and procedures to ensure that freedom of peaceful assembly is not subjected to excessive bureaucratic regulation. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation has largely adjusted Russian legislation on public events, bringing it closer to the legal standings developed by the Venice Commission.

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Oross, Daniel, Eszter Mátyás und Sergiu Gherghina. „Sustainability and Politics: Explaining the Emergence of the 2020 Budapest Climate Assembly“. Sustainability 13, Nr. 11 (28.05.2021): 6100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13116100.

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The relationship between political participation and the pursuit of sustainability at the local level has been investigated extensively in the literature. In this content, the emergence and extensive use of citizens’ assemblies receive particular attention. Much research focuses on the functioning of these assemblies and potential impact in the community. However, we know very little about why such initiatives occur. This article fills that gap in the literature and aims to explain why a citizens’ assembly on climate change was organized. It focuses on the Citizens’ Assembly in Budapest (Hungary), organized in the fall of 2020 with randomly selected citizens. The findings illustrate that although civil society initiated the deliberative process, the prime mover of the Citizens’ Assembly was political. Local politicians pursued this objective to fulfil their election pledges, ensure ideological consistency and promote sustainability.

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Jensenius, Francesca Refsum, und Pavithra Suryanarayan. „Fragmentation and Decline in India’s State Assemblies“. Asian Survey 55, Nr. 5 (01.10.2015): 862–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.5.862.

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Tracing activity in 15 Indian state assemblies from 1967 to 2007, we find that overall legislative activity declined but there was also considerable variation across states. States with large electoral constituencies and politically fragmented assemblies showed the worst performance, which suggests a link between political fragmentation and institutional performance.

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Page, Sam, und Jason Dittmer. „Assembling Political Parties“. Geography Compass 9, Nr. 5 (Mai 2015): 251–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gec3.12208.

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Alencar, Gedeon Freire. „Pastores Assembleianos na Universidade: A Polissemia Assembleiana da Terceira Geração Pastoral“. REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 8, Nr. 12 (13.05.2015): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v8i12.244.

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Resumo: Em termos quantitativos, a população universitária e a membresia das Assembleias de Deus são parecidas. Em 1991, os universitários eram 3.928.260 e os assembleianos 2.439.770. Em 2010, o número de universitários subiu para 12.679.010 e o de assembleianos para 12.314.410. Cresceu o numero de universitários e também o de assembleianos, inclusive de assembleianos universitários e de pastores. Quem são esses pastores assembleianos com nível superior e o que eles pensam? Foram enviados mais de mil emails para pessoas que integravam listagens de convenções, ministérios e igrejas, e também para amigos indicados por essas pessoas. Preenchidos e devolvidos, somaram 84 questionários. A primeira parte eram questões pessoais: residência, idade, sexo, estado civil, escolaridade, profissão e ministério, conversão. Além dessas questões, a pesquisa se dividiu em blocos: questões doutrinárias, institucionais, políticas e sociais. O caleidoscópio absolutamente multifacetado e plural mostra a cara dessa denominação que tem um nome único, Assembleias de Deus, mas essa pluralidade não está apenas no nome, mas também em sua natureza. Atualmente, são mais de 12 milhões de assembleianos (dados do Censo 2010), conquanto seja impossível quantificar o número de pastores/as. Desde a década de 1950, a Assembleia de Deus é a maior denominação pentecostal do país, embora diferentes entre si, distintas e, quase sempre, divergentes. Nasceram em 1911 já plurais, mas a terceira geração de pastores assembleianos leva isso ao extremo. Esse novo estamento assembleiano – pastores com curso universitário e/ou pós-graduação – é uma nova liderança: quais condutas, tendências doutrinárias e políticas é o que se pretende entender nesta pesquisa. Palavras-chave: Universitários. Pastores Assembleianos. Identidade. Bricolagem Religiosa. Assembleias de Deus. Abstract: In quantitative terms, university student population and the membership of the Assemblies of God are alike in Brazil. There were 3,928,260 university students in 1991 and 2,439,770 members in the Assemblies of God. In 2010, the number of students had risen to 12,679,010 students and to12,314,410 for members of the Assemblies of God. Both the number of university students and Assembly of God members have increased, including university students who are members or pastors from the Assemblies of God. Who are these university graduate Assembly of God pastors and what do they think? Over a thousand emails were sent to people from listings of conventions, ministries and churches, and also to friends indicated by those people; and 84 questionnaires were filled and returned. The first part of the questionnaire dealt with personal information questions: residence, age, sex, marital status, education, occupation, ministry, and conversion. Besides that, the research was divided into blocks: doctrinal, institutional, political and social issues. The multifaceted and plural kaleidoscope shows the face of this denomination that has a unique name, Assemblies of God, but this plurality isn’t only in its name, but also in its nature. There are currently more than 12 million members in the Assemblies of God (2010 Census), and it is impossible to quantify the number of ministers both male and female. Since the 1950s the Assemblies of God has accounted for the largest Pentecostal denomination in the country; and its associated churches are diverse, different, and often divergent. They were born plural in 1911, but the third generation of the Assembly pastors has taken it to the extreme. This new Assembly of God estate (ou “stratum”) makes up a new leadership. This research intends to understand the conduct, doctrinal and political trends of the current Assembly of God leadership. Keywords: University Students. Assembly of God Pastors. Identity. Religious Bricolage. Assemblies of God.

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Sander-Staudt, Maureen. „Reassembling Political Assemblies: Care Ethics and Political Agency“. Journal of Social Philosophy 39, Nr. 2 (Juni 2008): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9833.2008.00424.x.

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Scheele, Judith. „Councils without Customs, Qadis without States: Property and Community in the Algerian Touat“. Islamic Law and Society 17, Nr. 3-4 (2010): 350–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851910x493170.

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AbstractThis article investigates relations between qadis and local assemblies in the Touat in the Algerian Sahara. It argues that both drew on an Islamic framework of reference, even though they were frequently obliged to conjugate universal legal injunctions with local notions of overriding communal responsibility that had no place in Islamic law. Islamic notions of private property remained central to the functioning of local assemblies, in which political rights depended on ownership rather than residence. Meanwhile, qadis necessarily relied on the assembly as a source of expertise, for the validation of documents and judgments, and for political and at times also financial backing. Tensions did occur between individual rights of ownership and collective responsibilities, but assemblies and qadis tended to deal with them in similar ways.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Political Assemblie"

Beckerich-Davilma, Stéphanie. „Constitution et assemblée régionales : Étude comparée des expériences française, italienne et espagnole“. Thesis, Toulon, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOUL0098.

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Dans les Constitutions française, italienne et espagnole, les mentions expresses relatives au droit des assemblées régionales sont rares, mais elles sont déterminantes. L’autonomie régionale a, en effet, pour composante organique l’existence d’une assemblée, dotée d’une nature représentative et d’un caractère délibérant, que l’État soit de forme décentralisée ou régionale. Or, la reconnaissance constitutionnelle d’un organe délibérant propre à chaque région conditionne nécessairement sa nature ainsi que les règles relatives à son organisation et à son fonctionnement. L’étude comparée du droit des assemblées régionales à travers le prisme du droit constitutionnel révèle que l’action des auteurs de ce droit est encadrée par la Constitution. Quelle que soit la valeur des normes qui les consacrent, différents principes issus du droit parlementaire s’imposent ainsi comme des garanties des exigences constitutionnelles en la matière et permettent d’assurer l’autonomie statutaire et fonctionnelle de l’organe. Il existe, dès lors, un degré minimum d’harmonisation du droit des assemblées régionales et parlementaires, qui découle des prescriptions constitutionnelles. Pour autant, ces deux types d’assemblées ne peuvent être confondus dans un État unitaire, ce qui implique que cette transposition ne vise pas les principes liés à leur nature propre. Il existe donc également un degré maximum d’harmonisation qui ne peut pas être dépassé. Par ailleurs, le droit des assemblées régionales peut s’éloigner du droit parlementaire et prendre une forme innovante, pour mieux garantir les fonctions de ces assemblées en prenant en compte leurs spécificités. Donner les moyens aux assemblées régionales d’exercer leurs fonctions, que ce soit en leur appliquant des règles issues du droit parlementaire ou en créant des règles propres à cet échelon, c’est garantir l’autonomie de la région, telle qu’elle est définie par la Constitution
Within the French, Italian and Spanish Constitutions, the direct references to laws regulating regional assemblies are rare, yet determining. Regional autonomy in any of the three countries entails the existence of an assembly, having a representative nature and a deliberative character, regardless of whether the national state of the given country exists in a decentralized or regional form. The nature and internal rules of the regional assemblies are conditioned by the extent to which they are recognized in the constitutions of their respective countries. This comparative study examines the laws governing the regional assemblies, through the prism of constitutional law, and shows that their normative sources are structured by the Constitutions. Different principles of parliamentary law protect the assemblies' structural and functional autonomy, and serve as guarantees for the constitutional exigencies they are submitted to, no matter the value of the normative sources. The constitutions prescribe the minimum threshold for the level of harmonization between parliamentary and regional assembly laws. Yet, a regional assembly cannot be equated with the parliament of a unitary state, and as a consequence, the transposition of laws does not target the inherent principles of each assembly’s particular nature. Hence, there is also a maximum threshold of harmonization that cannot be exceeded. Further, regional assembly law may deviate from parliamentary law and take an innovative form in order to secure the assemblies' functions through the accommodation of their specificities.To give regional assemblies the means to exercise their functions, either through the application of rules governed by parliamentary law or by the creation of particular rules at the regional level, is to guarantee the regions' autonomy as defined by the Constitutions

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Alfarhoud, Yousef T. „Influence of Social Media on Decision Making of the Kuwait National Assembly Members: Case Study“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404618/.

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In Kuwait, an increase in the use of social media by the Kuwait National Assembly (KNA) has allowed it members to reach out to the public and so advance their political agenda. This study examines social media influences on the decision making process; addresses the lack of academic research in relation to KNA members; and seeks to understand the extent to which public political engagement using social media might affect the outcome of their decision making. The proposed social media influence model (SMIM) was used to explore the relationships and relative importance of variables influencing legislator decision making in a social media environment. The second decade of the twenty-first century saw a number of major issues emerging in Kuwait. A core mixed method design known as explanatory sequential was applied to multiple sets of data generated during KNA members' 14th (2013-2016) and 15th (2016-2018) terms. These data included Twitter messages (tweets), the KNA Information Center Parliamentary Information System legislation documents, and the news media articles. The sample was drawn from KNA membership, some of which used Twitter to comment on major events with specific hashtags and the Kuwaiti news media articles related to the same. Study results confirm and support the proposed SMIM. They also suggest that a single person or a group of individuals (in this case, legislators) can be influenced and motivated to use social media for self-promotion and/or advancing their political agenda. Consequently, they can be used to devise ways for improving the use of social media by KNA members in support of legislative work, which in turn will provide citizens with access to real-time information and enhanced political interaction.

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Galbraith, Robert Douglas. „Legal and political thought in France c.1310-1380“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240173.

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BORTOLUSSO, CLAUDIA. „La Contea principesca di Gradisca (1647 - 1754). La nobiltà tra politica e rappresentanza“. Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/188.

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La tesi ricostruisce alcuni momenti fondamentali della storia della contea principesca di gradisca, per approfondire i rapporti intercorsi tra 'centro' e 'periferia', tra gli Eggenberg/Asburgo e la nobiltà della contea.
The dissertation reconstructs some fundamental moments of the history of the princely county of Gradisca, in order to study relationships between 'centre' and 'periphery' in depth, between the Eggenberg/Habsburg and the nobility.

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Faustino, Artur Schausltz Pereira. „"O Senhor é meu vereador e nada me faltará": a inserção pentecostal assembleiana na vida política de Cabo Frio (RJ) - 2000 a 2008“. Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4207.

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Os estudos relacionados aos aspectos culturais da sociedade e a forma como estes influenciam na organização espacial vêm ganhando campo no Brasil nas últimas décadas. O aprofundamento nestas questões e o conhecimento de diferentes áreas do nosso país por vieses diferenciados enriquece o trabalho do geógrafo e cria nuanças diversas para a compreensão da sociedade brasileira. Neste sentido, um conceito que vem ganhando importância dentro do campo científico da Geografia é o de lugar, visto como o espaço das vivências, das relações afetivas e, portanto, do desenvolvimento das identidades espaciais. Assim, o estudo buscará compreender o sentido dos lugares a partir de uma Geografia Eleitoral dos candidatos ligados a Igreja Assembléia de Deus no município de Cabo Frio-RJ, buscando apresentar um estudo inserido no campo da Geografia Cultural que relacione as dimensões política e do lugar com vistas a compreender o(s) fato(s) culturais religiosos como fatores de influência direta e indireta na organização espacial da sociedade.
Studies related to cultural aspects of society and how they influence the spatial organization are gaining ground in Brazil in recent decades. Deepening these issues and knowledge of different areas of our country by different biases enriches the work of the geographer and creates various nuances to the understanding of Brazilian society. In this sense, a concept that is gaining importance in the scientific field of Geography is to place, as seen from space experiences, from emotional relationships, and therefore the development of spatial identities. Thus, the study will seek to understand the meaning of places from one Electoral Geography of candidates linked to Assembly of God Church in the city of Cabo Frio-RJ, seeking to present a study included in the field of cultural geography that links the political and place in order to understand (s) fact (s) religious and cultural factors of direct and indirect influence on the spatial organization of society.

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Anucha, Dominic Uka. „The impact of constituent assemblies (1978- 1995) on nigerian constitutions and political evolution“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2010. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/218.

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This dissertation addresses the issues of crafting a constitution for Nigeria that would meet the criteria of being visible, sustainable, and durable for national political unity, social and economic development. Specifically, it focuses on the years 1978 — 1995 during which several high profile systematic, constitution crafting exercises were undertaken. These included the establishment of a Constitution Drafting Committee to craft a constitution, and a Constituent Assembly. Ultimately, these exercises have proven to be only partially successful. The goal of producing an endurable constitutional framework for Nigerian politics remains elusive. The two core questions pursued in this dissertation focus on: Why did the military pursue these constitution crafting activities? What are the pressing political issues that the constitutional framework will have to manage? The dissertation pursued these issues through surveys, interviews, a review of government documents and reports, participant observation, and a review of existing literature regarding constitution development, federalism and Nigerian history and politics. Key research findings uncovered pressing political concerns ranging across ethnic fears, gender and youth concern, institutional restructuring and economic subordination. Our findings also related to the elite background of participants in these constitutional exercises, and the intrusion of religion, class, and geographical interests into the deliberations of the assemblies. The continued violation of constitutional provisions by the military was highlighted. The widespread call for a Sovereign National Constitutional Conference to shape a new popular constitution for the country was also a prominent concern. Key recommendations focus on the need for a national constitutional conference free of political interference and constricting mandates.

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Leiliyanti, Eva. „Representation and symbolic politics in Indonesia : an analysis of billboard advertising in the legislative assembly elections of 2009“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/684.

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The overarching characteristic of the 2009 legislative elections lay in the legislative candidates’ politics of image. It stemmed from the amendment to the election Law no. 10/2008 article 214 that ostensibly cut off the parties’ power in determining their candidates without the public’s “direct” consent. The public was then given a direct opportunity to choose and vote for their preferred candidates in the 2009 elections. This marked the emergence and proliferation of the candidates’ image construction, especially in the “outdoor” political arena. Billboards were chosen as the most effective outdoor advertising medium to introduce the candidates and propagate their slogans and platforms. However, at the same time, this mode of introducing and propagating reveals itself as an ideological map that demonstrates the contestation and synthesis of the two major ideological camps in the Indonesian political arena, i.e. the nationalist and Islamic. The candidates were coopted into and by this framework. They themselves could not escape as their political dispositions were unconsciously defined by this framework. Their billboards speak loudly the ideological contestation and synthesis. The investigation of the contestation and synthesis needs Bourdieuan analytical tools, such as capital, dispositions (habitus) and field. These are used not merely to show how the mechanism of the contestation and synthesis operated and was defined by the rules of political “game”, but also to show how this mechanism involves the intricate inter-relationships of various capitals, such as the political, social, economic, cultural and symbolic, that reflect the candidates’ (read also: the parties’) dispositions within the field of Pancasila discourse. Pancasila becomes not only an ideological basis for the state but also the bastion of the contestation and synthesis. The twin roles arguably derive from the dominant cultural root (Javanese) that highly values the concepts of harmony, tolerance and appropriateness as the essences that allow the ideological contestation and synthesis of the nationalist and Islamic strands as the dominant ideological markers in the Indonesian political arena. This thesis aims to demonstrate how the candidates’ billboards represent ideological contestation and synthesis as the billboards can also be perceived as the candidates’ visual “responses” which reflect their political dispositions and the process of taking stances amidst the contestation and synthesis. Therefore, this study was conducted in the form of a layered case study. Using a Bourdieuan lens, the first layer explores the historical background of the contestation and synthesis, their proliferation in the political arena and the mechanism of deploying these strands in the political parties’ branding. Using a social semiotic lens, the second layer investigates how the billboards as the products of the candidates’ political articulation represent not only these contestations and syntheses but also their dispositions. I found that the system of representation (on the candidates’ billboards) operates within the Javanese ideals of “equilibrium” in Pancasila discourse. These ideals frame the power relations between the nationalist and Islamic factions in an ostensible “consensus” in order to maintain the harmony and dilute ideological friction.

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Lorimer, Emma. „Huguenot general assemblies in France, 1579-1622“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2b3b75f0-02bb-4855-9b2b-f29a17ee5c65.

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A large measure of the durability of the Huguenot movement was derived from then- general political assemblies. The assembly held at Montauban in 1579 was the first attended by a deputy north of the Loire; after the final and twenty-second general assembly at La Rochelle in 1622, only localised gatherings were held. This thesis argues that the assemblies were primarily a corps: their principal purpose was both to oversee the implementation of the edicts of pacification and to mobilize resources if peace broke down. Essentially based on the available manuscript sources, many of them unexplored, this thesis approaches the general assemblies as an institution. The first two chapters highlight the process of convocation of the general assemblies and the manner in which political representation (both within the assemblies and to the monarchy) took place. The third chapter principally explores the relationship between the general assemblies and the chambers created for Huguenots in the parlements from 1576. The assemblies supported these chambers as a means of obtaining implementation of the edicts of pacification. In the fourth chapter, the apparently conflicting attitudes of the general assemblies to property and civil rights are addressed. For instance, while the assemblies regulated the taking of lay and ecclesiastical property, revenue from these sources was often reinvested to support ministers, schools and charitable purposes. The fifth and sixth chapters examine the provisions for war made by the general assemblies and their attempts to ensure the adequate financing of Huguenot troops. The assemblies always stated that they acted in self-defence; a primary concern was the need to ensure the protection of local civilian populations. The monarchy allowed the assemblies to organise levies for the repayment of debts owed to mercenary troops and provided for the maintenance of Huguenot garrison troops from royal revenue. This thesis concludes that while the general assemblies worked as a corps, they never received letters of corporation from the monarchy; they remained ad hoc, susceptible to events and to the manipulation of public opinion through wellaimed pamphlet literature.

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Potter, Michael. „Inclusion in post-conflict political institutions : the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Kosovo Assembly in comparative perspective“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.728392.

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This research tests the hypothesis that post-conflict power-sharing systems are less inclusive on the grounds that they are designed to accommodate those participating in conflict, rather than for the governance of a society in general, with all its diversity. The importance of the research is that, if power-sharing systems are seen as a means for managing violent inter-communal conflict, there needs to be an understanding of the pitfalls of such an approach. Seeing to the immediate needs of groups engaged in violence not only marginalises other identities, but also rewards more extreme methods of political expression with access to political power and decision-making privileges. The particular research draws on two cases that have approached power-sharing differently since the late 1990s: Northern Ireland as a consociational system and Kosovo as a power-sharing system with minority community safeguards. The research draws specifically on primary interview material in both contexts, focussing on gender and minority ethnic identity, as a contribution to the wider literature on these two conflicts in particular and on ethnic conflict management more broadly. Specifically, this is the first occasion on which these two cases have been subjected to in-depth comparative analysis. The analysis utilises theories of political inclusion, specifically drawing on deliberative democracy. This is operationalised through an analytical framework developed by Yvonne Galligan and Sara Clavero (2008). The research set out to examine whether post-conflict power-sharing legislatures exclude identities not associated with the conflict they are intended to manage. The evidence is that they do. Such political institutions are dominated by conflict elites or parties aligned along conflict lines and the primary capital of political debate relates to the conflict paradigm. Whether the political landscape is a legacy of a persistent conflict model anyway or whether political institutions help to mould and shape such preoccupations, the political structures that privilege conflict identity certainly sustain such a system. The research also demonstrated the effectiveness of the Galligan/Clavero framework as a robust analytical tool for the measurement of political inclusion, not just for gender democracy, for which it was designed, but for other identities.

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Bücher zum Thema "Political Assemblie"

International Commission for the History of Representative and Parliamentary Institutions. Congress. Assemblee rappresentative, autonomie territoriali, culture politiche: Representative assemblies, territorial autonomies, political cultures. Sassari: Editrice democratica sarda, 2011.

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Barnwell, Paul S., und Marco Mostert, Hrsg. Political Assemblies in the Earlier Middle Ages. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.sem-eb.6.09070802050003050103040106.

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Assembly elections, 1993. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 1994.

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Chimenti, Carlo. Principi e regole delle assemblee politiche. Torino: G. Giappichelli, 2004.

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Tozzi, Giulia. Assemblee politiche e spazio teatrale ad Atene. Padova: CLEUP, 2016.

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Roy, Pierce, Hrsg. Political representation in France. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1986.

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Lewin, Ariel. Assemblee popolari e lotta politica nelle città dell'impero romano. Firenze: Giuntina, 1995.

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Kaur, Jitinder. Punjab crisis: The political perceptions of rural voters. Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1989.

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Ca$h clout: Political money in Illinois legislative elections. Springfield, Ill: University of Illinois at Springfield, 1995.

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Organization, Pattan Development, Hrsg. Bhakkar District: Socio-political profile. Islamabad: Pattan Development Organization, 2006.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Political Assemblie"

Heywood, Andrew. „Assemblies“. In Politics, 309–30. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-27244-7_14.

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Heywood, Andrew. „Assemblies“. In Politics, 293–313. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25543-6_15.

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Barnwell, P. S. „Political Assemblies: Introduction“. In Political Assemblies in the Earlier Middle Ages, 1–10. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.sem-eb.3.1926.

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Hague, Rod, Martin Harrop und Shaun Breslin. „Assemblies“. In Comparative Government and Politics, 287–312. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22276-6_12.

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Ball, Alan R. „Assemblies“. In Modern Politics and Government, 145–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22909-3_8.

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Ball, Alan R. „Assemblies“. In Modern Politics and Government, 135–52. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19347-9_8.

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Ball, Alan R., und B. Guy Peters. „Assemblies“. In Modern Politics and Government, 187–208. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-37393-8_9.

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Thonhauser, Gerhard. „The Power of Public Assemblies“. In Political Phenomenology, 202–19. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge research in phenomenology; 14: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429259852-11.

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Newman, Janet. „The Politics of Expertise: Neoliberalism, Governance and the Practice of Politics“. In Assembling Neoliberalism, 87–105. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58204-1_5.

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Pond, Philip. „Autobots Assemble“. In Complexity, Digital Media and Post Truth Politics, 133–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44537-9_6.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Political Assemblie"

Lenord Melvix, J. S. M. „Greedy Politics Optimization: Metaheuristic inspired by political strategies adopted during state assembly elections“. In 2014 IEEE International Advance Computing Conference (IACC). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iadcc.2014.6779490.

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HUDEC, Martin. „Pork barrel politics in context of Action Plan - Support of Least Developed Districts“. In Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-3.

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The aim of the paper Pork barrel politics in context of Action Plan Support of Least Developed Districts is to find out and describe if and by which means the attributes of Pork barrel politics were present in redistribution of funds from Regional grants, which were part of Action Plan – Support of Least Developed Districts. Secondary aim is to see how receiving of this grant could have helped in reelection of incumbent in next election. An Index of political patronage was assembled to measure the level of pork barreling. Based on party affiliation, mayors with connections to government were not highly favored when receiving grant, not even in the case of affiliation with party, which redistributed the grants. Neither there were no significant differences in the odds of reelection based on whether the incumbent received a grant or not, that is an unexpected result relative to other research in the field

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Kawai, Teruya, Tomoyosi Akiba und Shigeru Masuyama. „Development of Political QA Systems aimed at Assembly Minutes based on Abstractive Summarization“. In 2021 8th International Conference on Advanced Informatics: Concepts, Theory and Applications (ICAICTA). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icaicta53211.2021.9640248.

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Silvia Stirbu, Dr Diana. „Strategic management in parliamentary organisations A case study on shaping the National Assembly for Wales‟ vision for the future“. In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir36.

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Kim, Kyungyoon, Bret Jackson, Ioannis Karamouzas, Moses Adeagbo, Stephen J. Guy, Richard Graff und Daniel F. Keefe. „Bema: A multimodal interface for expert experiential analysis of political assemblies at the Pnyx in ancient Greece“. In 2015 IEEE Symposium on 3D User Interfaces (3DUI). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/3dui.2015.7131720.

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Abdullah, Khamosh. „The impact of the absence of the constitution of the Kurdistan region on extending the term limits of the legislative and executive authority“. In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp123-140.

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Legislative and presidential power, and the center of the constitution in all political systems, after presidential elections. This period has been suspended for a long time. However, it is possible for the institutions that can do this, because there is a constitution in their vicinity, for the exemplary assembly that can be done by the institution that can do this easily, by opening the door to extension, what happened . Actually in the region. To do the constitution by the constitution

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Campbell, Anthony, Jeffrey Goldmeer, Tim Healy, Roy Washam, Michel Molie`re und Joseph Citeno. „Heavy Duty Gas Turbines Fuel Flexibility“. In ASME Turbo Expo 2008: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2008-51368.

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Gas Turbine fuel flexibility is becoming an increasingly important global issue. The global power sector is being driven by a complex assembly of customer economics, environmental concerns and global political uncertainties to look at cost-effective gas and liquid fuel alternatives without sacrificing plant efficiency and emissions characteristics. In this climate, fuel flexibility includes natural gas, but also expands to non-traditional fuels. GE’s extensive experience with natural gas, industrial and syngas fuels, as well as biofuels segments are surveyed.

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Blažić, Đorđije, und Anika Kovačević. „IZVRŠNA VLAST U VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU“. In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.247b.

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The author analyzes the provisions of the Vidоvdan Constitution which regulate the position and competence of the executive branch. With the Vidovdan Constitution, the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes was proclaimed a constitutional parliamentary and hereditary monarchy in which the King has a central constitutional position and the position of an undisputed holder of executive power. The executive power is made available to the king, which is exercised by the ministers for him, with him and his subordinates. Ministers form the Council of Ministers (Government) and are at the head of certain administrative departments. Although the Constitution proclaimed parliamentarism, there was no classic parliamentary responsibility of ministers before the Assembly. The king was a political factor that enters the field of competence of other holders of power, and thus the division of power provided by the constitution "falls away". The king's power extends to the civil and military field of life of the state, to the external and internal spheres. Although the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution aimed to create a unified system of organization and division of power, the internal state and political situation in the country, after the adoption of the Constitution, became more complicated and filled with frequent ministerial crises and conflicts of political parties. The King's domination and his frequent "going out" outside the constitutional framework resulted in increasing centralization and, in the end, a coup d'etat and the establishment of King Alexander Karadjordjevic's personal dictatorship.

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Doruk, Assoc Prof Ece Karadogan, und Assoc Prof Veli Polat. „The Profiles of Two Political Leaders in the Context of their Speeches at the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA)“. In 2nd Annual International Conference on Journalism & Mass Communications (JMComm 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2301-3710_jmcomm13.16.

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Magriasti, Lince. „Analysis of Increasing Political Representation Female Legislative Members in Regional People’s Representative Assembly of Tanjungpinang City Period 2014 and 2019“. In Proceedings of the 1st Tidar International Conference on Advancing Local Wisdom Towards Global Megatrends, TIC 2020, 21-22 October 2020, Magelang, Jawa Tengah, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.21-10-2020.2311938.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Political Assemblie"

Keinan, Ehud. The 18th Asian Chemical Congress and the 20th General Assembly of the FACS. AsiaChem Magazine, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51167/acm00015.

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Most global challenges, including global warming, food for everybody, the race for sustainable energy, water quality, dwindling raw materials, and health problems, are chemical problems by nature. Therefore, Humankind cannot meet these challenges without the chemical sciences and will not solve any of these problems without global cooperation. Chemists have always been doing much better than politicians in meeting these challenges, working together across borders through unique collaboration and friendship. Despite fundamentally different political systems and cultural diversity, chemists go beyond borders, find each other, share their findings, and solve problems together.

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Rodríguez Fidalgo, MI, Y. Ruiz Paz, A. Paíno Ambrosio und L. Jiménez Iglesias. Use of Facebook as narrative tool to articulate the new political dialogue. The case study of Vistalegre II, the second citizen assembly of Podemos. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, Juli 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2017-1196en.

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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Kassim Nishtar, Aisling Reidy, Sara Darehshori, Andrew Painter und Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, Mai 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/pb-f/2021/2.

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Based on the proposal by the European Council, more than 25 heads of state and the World Health Organization (WHO) support development of an international treaty on pandemics, that planned to be negotiated under the auspices of WHO, will be presented to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. Given that the treaty alone is not enough to ensure compliance, triggers for a high-level political response is required. To this end, to inform the design of a support system, we explored institutional mechanismsi with a mandate to review compliance with key international agreements in their signatory countries and conduct independent country investigations in a manner that manages sovereign considerations. Based on our review, there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right. There is, however, potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms to support a strong, enforceable treaty. These aspects include: • Periodic review - based on the model of human rights treaties, with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body to ensure the independence. If made obligatory, the review could support compliance with the treaty. • On-site investigations - based on the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture according to which visits cannot be blocked by state parties. • Non-negotiable design principles - including accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. • Technical support - WHO can provide countries with technical assistance, tools, monitoring, and assessment to enhance emergency preparedness and response.

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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Aisling Reidy, Kassim Nishtar, Sara Darehschori, Andrew Painter und Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/rr/2021/1.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has created enormous challenges for national economies, livelihoods, and public services, including health systems. In January 2021, the World Health Organization proposed an international treaty on pandemics to strengthen the political commitment towards global pandemic preparedness, control, and response. The plan is to present a draft treaty to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. To inform the design of a support system for this treaty, we explored existing mechanisms for periodic reviews conducted either by peers or an external group as well as mechanisms for in-country investigations, conducted with or without country consent. Based on our review, we summarized key design principles requisite for review and investigation mechanisms and explain how these could be applied to pandemics preparedness, control, and response in global health. While there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right, there is potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms. A Universal Periodic Review design based on the model of human rights treaties with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body, if made obligatory, could support compliance with a new pandemic treaty. In terms of on-site investigations, the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture could lend itself to treaty monitoring and outbreak investigations on short notice or unannounced. These mechanisms need to be put in place in accordance with several core interlinked design principles: compliance; accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. The World Health Organization can incentivize and complement these efforts. It has an essential role in providing countries with technical support and tools to strengthen emergency preparedness and response capacities, including technical support for creating surveillance structures, integrating non-traditional data sources, creating data governance and data sharing standards, and conducting regular monitoring and assessment of preparedness and response capacities.

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African Open Science Platform Part 1: Landscape Study. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2019/0047.

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This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, recognition of research, and participation in the Science Granting Councils Initiative (SGCI), the following countries demonstrate the highest commitment and political willingness to invest in science: Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. In addition to existing policies in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), the following countries have made progress towards Open Data policies: Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, South Africa and Uganda. Only two African countries (Kenya and South Africa) at this stage contribute 0.8% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) to R&D (Research and Development), which is the closest to the AU’s (African Union’s) suggested 1%. Countries such as Lesotho and Madagascar ranked as 0%, while the R&D expenditure for 24 African countries is unknown. In addition to this, science globally has become fully dependent on stable ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) infrastructure, which includes connectivity/bandwidth, high performance computing facilities and data services. This is especially applicable since countries globally are finding themselves in the midst of the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), which is not only “about” data, but which “is” data. According to an article1 by Alan Marcus (2015) (Senior Director, Head of Information Technology and Telecommunications Industries, World Economic Forum), “At its core, data represents a post-industrial opportunity. Its uses have unprecedented complexity, velocity and global reach. As digital communications become ubiquitous, data will rule in a world where nearly everyone and everything is connected in real time. That will require a highly reliable, secure and available infrastructure at its core, and innovation at the edge.” Every industry is affected as part of this revolution – also science. An important component of the digital transformation is “trust” – people must be able to trust that governments and all other industries (including the science sector), adequately handle and protect their data. This requires accountability on a global level, and digital industries must embrace the change and go for a higher standard of protection. “This will reassure consumers and citizens, benefitting the whole digital economy”, says Marcus. A stable and secure information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure – currently provided by the National Research and Education Networks (NRENs) – is key to advance collaboration in science. The AfricaConnect2 project (AfricaConnect (2012–2014) and AfricaConnect2 (2016–2018)) through establishing connectivity between National Research and Education Networks (NRENs), is planning to roll out AfricaConnect3 by the end of 2019. The concern however is that selected African governments (with the exception of a few countries such as South Africa, Mozambique, Ethiopia and others) have low awareness of the impact the Internet has today on all societal levels, how much ICT (and the 4th Industrial Revolution) have affected research, and the added value an NREN can bring to higher education and research in addressing the respective needs, which is far more complex than simply providing connectivity. Apart from more commitment and investment in R&D, African governments – to become and remain part of the 4th Industrial Revolution – have no option other than to acknowledge and commit to the role NRENs play in advancing science towards addressing the SDG (Sustainable Development Goals). For successful collaboration and direction, it is fundamental that policies within one country are aligned with one another. Alignment on continental level is crucial for the future Pan-African African Open Science Platform to be successful. Both the HIPSSA ((Harmonization of ICT Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa)3 project and WATRA (the West Africa Telecommunications Regulators Assembly)4, have made progress towards the regulation of the telecom sector, and in particular of bottlenecks which curb the development of competition among ISPs. A study under HIPSSA identified potential bottlenecks in access at an affordable price to the international capacity of submarine cables and suggested means and tools used by regulators to remedy them. Work on the recommended measures and making them operational continues in collaboration with WATRA. In addition to sufficient bandwidth and connectivity, high-performance computing facilities and services in support of data sharing are also required. The South African National Integrated Cyberinfrastructure System5 (NICIS) has made great progress in planning and setting up a cyberinfrastructure ecosystem in support of collaborative science and data sharing. The regional Southern African Development Community6 (SADC) Cyber-infrastructure Framework provides a valuable roadmap towards high-speed Internet, developing human capacity and skills in ICT technologies, high- performance computing and more. The following countries have been identified as having high-performance computing facilities, some as a result of the Square Kilometre Array7 (SKA) partnership: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tunisia, and Zambia. More and more NRENs – especially the Level 6 NRENs 8 (Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, and recently Zambia) – are exploring offering additional services; also in support of data sharing and transfer. The following NRENs already allow for running data-intensive applications and sharing of high-end computing assets, bio-modelling and computation on high-performance/ supercomputers: KENET (Kenya), TENET (South Africa), RENU (Uganda), ZAMREN (Zambia), EUN (Egypt) and ARN (Algeria). Fifteen higher education training institutions from eight African countries (Botswana, Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania) have been identified as offering formal courses on data science. In addition to formal degrees, a number of international short courses have been developed and free international online courses are also available as an option to build capacity and integrate as part of curricula. The small number of higher education or research intensive institutions offering data science is however insufficient, and there is a desperate need for more training in data science. The CODATA-RDA Schools of Research Data Science aim at addressing the continental need for foundational data skills across all disciplines, along with training conducted by The Carpentries 9 programme (specifically Data Carpentry 10 ). Thus far, CODATA-RDA schools in collaboration with AOSP, integrating content from Data Carpentry, were presented in Rwanda (in 2018), and during17-29 June 2019, in Ethiopia. Awareness regarding Open Science (including Open Data) is evident through the 12 Open Science-related Open Access/Open Data/Open Science declarations and agreements endorsed or signed by African governments; 200 Open Access journals from Africa registered on the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); 174 Open Access institutional research repositories registered on openDOAR (Directory of Open Access Repositories); 33 Open Access/Open Science policies registered on ROARMAP (Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies); 24 data repositories registered with the Registry of Data Repositories (re3data.org) (although the pilot project identified 66 research data repositories); and one data repository assigned the CoreTrustSeal. Although this is a start, far more needs to be done to align African data curation and research practices with global standards. Funding to conduct research remains a challenge. African researchers mostly fund their own research, and there are little incentives for them to make their research and accompanying data sets openly accessible. Funding and peer recognition, along with an enabling research environment conducive for research, are regarded as major incentives. The landscape report concludes with a number of concerns towards sharing research data openly, as well as challenges in terms of Open Data policy, ICT infrastructure supportive of data sharing, capacity building, lack of skills, and the need for incentives. Although great progress has been made in terms of Open Science and Open Data practices, more awareness needs to be created and further advocacy efforts are required for buy-in from African governments. A federated African Open Science Platform (AOSP) will not only encourage more collaboration among researchers in addressing the SDGs, but it will also benefit the many stakeholders identified as part of the pilot phase. The time is now, for governments in Africa, to acknowledge the important role of science in general, but specifically Open Science and Open Data, through developing and aligning the relevant policies, investing in an ICT infrastructure conducive for data sharing through committing funding to making NRENs financially sustainable, incentivising open research practices by scientists, and creating opportunities for more scientists and stakeholders across all disciplines to be trained in data management.

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