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Rogister, John. „Assemblée rappresentative, autonomia territoriali, culture politiche Representative Assemblies, Territorial Autonomies, Political Cultures“. Parliaments, Estates and Representation 32, Nr. 2 (November 2012): 192–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2012.719702.
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Siatitsa, Ilia. „Freedom of assembly under attack: General and indiscriminate surveillance and interference with internet communications“. International Review of the Red Cross 102, Nr. 913 (April 2020): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383121000047.
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AbstractEvery day across the world, as people assemble, demonstrate and protest, their pictures, their messages, tweets and other personal information are amassed without adequate justification. Arguing that they do so in order to protect assemblies, governments deploy a wide array of measures, including facial recognition, fake mobile towers and internet shutdowns. These measures are primarily analyzed as interferences with the right to privacy and freedom of expression, but it is argued here that protest and other assembly surveillance should also be understood as an infringement of freedom of assembly. This is necessary not only to preserve the distinct nature of freedom of assembly that protects collective action, but also to allow for better regulation of surveillance and interference with internet communications during assemblies.
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Jones, Stephanie, Nickie Charles und Charlotte Aull Davies. „Transforming Masculinist Political Cultures? Doing Politics in New Political Institutions“. Sociological Research Online 14, Nr. 2 (März 2009): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1863.
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In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland and Wales the proportion of women representatives is approaching parity. This is in marked contrast to Westminster where one in five MPs are women. In this paper we explore the extent to which the masculinist political cultures characterising established political institutions are being reproduced in the National Assembly for Wales or whether its different gendering, both in the numbers of women representatives and in terms of its institutional framework, is associated with a more feminised political and organisational culture. Drawing on interviews with half the Assembly Members, women and men, we show that the political style of the Assembly differs from that of Westminster and that Assembly Members perceive it as being more consensual and as embodying a less aggressive and macho way of doing politics. AMs relate this difference to the gender parity amongst Assembly Members, to the institutional arrangements which have an ‘absolute duty’ to promote equality embedded in them, and to the desire to develop a different way of doing politics. We suggest that the ability to do politics in a more feminised and consensual way relates not only to the presence of a significant proportion of women representatives, but also to the nature of the institution and the way in which differently gendered processes and practices are embedded within it. Differently gendered political institutions can develop a more feminised political culture which provides an alternative to the masculinist political culture characterising the political domain.
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Goshulyak, V. V., und G. V. Sintsov. „Freedom of Assembly in Opinions and Reports of Venice Commission and Russian Legislation“. Lex Russica 75, Nr. 10 (18.10.2022): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2022.191.10.068-081.
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The paper is devoted to the consideration in the Russian constitutional legislation of the legal stances of the European Commission for Democracy through Law» (Venice Commission) in the field of freedom of peaceful assembly. Freedom of peaceful assembly is closely associated with political struggle, relationship between civil society and the authorities. It is fixed at the constitutional level and therefore is a sensitive topic in law enforcement practice and relevant in special scientific research, of which there are currently a small number in Russian and foreign science of constitutional law. Therefore, this article, as applied to the Russian Federation, aims to complete this gap. The implementation of the research tasks was achieved on the basis of the analysis of the Guidelines of the Venice Commission on Consolidation of Freedom of Peaceful Assembly in the legislation of European states. The author used the following research methods: comparative legal, logical, institutional, formal legal, comparative legal. The paper examines the legal principles of the Venice Commission on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and the extent to which they are taken into account in the constitutional legislation of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made about the narrow understanding of freedom of peaceful assembly reflected in the wording «the right to assemble peacefully without weapons». In this regard, the Federal Law on Assemblies is devoted not to freedom of peaceful assembly but to the right to assemble peacefully, which may be restricted by the State to a greater extent than freedom of peaceful assembly. This created the basis for a positivist regulation of freedom of peaceful assembly with broad powers of public authorities and the possibility of restricting the right to assemble peacefully, without weapons, while, according to the Venice Commission, the State should create adequate mechanisms and procedures to ensure that freedom of peaceful assembly is not subjected to excessive bureaucratic regulation. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation has largely adjusted Russian legislation on public events, bringing it closer to the legal standings developed by the Venice Commission.
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Oross, Daniel, Eszter Mátyás und Sergiu Gherghina. „Sustainability and Politics: Explaining the Emergence of the 2020 Budapest Climate Assembly“. Sustainability 13, Nr. 11 (28.05.2021): 6100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13116100.
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The relationship between political participation and the pursuit of sustainability at the local level has been investigated extensively in the literature. In this content, the emergence and extensive use of citizens’ assemblies receive particular attention. Much research focuses on the functioning of these assemblies and potential impact in the community. However, we know very little about why such initiatives occur. This article fills that gap in the literature and aims to explain why a citizens’ assembly on climate change was organized. It focuses on the Citizens’ Assembly in Budapest (Hungary), organized in the fall of 2020 with randomly selected citizens. The findings illustrate that although civil society initiated the deliberative process, the prime mover of the Citizens’ Assembly was political. Local politicians pursued this objective to fulfil their election pledges, ensure ideological consistency and promote sustainability.
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Jensenius, Francesca Refsum, und Pavithra Suryanarayan. „Fragmentation and Decline in India’s State Assemblies“. Asian Survey 55, Nr. 5 (01.10.2015): 862–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.5.862.
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Tracing activity in 15 Indian state assemblies from 1967 to 2007, we find that overall legislative activity declined but there was also considerable variation across states. States with large electoral constituencies and politically fragmented assemblies showed the worst performance, which suggests a link between political fragmentation and institutional performance.
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Page, Sam, und Jason Dittmer. „Assembling Political Parties“. Geography Compass 9, Nr. 5 (Mai 2015): 251–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gec3.12208.
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Alencar, Gedeon Freire. „Pastores Assembleianos na Universidade: A Polissemia Assembleiana da Terceira Geração Pastoral“. REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 8, Nr. 12 (13.05.2015): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v8i12.244.
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Resumo: Em termos quantitativos, a população universitária e a membresia das Assembleias de Deus são parecidas. Em 1991, os universitários eram 3.928.260 e os assembleianos 2.439.770. Em 2010, o número de universitários subiu para 12.679.010 e o de assembleianos para 12.314.410. Cresceu o numero de universitários e também o de assembleianos, inclusive de assembleianos universitários e de pastores. Quem são esses pastores assembleianos com nível superior e o que eles pensam? Foram enviados mais de mil emails para pessoas que integravam listagens de convenções, ministérios e igrejas, e também para amigos indicados por essas pessoas. Preenchidos e devolvidos, somaram 84 questionários. A primeira parte eram questões pessoais: residência, idade, sexo, estado civil, escolaridade, profissão e ministério, conversão. Além dessas questões, a pesquisa se dividiu em blocos: questões doutrinárias, institucionais, políticas e sociais. O caleidoscópio absolutamente multifacetado e plural mostra a cara dessa denominação que tem um nome único, Assembleias de Deus, mas essa pluralidade não está apenas no nome, mas também em sua natureza. Atualmente, são mais de 12 milhões de assembleianos (dados do Censo 2010), conquanto seja impossível quantificar o número de pastores/as. Desde a década de 1950, a Assembleia de Deus é a maior denominação pentecostal do país, embora diferentes entre si, distintas e, quase sempre, divergentes. Nasceram em 1911 já plurais, mas a terceira geração de pastores assembleianos leva isso ao extremo. Esse novo estamento assembleiano – pastores com curso universitário e/ou pós-graduação – é uma nova liderança: quais condutas, tendências doutrinárias e políticas é o que se pretende entender nesta pesquisa. Palavras-chave: Universitários. Pastores Assembleianos. Identidade. Bricolagem Religiosa. Assembleias de Deus. Abstract: In quantitative terms, university student population and the membership of the Assemblies of God are alike in Brazil. There were 3,928,260 university students in 1991 and 2,439,770 members in the Assemblies of God. In 2010, the number of students had risen to 12,679,010 students and to12,314,410 for members of the Assemblies of God. Both the number of university students and Assembly of God members have increased, including university students who are members or pastors from the Assemblies of God. Who are these university graduate Assembly of God pastors and what do they think? Over a thousand emails were sent to people from listings of conventions, ministries and churches, and also to friends indicated by those people; and 84 questionnaires were filled and returned. The first part of the questionnaire dealt with personal information questions: residence, age, sex, marital status, education, occupation, ministry, and conversion. Besides that, the research was divided into blocks: doctrinal, institutional, political and social issues. The multifaceted and plural kaleidoscope shows the face of this denomination that has a unique name, Assemblies of God, but this plurality isn’t only in its name, but also in its nature. There are currently more than 12 million members in the Assemblies of God (2010 Census), and it is impossible to quantify the number of ministers both male and female. Since the 1950s the Assemblies of God has accounted for the largest Pentecostal denomination in the country; and its associated churches are diverse, different, and often divergent. They were born plural in 1911, but the third generation of the Assembly pastors has taken it to the extreme. This new Assembly of God estate (ou “stratum”) makes up a new leadership. This research intends to understand the conduct, doctrinal and political trends of the current Assembly of God leadership. Keywords: University Students. Assembly of God Pastors. Identity. Religious Bricolage. Assemblies of God.
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Sander-Staudt, Maureen. „Reassembling Political Assemblies: Care Ethics and Political Agency“. Journal of Social Philosophy 39, Nr. 2 (Juni 2008): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9833.2008.00424.x.
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Scheele, Judith. „Councils without Customs, Qadis without States: Property and Community in the Algerian Touat“. Islamic Law and Society 17, Nr. 3-4 (2010): 350–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851910x493170.
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AbstractThis article investigates relations between qadis and local assemblies in the Touat in the Algerian Sahara. It argues that both drew on an Islamic framework of reference, even though they were frequently obliged to conjugate universal legal injunctions with local notions of overriding communal responsibility that had no place in Islamic law. Islamic notions of private property remained central to the functioning of local assemblies, in which political rights depended on ownership rather than residence. Meanwhile, qadis necessarily relied on the assembly as a source of expertise, for the validation of documents and judgments, and for political and at times also financial backing. Tensions did occur between individual rights of ownership and collective responsibilities, but assemblies and qadis tended to deal with them in similar ways.
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Elstub, Stephen, Jayne Carrick, David M. Farrell und Patricia Mockler. „The Scope of Climate Assemblies: Lessons from the Climate Assembly UK“. Sustainability 13, Nr. 20 (13.10.2021): 11272. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132011272.
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In recent times we have seen a spate of climate assemblies across Europe as the climate emergency gains increasing prominence in the political agenda and as the citizens’ assembly approach to public engagement gains popularity. However, there has been little empirical research on how the scope of citizens’ assemblies affects the internal logic of the assembly process and its impacts on external policy actors. This is a significant oversight given the power of agenda setting. It is also of particular importance for climate assemblies given the exceptional scale and complexity of climate change, as well as the need for co-ordination across all policy areas and types of governance to address it. In this paper, we start to address this gap through an in-depth case analysis of the Climate Assembly UK. We adopt a mixed methods approach, combining surveys of the assembly members and witnesses, interviews with the assembly members, organisers, MPs, parliamentary staff, and government civil servants, and non-participant observation of the process. We find that attempts to adapt the assembly’s scope to the scale of the climate change issue compromised assembly member learning, the co-ordination of the resulting recommendations, assembly member endorsement of the recommendations, and the extent of their impact on parliament and government. We argue that more democratization in setting the agenda could help combat these issues.
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OLIVEIRA, KELLY ELEUTÉRIO MACHADO. „AS PROVáNCIAS DO IMPÉRIO: a Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais e o regresso conservador (1835-1842)“. Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 16, Nr. 27 (11.03.2019): 186–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v16i27.677.
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A Constituição de 1824 reconheceu a organização do território brasileiro em prováncias e garantiu o direito do cidadão de, por meio dos Conselhos Gerais, intervir em seus ”negócios”. A criação dessa instá¢ncia de poder intermediário entre as Cá¢maras Municipais e a Assembleia Geral fez das prováncias mais do que circunscrições territoriais, tornou-as unidades administrativas do Estado brasileiro recém-fundado, sancionando uma experiência de descentralização polática. Em 1834, o Ato Adicional converteu os referidos Conselhos em Assembleias Legislativas. O objetivo deste artigo é discutir como o projeto que visava conceder maiores prerrogativas á s Assembleias Provinciais, tornando-as instá¢ncias poláticas, foi vencido na Assembleia mineira, apesar de ter sido defendido nos anos iniciais de funcionamento da instituição. A revolução que irrompeu na cidade mineira de Barbacena, em julho de 1842, foi, nesse sentido, uma tentativa fracassada de reverter o regresso conservador e acabou por fortalecê-lo.Palavras-chave: Assembleia Provincial de Minas Gerais. Regresso Conservador. Revolução liberal. THE PROVINCES OF THE EMPIRE: the Minas Gerais Legislative Assembly and the conservative ”return” (1835-1842)Abstract: The Constitution of 1824 recognized the organization of the Brazilian territory in provinces and guaranteed the citizens”™ right to intervene in its "business", through the General Councils. The creation of this intermediary authority between the City Councils and the General Assembly turned the provinces into something more than territorial districts: it made them administrative units of the newly founded Brazilian State, sanctioning an experience of political decentralization. In 1834, the Additional Act turned these Councils into Legislative Assemblies. The purpose of this article is to discuss how the project that aimed at granting greater prerogatives to the Provincial Assemblies, making them political bodies, was defeated at the Minas Gerais Assembly, despite the support that it gathered in the initial years of the institution”™s operations. The revolution that broke out in July 1842 in the city of Barbacena, Minas Gerais, was, in this sense, a failed attempt to reverse the conservative ”regress” (return) which eventually strengthened it.Keywords: Provincial Assembly of Minas Gerais. Conservative Return. Liberal Revolution. LAS PROVINCIAS DEL IMPERIO: la Asamblea Legislativa de Minas Gerais y el regreso conservador (1835-1842)Resumen: La Constitución de 1824 reconoció la organización del territorio brasileño en provincias y garantizó el derecho ciudadano de poder intervenir en sus ”negocios” a través de los Consejos Generales. La creación de esta instancia intermedia de poder entre las Cámaras Municipales y la Asamblea General hizo de las provincias más que meras circunscripciones territoriales, las convirtió en unidades administrativas del recién fundado Estado brasileño, sancionando asá una experiencia de descentralización polática. En 1834, el Ato Adicional convirtió los referidos Consejos en Asambleas Legislativas. El objetivo de este artáculo es discutir cómo este proyecto, que buscaba conceder mayores prerrogativas a las Asambleas Provinciales para convertirlas en instancias poláticas, fue vencido en la Asamblea mineira, a pesar de la defensa que el proyecto tuvo en los años iniciales de funcionamiento de la institución. La revolución que estalló en la ciudad mineira de Barbacena en julio de 1842 fue, en ese sentido, una tentativa fracasada de revertir el regreso conservador y que acabó por fortalecerlo.Palabras clave: Asamblea Provincial de Minas Gerais. Regreso Conservador. Revolución Liberal.
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Henry, Matthew, und Russell Prince. „Agriculturalizing finance? Data assemblages and derivatives markets in small-town New Zealand“. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 50, Nr. 5 (02.05.2018): 989–1007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x18774047.
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The financialization of agriculture appears to be proceeding apace. In New Zealand, the creation of a futures market for dairy lends weight to this story. What is less well understood about the process of financialization in agriculture, however, is how exactly it is proceeding. This paper focuses on NZXAgri, an offshoot of the New Zealand sharemarket operator NZX, which is tasked with the creation of the dairy derivatives market, and on the data infrastructure that is being assembled to underpin this trading space. The making of NZXAgri has been a complex process, resulting from the dissipation of a previous agriculture data assemblage during neoliberalization, and now with multiple political and economic projects partially aligned under its banner. Meanwhile, the emerging data assemblage relies on all manner of material and immaterial relational work to produce the necessary dairy production information for consumption by international financial actors. It is this kind of assembling work that is shaping the financialization of agriculture, and it requires constant negotiation with the diverse agencies of farmers and their rural contexts. This suggests that we are seeing the agriculturalization of finance alongside the financialization of agriculture.
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Enguix Grau, Begonya. „‘Overflown bodies’ as critical-political transformations“. Feminist Theory 21, Nr. 4 (08.11.2020): 465–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700120967328.
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In order to explore the political and transformative potential of bodies in relation to gender and affects, I discuss how bodies, gender and politics are entangled through the figuration of ‘overflown bodies’. Departing from a material-discursive feminist conceptualisation of bodies, ‘overflown bodies’ are assemblages embedded in complex relationships of matter, discourse, emotions, affects, ideologies, protest, norms, values, relations, practices, expectations and other possibilities of (for) social and political action. Three ethnographic cases illustrate how ‘overflown bodies’ assemble matter and discourse, and how matter, bodies and gender matter. They are used to explore the political possibilities of gendered bodies and show how matter is entangled, embedded and assembled with our politics of being. The three cases interrogate the limits and boundaries of bodies and the modes and modalities of (political) agency. Finally, the article argues that it is through visibility and recognition that ‘overflown bodies’ become critically and creatively transforming, which can be useful for addressing issues related to exclusion, domination, political emancipation and social transformation.
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Kowalczyk, Magdalena. „Legal regulations on freedom of assembly during a pandemic and threat of war“. Studia Administracji i Bezpieczeństwa 13, Nr. 13 (05.03.2023): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.2897.
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In the time of the coronavirus pandemic and the war threat, freedom of assembly is in crisis. It is hard to guarantee this freedom since it is affected by the current political and economic situation of the state. Controversial changes are introduced in the law, and statutory rights are exceeded.The paper cites international regulations concerning assemblies, the regulations being very general. The international law leaves it to the national legislation to clarify and specify the matters of freedom of assemblies in the national regulations. This was done by the legislator in the Constitution of Poland and through issuing in 2015 the Law on Assemblies, which is being contemplated. However, during the pandemic this law was restricted in numerous regulations, which meant exceeding powers and caused situations that violated legal foundations. International regulations and the Polish law on freedom of assembly are the basis of the rulings of the European Court of Human Rights and the national judiciary. Some examples are presented in this paper.
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Korporowicz, Łukasz Jan. „USTRÓJ I SPOŁECZEŃSTWO GALIJSKIE W ŚWIETLE ‘DE BELLO GALLICO’ CEZARA“. Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, Nr. 3 (20.12.2016): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.3.08.
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POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF GAULS IN THE LIGHT OF CAESAR’S ‘DE BELLO GALLICO’Summary Caesar’s De bello Gallico is currently the only source of our knowledge about ancient Celtic law. Careful reading of Caesar’s work let modern scholars to describe some general principles of Celtic legal order. It is, however, important to remember that De bello Gallico was not a legal treaty and was not written by a lawyer. Additionally it can be assumed that Caesar used his work as a tool of political propaganda. All those circumstances encumber a precise analysis of Gallic law. The most specific information about Gallic law described in De bello Gallico concerns political organization of Gauls and their society. Caesar wrote about general assembly of all Gallic tribes, general assembly of the druids, some local assemblies and tribal officials. He wrote also quite extensively about private law e.g. about segregation of the society (druids, aristocracy, commoners, slaves), clients, family relations.
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Fox, Nick J., und Pam Alldred. „Re‐assembling climate change policy: Materialism, posthumanism, and the policy assemblage“. British Journal of Sociology 71, Nr. 2 (16.01.2020): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12734.
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Steele, M. William. „From Custom to Right: The Politicization of the Village in Early Meiji Japan“. Modern Asian Studies 23, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1989): 729–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010180.
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In 1874 Itagaki Taisuke and other critics of the newly established Meiji government submitted a petition demanding a popularly elected national assembly. This is said to be the origin of the Liberty and People's Rights Movement (jiyū minken undō). Around the same time a number of local political leaders intensified their campaign for the creation of village assemblies. Although the demand for local autonomy in the early Meiji period was both deep-felt and widespread, only a few scholars, notably Neil Waters, have diverted their attention from Itagaki and other political activists and thinkers at the center. An examination of Meiji local politics is nonetheless essential to understand Japan's modern political development.
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Benson, George, und Vincent Adzahlie-Mensah. „POLITICAL PARTY PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL GOVERNANCE: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE RECENT GHANAIAN PROPOSAL“. International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 1 (30.01.2021): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.47722/imrj.2001.02.
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This paper discussed public views on the effort to introduce partisan politics into local government administration in Ghana. We report findings from a cross-sectional survey research in which questionnaire-based data were collected from a convenience sample of 2270 participants, drawn from the 16 administrative regions of Ghana. From the analysis and discussions, we found out that although 63% agreed that political party participation will increase local activism and where 71% agreed that it can increase participation in district assembly elections, 58% of participants did not support political party participation. Meanwhile 1769 (78%) disagreed that political party participation will promote development. Furthermore, 30% disagreed that political party participation will disparage the authority of the local assemblies, as only 23% disagreed that it will disparage traditional authorities of the people. Moreover, 73% of participants agreed to maintaining the status quo, while 46% agreed to blending party politics with a quota system. Overall, we argued that the introduction of political party-based politics into local governance poses many serious threats ----as it will stifle development in opposition areas, disparage traditional authorities of the people, degrade the value of common good in communities and disparage the authority of the local assemblies. To this end, we recommended that the introduction of party politics in Ghana’s local government system should be based on sound research, quality consultation and understanding of the threats.
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Czarny, Piotr. „Versammlungsfreiheit in Polen – rechtliche Grundlagen und Praxis“. osteuropa recht 68, Nr. 3 (2022): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2022-3-351.
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The Freedom of Assembly in Poland: The article is an attempt to discuss the most essential elements of the legal regulation of the freedom of assembly in Poland and the practical problems that have arisen in this sphere since 2015. The first part contains a synthetic outline of the historical development of the freedom of assembly in Poland. The second part presents the interpretation of Art. 57 of the Polish Constitution, which includes freedom of assembly as a basic human political right. The third part covers the most important solutions of the 2015 Act on Assemblies. The fourth part concerns the practical limit of freedom of assembly, in particular during the Covid-19 pandemic. In the summary, the author states that the attempts of a restrictive approach undertaken by some state institutions pose a threat to the functions that freedom of assembly should perform in a democratic society, and that these attempts are linked with the implementation of the of “illiberal democracy” in Poland.
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Hamilton, Michael. „To Facilitate and Protect: State Obligations and the Right of Peaceful Assembly in International Human Rights Law“. Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 21, Nr. 1 (29.05.2020): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-02101002.
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This article distinguishes the obligation of States to ‘facilitate’ and ‘protect’ the right of peaceful assembly under Article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (iccpr) from State practices that rather seek to ‘manage’ or ‘control’ its exercise. Focusing on the protection of public assemblies in the Asia-Pacific region and drawing principally on the UN Human Rights Committee’s assembly jurisprudence and its Concluding Observations on State reports, it emphasises the critical importance of the language in which State obligations are framed and understood. Many domestic laws over-regulate the right of assembly by creating broad discretionary powers, impermissible grounds of restriction, bureaucratic procedures and onerous liabilities. Such laws reinforce a police ego-image premised on the pernicious logic of ‘management’ and encourage preventive policing tactics that fundamentally undermine the right of peaceful assembly.
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Macías, Mario. „Responding to Violence: The Haskamot of Barcelona and the Jewish Political Tradition“. Journal of Catalan Intellectual History 12, Nr. 1 (01.12.2019): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jocih-2019-0004.
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Abstract The aim of this article is to present the Haskamot of Barcelona of 1354 in their political and legal context. These agreements were a response to the difficult situation faced by the Jews of the Crown of Aragon in the 14th c., when natural and human disasters threatened the survival of their communities. The target of this project was to assemble all the aljamas of the Crown in a supra-communal assembly of representatives. The drafters also wished to achieve a number a measures from the King and the Church improving the delicate situation of Catalan-Aragonese Jewry. These Haskamot, despite not succeeding in their objectives, are a perfect starting point for any research on the legal and jurisdictional relations between Christians and Jews.
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Lorey, Isabell. „The 2011 Occupy Movements: Rancière and the Crisis of Democracy“. Theory, Culture & Society 31, Nr. 7-8 (07.10.2014): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276414550835.
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The Occupy movements in 2011 – this essay focuses mainly on Spain and the United States – have been more than moments of grassroots or direct democracy: they have been collective political practices testing forms of non-representationist democracy in the Europe of representative democracy to an unusually great extent. The precarious subjects of post-Fordism rejected political representation, and at the same time they struggled for a ‘real’ democracy. This oxymoron between representation and democracy structures the political philosophy of Jacques Rancière and corresponds with his well-known distinction between police and politics. This is one of the reasons why his thinking is helpful to understand them as decidedly political ones. However, the assembly as one of the central topoi of theories of democracy plays no prominent role in Rancière’s political philosophy. In contrast to this, I focus on the central practice of the assemblies in the Occupy movements and develop a concept of presentist democracy.
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Nemtoi, Gabriela. „Freedom of Association versus Freedom of Assembly“. European Journal of Law and Public Administration 9, Nr. 1 (25.06.2022): 01–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/eljpa/9.1/165.
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Freedom of assembly occupies an “eminent place” in the system of international acts aimed at the protection of human rights. In this sense, we mention that freedom of association and freedom of assembly are instruments of expression, of collective opinion and as such, due to their role in the existence and development of a democratic society, they assign a central place in establishing the democratic framework of state governance. Freedom of association and freedom of assembly outline the essence of democracy which resides in its ability to resolve issues through public debate. The protection of freedom of assembly targets precisely this exchange of ideas and the collective manifestations of social and political activity. Freedom of assembly covers both private and public assemblies. In this sense, states have a positive obligation to protect those who exercise this freedom against the violence of counter-demonstrators. For this purpose, the states have a wide margin of appreciation of the necessary measures.
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Maddicott, J. R. „Review: Political Assemblies in the Earlier Middle Ages“. English Historical Review 120, Nr. 485 (01.02.2005): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei047.
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O'Neill, Pamela. „Political Assemblies in the Earlier Middle Ages (review)“. Parergon 22, Nr. 1 (2005): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2005.0049.
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Karakaş, Öznur. „Gezi Assemblages: Embodied Encounters in the Making of an Alternative Space“. Studies in Social Justice 12, Nr. 1 (12.07.2018): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v12i1.1594.
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The article aspires to make a claim for the potential of the Deleuze-Guattarian concept of assemblage (agencement) to account for the Occupy Movements in general and 2013 Turkey Gezi Movement in particular. Throughout the article, it is claimed that the concept of agencement provides us with useful tools to elucidate the constitution of a new dissident community in Gezi Park and the subsequent park assemblies. Special emphasis will be put on the capacity of the concept to account for the embodied and embedded nature of the Gezi Movement, an argument further supported by data coming from participatory observations throughout different phases of the mobilization, 23 in depth interviews with activists from different political backgrounds and minutes of the park assemblies. Although the concept of assemblage has started to be used in the analysis of social movements (Bennett, 2005; Chesters & Welsh, 2006; Lockie 2004; McFarlane, 2009; Rodriguez-Giralt, 2011, 2015; Rodriguez-Giralt & Marrero-Guillamón,2018), not much emphasis is given to the concepts of embodiment and body in assemblages. This article aspires to contribute to the literature by first underlining the importance of embodiment in the Gezi movement and second elucidating it with respect to the concept of body in the original use of the term of assemblage by Deleuze and Guattari (1980).
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Akudugu, Jonas Ayaribilla, und Edmond Oppong-Peprah. „Local Government Revenue Mobilisation and Management: the case of Asante Akim South District Assembly, Ghana“. Journal of Public Administration and Governance 3, Nr. 2 (10.07.2013): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v3i2.3977.
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Ghana’s comprehensive decentralisation programme aimed at bringing governance closer to the citizens was implemented in the late 1980s. This period witnessed the gradual transfer of power, authority and resources to the District Assemblies. The decentralisation programme has since made modest gains, especially in promoting local participation in political governance. However, one of the biggest challenges facing the District Assemblies in Ghana is how to effectively mobilise revenue internally to support local development initiatives. This paper examines the challenges confronting the Asante Akim South District Assembly in its revenue mobilisation and management drive. The data were collected through in-depth interviews, group discussion and review of relevant financial documents of the Assembly, particularly the Trial Balance Sheets. Clearly, the Asante Akim South District Assembly performs poorly in internal revenue mobilisation. Comparatively, the internally generated fund is the least contributor to district revenue. We also noticed that a wide difference exists between budgeted revenue or expenditure and the actual revenue or expenditure, especially in 2002. In addition, we found that a large amount of the internally generated fund is spent on recurrent expenditure (personnel emoluments, travel and transport, and miscellaneous). We also found that any increase in revenue has a corresponding increase in expenditure. These findings do not present a good picture as far as the financial condition of the Asante Akim South District Assembly is concern. As such, there is the need for the Assembly to initiate measures aimed at improving revenue mobilisation and management.
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Alam, Meredian. „Politicised Space and Contentious Youth in Urban Environmentalism in Indonesia“. KOMUNITAS: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 8, Nr. 1 (18.02.2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/komunitas.v8i1.4850.
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The paper concerns a youth environmental movement in Bandung to save the urban forest Babakan Silawangi. It is proposed that space for protest plays a significant role in social movements such as environmentalism. Public assembly allows activists to voice their political objections and make their discontent known to the citizenry. Yet political space is different to physical place. According to Henri Lefebvre, political space is an assemblage of co-creation by individuals who occupy the space and demonstrate their subjective meanings for it in expression and lived experience. Since the subjective/collective meanings perceived and experienced by the activists are powerfully enacted, the space itself may shape their identity and this study explores those meanings, which are relational, contextual, and spatial.
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Mauro, Sebastián, und Federico M. Rossi. „The Movement of Popular and Neighborhood Assemblies in the City of Buenos Aires, 2002–2011“. Latin American Perspectives 42, Nr. 2 (30.10.2013): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x13506693.
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The assembly movement of Buenos Aires was one of the main political actors that emerged with the social explosion of December 2001. It initially called for a complete renewal of the country’s elites, but it gradually divided into a sector that focused on neighborhood demands and a sector that adopted a national perspective. A detailed examination of a decade of development of two assemblies that are paradigmatic examples of the movement’s division show that they retained their political identities over time, with the result that the “neighborhood” assembly disbanded once the problems on which it had concentrated were considered resolved while the “popular” assembly continued to engage in cultural and political projects. El movimiento asambleario de Buenos Aires fue uno de los más importantes actores políticos que emergió con la explosión social de diciembre de 2001. Inicialmente reclamaba la completa renovación de las elites, pero gradualmente fue dividiéndose en un sector que se enfocó en demandas barriales y otro sector que adoptó una perspectiva nacional. Un examen detallado de una década de desarrollo de dos asambleas que son consideradas ejemplos paradigmáticos de la división del movimiento muestra que ambas asambleas conservaron a través del tiempo sus identidades, con el resultado de que la asamblea “vecinal” se disolvió una vez que consideraron resueltos los problemas en los que se enfocaba, mientras que la asamblea “popular” continuó activamente involucrada en proyectos políticos y culturales.
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Sharma, Ashish. „Social Media and Political Communication in India: An analysis of 2017 Legislative Assembly Elections in Himachal Pradesh“. International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-2, Issue-2 (28.02.2018): 643–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd9478.
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JONES, HILARY. „RETHINKING POLITICS IN THE COLONY: THEMÉTISOF SENEGAL AND URBAN POLITICS IN THE LATE NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY“. Journal of African History 53, Nr. 3 (November 2012): 325–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000473.
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ABSTRACTSenegal was unique in French West Africa for the nature and extent of electoral institutions that operated in its colonial towns. In the 1870s, Third Republic France elaborated on earlier short-lived policies by re-establishing local assemblies and a legislative seat for Senegal in Paris. Although histories of modern politics focus on Blaise Diagne's 1914 election to the French National Assembly, a local assembly called the General Council held greater power over economic and political matters affecting the colony between 1870 and 1920. This article reconsiders the history of urban politics in colonial Senegal by examining the ways that themétis(mixed race population) used the General Council as their field of engagement with French officials, sometimes facilitating the consolidation of French rule but at other times contesting colonial practice.
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Tan, James. „Contiones in the Age of Cicero“. Classical Antiquity 27, Nr. 1 (01.04.2008): 163–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2008.27.1.163.
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The following paper is concerned with the practice of holding contiones in the Late Republic and the political benefits that flowed from this form of assembly. It will be suggested that the surviving evidence is not adequately representative for a study of contional rhetoric, but that an analysis of the many ““attested”” rather than ““extant”” contiones will likely reveal important patterns of practice thanks to its wider sample. In testing the results of this theory, the first section will argue that there was an important and marked imbalance between the exploitation of the contio by populares and by their opponents. In the second section it will be asserted that this was a logical result of the strong attendance of contiones by members of the urban plebs, and the third section will deal with the causes and effects of this phenomenon and the importance of differences between political activity in the senate and political activity in the assemblies.
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Yeboah-Assiamah, Emmanuel. „Power to the People! How far has the Power Gone to the People? A Qualitative Assessment of Decentralization Practice in Ghana“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 51, Nr. 6 (27.07.2016): 683–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909614555349.
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Decentralization is a concept well professed by political elites in Ghana yet there has been inadequate political will to transfer actual power, authority and resources to the district assemblies. Ghana’s current decentralization was introduced in 1988 with a mesmeric mantra of ‘power to the people’, and the concept is now over two and half decades old. This paper examines the extent to which local government reform through decentralization has brought about any meaningful changed relationship between central and local governments in Ghana. This work adopts a retrospective analysis of policy documents and a critical stage review of the relevant literature on the theoretical suppositions and practical experience of decentralization practice. The appointment of assembly heads in Ghana makes the relationship a principal-agent typology. Decentralization is at best a theoretical ramification but its actual practice has been just minimal. The study provides a ‘walk-the-talk’ model that requires political will to address the key challenges of decentralization in Ghana.
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Korsmo, Fae. „Claiming territory: The Saami assemblies as ethno‐political institutions1“. Polar Geography 20, Nr. 3 (Juli 1996): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10889379609377598.
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Neto, Pedro Figueiredo. „Moving assemblies: Socio-political mobilization in Angola’s collective transport“. Cultural Studies 34, Nr. 1 (14.02.2019): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2019.1577899.
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López Gómez, Óscar. „Representatividad política y rebelión urbana a fi nes del medievo: las asambleas del común toledano (1478-1522)“. Anuario de Estudios Medievales 42, Nr. 2 (28.11.2012): 727–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.2012.42.2.15.
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Chang, Kyung Woo. „Some Suggestions for Korean Political Development“. Korean Journal of Policy Studies 9 (31.12.1994): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps09007.
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Korean society is struggling with confusion and pains on the direction to reform our political institution. We should establish the political party and election system that encourages general public to participate in political process freely. This paper reviews the problems in current system and suggests some ideas for the amendment in politics-related laws to achieve political development. The Political Party Act limits the freedom of political activities and access of general public to political parties. It should allow employees in school and mass media and labor union to participate in political parties. Political parties should shift power from central party to district parties. The National Assembly Members Election Act allows major parties to over-represent in national constituency and the disparity between the percentage of votes and seats a party obtains should be reduced. Public management of election affairs should be changed in order to increase the scope of freedom for election campaigns. Most official political funds are distributed to governing party and opposition parties have difficulties in collecting funds. The Political Funds Act should be amended to achieve more equal distribution of political funds among political parties.
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Debrah, Emmanuel. „The Politics of Decentralization in Ghana’s Fourth Republic“. African Studies Review 57, Nr. 1 (April 2014): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.5.
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Abstract:This article assesses how the District Assemblies in Ghana’s Fourth Republic have exercised political, administrative, and fiscal powers transferred to them by the central government. It notes that the creation of the assemblies has promoted popular participation and boosted the autonomy of front-line officials in terms of decision-making and the allocation of financial resources at the local level. However, the central government retains the authority to appoint the District Chief Executive and 30 percent of the assembly members. Local governments experience delays in the transfer of funds, an inability to absorb civil servants of decentralized departments into the local culture, and a lack of capacity to raise revenue for development. The article argues that local election of the District Chief Executive and increased allocation of funds to the rural districts would attract entrepreneurs and skilled civil servants who would be able to implement effective decentralization.
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van Kooten, George H. „’Εϰϰλησία τοῦ θεοῦ: The ‘Church of God’ and the Civic Assemblies (ἐϰϰλησίαι) of the Greek Cities in the Roman Empire: A Response to Paul Trebilco and Richard A. Horsley“. New Testament Studies 58, Nr. 4 (11.09.2012): 522–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868851200015x.
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In this essay I take issue with Paul Trebilco's recent argument in this journal that the Christian self-designation of ἐϰϰλησία has a background in the Septuagint. I argue that its Graeco-Roman political meaning in the sense of ‘civic assembly’ was decisive in its adoption by Paul, and that Paul wished to portray his communities as alternative organizations existing alongside the civic assemblies. At the same time, however, I am critical of Richard Horsley's anti-imperialist understanding of the Pauline communities. Paul's contrast between two types of ἐϰϰλησία is an expression of his view on two types of πολίτευμα, a distinction which finds its background in the Stoic doctrine of dual citizenship. Through a sustained analysis of ἐϰϰλησία in the Hellenistic and Roman periods I show that, in many respects, the functioning of the Christian ἐϰϰλησία mirrors the operations of the civic assemblies.
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Jusupović, Monika. „Sejmik preński (1791–1794)“. Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 21, Nr. 1 (2022): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2022.21.01.09.
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The Great Diet (1788–1795) introduced many reforms, one of them was reform of the administrative structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. One of the results of this change was separation of the Prienai district from the district of Kaunas. Origin of this district had administrative causes, but it contributed to the ending of frequent and fierce conflicts in the dietines of Kaunas. New assemblies were established in Prienai and elected two envoyes to the parliament and one deputy to the Tribunal. Dietine of Prienai gathered for the first time on 15 February 1792, when its main activity was supporting the Third May Constitution. Next assembly in Prienai gathered in entirely different political circumstances, after foundation of the confederation of Targowica. The purpose of these assemblies was election of envoyes to the diet, which was established to accept the second partition of the Commonwealth. The purpose of this article is analysis of the history of dietines of Prienai and edition of previously unpublished records of this assmebly. Among them there are laudum and instruction of the assembly of 1792 and note and letter presenting the course of this dietine. Edition of these records will supplement the erlier editions of acts of the Kaunas dietines and will be published following similar editorial instruction. Records of the next Prienai assembly, which gathered in 1793, are already published, but we analized them to find information about dietines of Prenai.
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Kinkaid, Eden. „Assemblage as ethos: Conceptual genealogies and political problems“. Area 52, Nr. 3 (03.12.2019): 480–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/area.12600.
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Pérez Navarro, Pablo. „The Performative Power of Queer Assembly“. Krisis | Journal for Contemporary Philosophy 40, Nr. 1 (11.12.2020): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/krisis.40.1.36972.
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This paper addresses some relations between the spatial politics of queer assemblies in spaces of protest and the constitution of collective political subjects. It does so by exploring the spatial politics of queer activism within the global Occupy movements, in the light of Judith Butler’s work on the performative power of assembly and the ambivalences of the Foucauldian concept of heterotopia. Specific challenges faced by queer activists in various encampments will be addressed in order to expose some tensions between the constitutive exclusions inherent to the constitution of spaces of protest and the processes of coalition building needed to effectively overcome those very constitutive exclusions.
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Garces, Chris. „People's Mic and democratic charisma“. Focaal 2013, Nr. 66 (01.06.2013): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2013.660109.
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The People's Mic is a new genre of political speech. In Occupy Wall Street (OWS) general assemblies, this tactile media for public deliberation was integral to embodying new political community across American cities in a globally oriented movement of the squares. Whether or not OWS has exemplified direct democracy per se, the People's Mic has cultivated new forms of democratic charisma between previously disaggregated constituencies-a “leaderful charisma“, with historical roots in pious American oratorical traditions (“hallowed speech“) and more recent movements for intercultural solidarity building (global justice, horizontalist, feminist, etc.). In this article, I signal how the People's Mic atavistically conjured and resembled the American town hall meeting in a contemporary and heterogeneous US frontier assembly. Before its strategic incapacitation, the Occupy movement's widespread use of People's Mic served to undermine the authority of private-public monopolies and to place a check on mounting police repression of urban space.
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Manuwald, Gesine. „The speeches to the People in Cicero's oratorical corpora“. Rhetorica 30, Nr. 2 (2012): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2012.30.2.153.
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This paper discusses the function of speeches given by Cicero to the popular assembly (contio) as reports about recent political events or decrees. Several of the few extant examples are part of oratorical corpora consisting of speeches from politically difficult periods, namely from Cicero's consular year (63 BCE; Catilinarians) and from his fight against Mark Antony (44–43 BCE; Philippics). Cicero is shown to have applied his oratorical abilities in all these cases to exploit the contio speeches so as to present narrative accounts of political developments in his interpretation and thus to influence public opinion in the short term during the political process and particularly, within an edited corpus, in the long term.
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Ellis, Joe. „Assembling Contexts“. Inner Asia 17, Nr. 1 (21.04.2015): 52–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340033.
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This paper attempts to rethink the relationship between the practice of shamanism and the political-economic ‘context’ it is held to emerge from in contemporary Mongolia. In the face of an extraordinary ‘revival’ in shamanism, anthropologists have sought explanations for the phenomenon that centre around a concern with how to locate it in relation to the social, economic and political structures alongside which it manifests. Authors tend to produce accounts that either reduce shamanism to an expression of more fundamental material realities, or explore the cosmo-ontological parameters of the practice itself, in turn masking its articulation with other processes in the social field. This point will be illustrated with reference to a novel ethnography of the making of the shamanic gown in Ulaanbaatar. Yet more than this, it will be suggested that a more sustained reflection upon the nature of the shamanic gown, and consideration of new information regarding the processes that contribute to its creation, might provide the means to theorise in a rather different fashion. The shamanic gown and the people and things mobilised in its emergence do not simply collect social and theoretical contexts, but rather flow outward. As such, while being both intimately reactiveandirreducible to the adjacent realities, Mongolian shamanism also engages in themakingof these very structures. Shamanism and the making of shamanic gowns do not simply emerge from, or deny, contexts; they assemble them.
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Bedrii, Marian, und Maryana Syrko. „POLITICAL RIGHTS IMPLEMENTATION OF UKRAINIAN CITIZENS AMID COUNTERACTING THE COVID-19 EPIDEMIC“. Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, Nr. 2 (25.10.2022): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2022-2-3.
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Among the catalog of political rights of citizens of Ukraine, the COVID-19 epidemic made significant adjustments to the implementation of only two – the right to participate in elections (the opportunity to participate in government and public affairs) and the right to participate in peaceful assemblies. Instead, the other political rights (right of appeal, right of association, etc.) were subject to minimal restrictions, which were offset by electronic means of appeals, inquiries, and administrative services. The local elections held in Ukraine on October 25, 2020, testified to the readiness of the Ukrainian state to conduct democratic procedures in difficult epidemic conditions. For this purpose, special regulations were adopted and appropriate security measures were applied. Although voter turnout was expected to be low, an objective opportunity to exercise their right to freely choose and be elected was created and ensured. The campaigns discussions and debates continued mainly online. However, the voting itself took place on election day and without the use of alternatives technologies (electronic voting, voting by mail, on behalf of, etc.). At the time of the epidemic, the right to peaceful assembly was being severely restricted in Ukraine. The quarantine resolutions of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine set various restrictions on the concentration of people (initially not more than 200, and later – not more than 10), and hence the possibility of full-fledged meetings. Although these provisions were by-laws and inconsistent with the Constitution of Ukraine, law enforcement agencies were largely guided by them and opposed the assembly. Judicial practice did not solve this problem either, as administrative rulings and protocols were revoked by courts on formal grounds, and not due to the unconstitutionality of the quarantine restriction.
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Sandover, Rebecca, Alice Moseley und Patrick Devine-Wright. „Contrasting Views of Citizens’ Assemblies: Stakeholder Perceptions of Public Deliberation on Climate Change“. Politics and Governance 9, Nr. 2 (28.04.2021): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.4019.
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It has been argued that a ‘new climate politics’ has emerged in recent years, in the wake of global climate change protest movements. One part of the new climate politics entails experimentation with citizen-centric input into policy development, via mechanisms of deliberative democracy such as citizens’ assemblies. Yet relatively little is known about the motivations and aspirations of those commissioning climate assemblies or about general public perceptions of these institutions. Addressing these issues is important for increasing understanding of what these deliberative mechanisms represent in the context of climate change, how legitimate, credible and useful they are perceived to be by those involved, and whether they represent a radical way of doing politics differently or a more incremental change. This article addresses these gaps by presenting findings from mixed method research on prior expectations of the Devon Climate Assembly, proposed following the declaration of a climate emergency in 2019. The research compares and contrasts the views of those commissioning and administering the citizens’ assembly, with those of the wider public. Findings indicate widespread support, yet also considerable risk and uncertainty associated with holding the assembly. Enabling input into policy of a broad array of public voices was seen as necessary for effective climate response, yet there was scepticism about the practical challenges involved in ensuring citizen representation, and about whether politicians, and society more generally, would embrace the ‘hard choices’ required. The assembly was diversely represented as a means to unlock structural change, and as an instrumental tool to achieve behaviour change at scale. The Devon Climate Assembly appears to indicate ‘cautious experimentation’ where democratic innovation is widely embraced yet carefully constrained, offering only a modest example of a ‘new climate politics,’ with minimal challenges to the authority of existing institutions.
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peace, adrian. „Terra Madre 2006: Political Theater and Ritual Rhetoric in the Slow Food Movement“. Gastronomica 8, Nr. 2 (2008): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2008.8.2.31.
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The biannual mega-event of Terra Madre is now established as the political flagship of the Slow Food movement. It assembles in Turin the leading cosmopolitan figures of this neo-tribal, post modern organization, along with several thousand of its ordinary members, who were drawn in 2006 from the ranks of food producers, cooks and academics. The most significant secular rituals of Terra Madre involve the theatrical celebration of its global character, beginning with the assembly of representatives from some 1600 ““food communities”” distributed throughout the world. Equally important are the many smaller scale activities in which the details of the movement's politics are articulated and embellished, at times in strikingly rhetorical ways. In this paper, which is based on ethnographic research, the theatrical and rhetorical qualities of Terra Madre as a political spectacle are explored in some detail. It is argued, in conclusion, that what is inadvertently exposed are some of the political myths which lie at the core of the Slow Food movement's contemporary philosophy.
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Maia, Gretha Leite, und Letícia Fernandes De Oliveira. „Três décadas depois: a assembleia nacional constituinte de 1987 e o debate (inconcluso) da reforma agrária no brasil / Thirty years later: brazilian 1987 constitutional assembly and the debate of agrarian reform“. Revista Brasileira de Direito 13, Nr. 2 (18.08.2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18256/2238-0604/revistadedireito.v13n2p41-61.
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O artigo objetiva analisar a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte na perspectiva das discussões sobre a reforma agrária no Brasil. Trata-se de um estudo histórico da formação de uma compreensão sobre o direito de propriedade e os reflexos dessa compreensão na estrutura política e jurídica do Brasil. Identifica como cada Constituinte brasileira se posicionou diante da questão agrária. Analisa as discussões da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987 nas comissões temáticas em que foi discutida a reforma agrária. Constitui-se como um estudo crítico do constitucionalismo brasileiro e aponta os limites da Constituição de 1988 no tocante à questão agrária. Utiliza o método histórico e analítico, com pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. Conclui pelo retrocesso da Constituição de 1988 no tocante à possíveis alterações da estrutura fundiária brasileira, em razão do modelo de desapropriação para fins de reforma agrária que se inscreveu na Constituição de 1988, a partir da crítica ao funcionamento e deliberações da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987.AbstractThe article aims to analyze the discussion of Agrarian Reform in the Brazilian 1987 Constitutional Assembly. This is a historical study about the understanding of the right of ownership and the consequences of this understanding in the political and legal structure in Brazil. It identifies how each Brazilian Constitutional Assembly discussed the Agrarian Reform. It also analyzes all thematic committees regarding Agrarian Reform that were discussed in the 1987 Constitutional Assembly. The article is a critical study of Brazilian 1988 Constitution and it is a historical and documentary research. It concludes that the Brazilian 1988 Constitution still kept the same agrarian structure and contributed very little to change the legal provision of land expropriation that Agrarian Reform required.KeywordsRight of ownership. Agrarian reform. Constitutional Assembly.