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Thematische Bibliographien / Political corruption – italy – l'aquila / Zeitschriftenartikel

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Political corruption – italy – l'aquila“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 28. Juli 2024

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 31. Juli 2025

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1

Guarnieri, Carlo, Cristina Dallara, and Michele Sapignoli. "Political corruption in Italy." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (2020): 324–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37879.

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At least since the 1990s, corruption has continued to be listed as one of the major shortcomings affecting old and new European democracies. In spite of that, measuring political corruption is still a tricky task. In this scenario, some recent studies proposed to turn the attention to the judicial actions to curb corruption, through criminal prosecution, shedding light specifically on the investigations involving high-level politicians (Popova and Post 2018; Dallara 2019). In this paper we aim to present data about judicial prosecution of political corruption in Italy, emphasizing how the numb

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Della Porta, Donatella, and Alberto Vannucci. "Controlling political corruption in Italy." Res Publica 38, no. 2 (1996): 353–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/rp/048647001996038002353.

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Hine, David. "“Political corruption in Italy,” political corruption in Europe and Latin America." Trends in Organized Crime 2, no. 4 (1997): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-997-1090-3.

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Nelken, David. "The Judges and Political Corruption in Italy." Journal of Law and Society 23, no. 1 (1996): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1410469.

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5

Imperiale, Angelo Jonas, and Frank Vanclay. "Top-down reconstruction and the failure to “build back better” resilient communities after disaster: lessons from the 2009 L'Aquila Italy earthquake." Disaster Prevention and Management: An International Journal 29, no. 4 (2020): 541–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dpm-11-2019-0336.

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PurposeWe consider what happened in the initial reconstruction interventions following the 6 April 2009 earthquake in L'Aquila (Italy). Using the disaster risk reduction and resilience paradigm, we discuss the cognitive and interactional failures of top-down approaches, and we analyse the main constraints to enacting inclusive social learning and socially-sustainable transformation and building back better more resilient communities in post-disaster reconstruction.Design/methodology/approachOur evidence comes from participant observation, action anthropology and analytic auto-ethnography condu

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Della Porta, Donatella, and Alberto Vannucci. "Corruption and anti-corruption: The political defeat of ‘Clean Hands’ in Italy." West European Politics 30, no. 4 (2007): 830–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380701500322.

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Briquet, Jean Lpuis. "Questione morale e crisi di regime. La prima Repubblica italiana alla prova degli scandali (1992-1994)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 32 (December 2009): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-032003.

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- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had be

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Vannucci, Alberto. "Systemic corruption and disorganized anticorruption in Italy." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (2020): 408–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37877.

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TThis paper provides, trough different indicators, empirical evidence on the presumably high relevance of corruption in Italian politics and administration, providing an explanation of how this “obscure” side of Italian politics – a pervasive market for corrupt exchanges – has found its way to regulate its hidden activities within an informal institutional framework, i.e. systemic corruption. A general theoretical framework for the analysis of limits and “windows of opportunity” in Italian anticorruption policies will then be provided, crossing the degree of salience and politicization of corr

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Newell, James L. "Corruption-mitigating Policies: The Case of Italy." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (2005): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284192.

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SummaryOne of the circumstances likely to be associated with the intensity of both investigative and legislative efforts designed to curb political and bureaucratic corruption is institutional reform. Since the characteristics of electoral and party systems seem to be associated with variations in the intensity of anti-corruption efforts cross-nationally, it was reasonable to think that changes in the characteristics of these systems in Italy in the 1990s would be reflected in a corresponding change in the efforts of legislators and members of the judiciary to tackle corruption. Prior to the 1

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Borlini, Leonardo. "Not such a Retrospective: On the Implementation of the International Anti-Corruption Obligations in Italy." International Criminal Law Review 21, no. 4 (2021): 784–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10067.

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Abstract The past thirty years have seen unprecedented international initiatives aimed at combatting corrupt practices. The net effect of such initiatives is that today there exists a sort of “hyper norm” repudiating corruption that transcends national boundaries. Over the same period, Italy has ratified and implemented within its legal system five international anti-corruption treaties, and amended its domestic legislation on different occasions. However, despite considerable efforts, corruption remains a serious challenge in the country. This article examines the main achievements and shortc

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Kalantaryan, Edgar. "CULTURE OF CORRUPTION AS A KEY ISSUE IN ANTI-CORRUPTION METHODOLOGY AND POLICIES (ON EXAMPLES OF ITALY AND ARMENIA)." Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of Yerevan University 16, no. 1(41) (2025): 69–85. https://doi.org/10.46991/bysu.f/2025.16.1.069.

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The aim of this article is to examine the presence of a culture of corruption in public administration systems, assess its negative impact on governance, and evaluate anti-corruption methodologies for enhancing governmental effectiveness. In this context, we explore various manifestations of corruption in public organizations and analyze international experiences - particularly the case of Italy - where we conduct a comprehensive review of its anti-corruption policies and highlight their significance in fostering an effective governance system. The more we know about the causes of corruption,

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PORTA, DONATELLA DELLA. "A judges' revolution? Political corruption and the judiciary in Italy." European Journal of Political Research 39, no. 1 (2001): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00567.

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13

Alberti, Adriana. "Political corruption and the role of public prosecutors in Italy." Crime, Law and Social Change 24, no. 4 (1995): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01298351.

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Asquer, Raffaele, Miriam A. Golden, and Brian T. Hamel. "Corruption, Party Leaders, and Candidate Selection: Evidence from Italy." Legislative Studies Quarterly 45, no. 2 (2019): 291–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12259.

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Piattoni, Simona, and Matteo Fabio Nels Giglioli. "Does Changing Electoral Systems Affect (Corrupt) Particularistic Exchanges? Evidence from the Italian Case." Politics and Governance 8, no. 2 (2020): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i2.2913.

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The literature on forms of particularism explores the impact of institutional variables on what is denoted, alternatively, as constituency service, pork-barrel politics, or corruption. Attention has mostly been given to electoral systems, but other institutional provisions and political factors, such as party strength, are also relevant. The present contribution investigates the likely effects of electoral reforms on corruption control and seeks confirmation of the hypothesis that single member plurality (even within mixed member) systems are conducive to a type of particularism that might hel

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Maali, Bassam Mohammad, and Amer Morshed. "Impact of IPSAS Adoption on Governance and Corruption: A Comparative Study of Southern Europe." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 18, no. 2 (2025): 67. https://doi.org/10.3390/jrfm18020067.

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This study examines the impact that International Public Sector Accounting Standards adoption might have on governance quality and corruption control in Spain, Portugal, and Italy. IPSAS was designed to globally enhance public transparency and accountability thanks to accrual accounting. However, its effectiveness in fighting corruption and steering better governance has varied across institutional contexts and implementation phases. This paper examines, using partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) and comparative analysis, how legal systems, political stability, and anti

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Ginsborg, Paul. "Italian Political Culture in Historical Perspective." Modern Italy 1, no. 1 (1995): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949508454754.

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Much more so than in the recent past, the eyes of Europe and even of the world are on Italy. This attention does not derive from any innovative solutions that Italy may have offered to the grave problems which today face modern states: those of environmental pollution, of unemployment, of racism, of declining political legitimacy. Rather, Italy has attracted intense scrutiny for two principal reasons. First, because certain courageous magistrates, both in Palermo and Milan, have waged an unprecedented and dramatic war against criminal organizations and political corruption, and this in one of

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Ceron, Andrea, and Marco Mainenti. "When rotten apples spoil the ballot: The conditional effect of corruption charges on parties’ vote shares." International Political Science Review 39, no. 2 (2016): 242–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512116668858.

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The impact of corruption charges on the electoral performance of parties is conditioned by specific institutional factors. This article shows the extent to which the effects of political corruption depend on the control that party leaders exercise over the ballot. It is argued that voters might abstain or support other lists if they cannot select individual candidates to revitalize the reputation of the political party. Employing data on judicial investigations in Italy from 1983 to 2013, we provide evidence of the role of electoral rules and intra-party xcandidate selection in shaping the rel

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De Rose, Claudio. "Corruption in Public Procurement: How to Fight and Prevent it?" Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 31, no. 1 (2013): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569213x15664519748587.

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Abstract Corruption and public procurement often go together, at least in Italy. Corruption must be continuously fought and it is also necessary to find appropriate ways for preventing it. However, this is not easily achieved, because of the wide-ranging features of corruption, the variety of its causes and the sensitivity of the issue, including at political level and in particular where public procurement is concerned. This type of corruption has its own specific characteristics, stemming from the specificities of public procurement such as: the need for direct interaction between public off

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Rhodes, Martin. "Financing party politics in Italy: A case of systemic corruption." West European Politics 20, no. 1 (1997): 54–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389708425175.

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Shabbir, Ghulam, and Mumtaz Anwar. "Determinants of Corruption in Developing Countries." Pakistan Development Review 46, no. 4II (2007): 751–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v46i4iipp.751-764.

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Corruption is a limp in the walk of human progress. It is not a new phenomenon; it is as old as the history of mankind itself. The corruption made itself visible when the institution of the government was established. According to Glynn, et al. (1997), “…..no region, and hardly any country, has been immune from corruption”. Like a cancer, it strikes almost all parts of the society and destroys the functioning of vital organs, means cultural, political and economic structure of society Amundsen (1999). All this was proved by the major corruption scandals of France, Italy, Japan, Philippine, Sou

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Del Monte, Alfredo, and Erasmo Papagni. "Public expenditure, corruption, and economic growth: the case of Italy." European Journal of Political Economy 17, no. 1 (2001): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0176-2680(00)00025-2.

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Golden, Miriam A., and Eric C. C. Chang. "Competitive Corruption: Factional Conflict and Political Malfeasance in Postwar Italian Christian Democracy." World Politics 53, no. 4 (2001): 588–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2001.0015.

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This article studies the relationship between cartels of politicians and systemic political corruption in a democratic setting. Some electoral systems, including open-list systems of proportional representation, encourage intraparty competition for office. The authors analyze the relationship between intraparty conflict in postwar Italy's dominant political party, the Christian Democrats, and charges of malfeasance against Christian Democratic members of the Chamber ofDeputies in the years between thefirstpostwar parliamentary elections of 1948 and the end of the XI legislature in 1994, when t

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Rossetti, Carlo. "The Prosecution of Political Corruption: France, Italy and the USA - A Comparative View." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 13, no. 2 (2000): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713670512.

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CURINI, LUIGI. "Negative Campaigning in No-Cabinet Alternation Systems: Ideological Closeness and Blames of Corruption in Italy and Japan Using Party Manifesto Data." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 3 (2011): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000181.

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AbstractWithin a one-dimensional spatial framework, we deduce that parties’ incentives ‘to go negative’, by blaming alleged insufficiencies of the rival concerning commonly shared values, increase with their ideological proximity. We test our hypothesis by considering the long period of no-cabinet alternation that characterized both Italy and Japan. In particular, we focus on the (spatial) incentives of the Italian Communist Party and of the Japanese Socialist Party to emphasize on a particular topic related to negative campaigning, i.e. political corruption issues. The status of the perennial

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Zatti, Andrea. "Accountability, anti-corruption, and transparency policies in Public owned enterprises (POEs): The case of Italy." ECONOMIA PUBBLICA, no. 1 (February 2022): 43–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ep2022-001004.

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The paper depicts, in the Italian case, the interconnections between two themes: bribery and anti-corruption policies, on the one hand, and the role of public controlled entities, on the other. Italy turns out to be an interesting case study because, on the one hand, it is among the worst performing countries in the G7 and the EU members in terms of corruption and, on the other, it has experienced a strongly proliferation of Public owned enterprises (POEs) during the last two or three decades, involving nearly all activity sec-tors of the economy. This process is deemed to have weakened the ch

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Lanoue, Guy. "Wartime Nostalgia in Italy: Validating the Fatherland." Fascism 8, no. 1 (2019): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00801005.

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In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Italy experienced a series of crises when its precarious postwar political compromise was challenged by the effects of decades of structural corruption. The author was offered unsolicited narratives of the prewar and especially wartime Fascist period. Surprisingly, many of these stories cast Fascists and their Nazi political allies in a positive light. Here, the author argues that these favourable views of a bleak period are linked to the disenchantment and diffidence many felt (and continue to feel) toward the state and its institutions, and that these stori

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Mancini, Paolo, Marco Mazzoni, Alessio Cornia, and Rita Marchetti. "Representations of Corruption in the British, French, and Italian Press." International Journal of Press/Politics 22, no. 1 (2016): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161216674652.

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As part of a larger European Union (EU)-funded project, this paper investigates the coverage of corruption and related topics in three European democracies: France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Based on Freedom House data, these countries are characterized by different levels of press freedom. A large corpus of newspaper articles (107,248 articles) from the period 2004 to 2013 were analyzed using dedicated software. We demonstrate that freedom of press is not the only dimension that affects the ability to and the way in which news media report on corruption. Because of its political partisan

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Richey, Sean, and J. Benjamin Taylor. "Google Books Ngrams and Political Science: Two Validity Tests for a Novel Data Source." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 1 (2019): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519001318.

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ABSTRACTGoogle Books Ngrams data are freely available and contain billions of words used in tens of millions of digitized books, which begin in the 1500s for some languages. We explore the benefits and pitfalls of these data by showing examples from comparative and American politics. Specifically, we show how usage of the phrase “political corruption” in Italian, French, German, and Hebrew books strongly correlates with Transparency International’s well-cited Corruption Index for France, Italy, German, and Israel. We also use Ngrams to show that the explosive growth in usage of the phrases “As

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Zhang, Nan. "Changing a ‘culture’ of corruption: Evidence from an economic experiment in Italy." Rationality and Society 27, no. 4 (2015): 387–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463115605475.

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Dalia, Gaspare. "Prevenzione e percezione di fenomeni corruttivi: istanze di difesa sociale e crisi del garantismo processuale penale." Optime 13, no. 2 (2022): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.55312/op.v13i2.373.

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Constitutions and the International Charters of Rights are concerned to ensure the judicial verification of the unlawfulness of facts in compliance with the inalienable rights of the person and the presumption of innocence. Today, modern criminal procedural law, which has always been conditioned by different legal traditions, by different political-constitutional approaches and by the current "criminal emergencies", suffers further stress resulting from political and media communication on topics such as organized crime, terrorism and corruption, thus diverting the analysis from objective data

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Coşkun, Gülçın Balamır. "Does Corruption End the Dominant Party System? A Comparative Analysis of the Italian and Turkish Cases." European Review 25, no. 2 (2016): 320–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798716000612.

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This article argues that the effects of high-level corruption scandals on the future of a dominant party depend on the existence of a rule of law system based on the separation of powers. The article will study two examples from a comparative perspective to concretise its theoretical claims: the Christian Democracy Party in Italy, which was the dominant party from 1948 to 1992, and the Justice and Development Party in Turkey. The comparison will be based on an institutionalist perspective. The first part tries to provide a theoretical clarification of the concepts of predominant party systems

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Berti, Carlo. "Rotten Apples or Rotten System? Media Framing of Political Corruption in New Zealand and Italy." Journalism Studies 20, no. 11 (2018): 1580–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670x.2018.1530068.

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Garcia, Leice Maria, and Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio. "Análise de limites dos sistemas de contabilidade e controle para o enfretamento do problema da corrupção sistêmica no Brasil: lições dos casos da Suécia e da Itália." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 1 (2020): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220180115.

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Abstract This article seeks to understand the reasons for the persistence of corruption in the Brazilian federal government, despite strong public accounting and financial control systems in the country. More than two-thirds of the states in the world, including Brazil, face the challenge of plundering public finances by political, economic, and bureaucratic elites. In this context, the exclusive use of the dominant approach of economic theories for the structuring of public control systems is limited. It is more appropriate to consider corruption as a problem of collective action. Hence, the

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Garcia, Leice Maria, and Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio. "Limits of Brazilian public accounting and control systems to address the systemic corruption problem: lessons from the Swedish and Italian cases." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 1 (2020): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220180115x.

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Abstract This article seeks to understand the reasons for the persistence of corruption in the Brazilian federal government, despite strong public accounting and financial control systems in the country. More than two-thirds of the states in the world, including Brazil, face the challenge of plundering public finances by political, economic, and bureaucratic elites. In this context, the exclusive use of the dominant approach of economic theories for the structuring of public control systems is limited. It is more appropriate to consider corruption as a problem of collective action. Hence, the

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Rabinovich, Irina. "Hawthorne’s Rome – A city of evil, political and religious corruption and violence." Ars Aeterna 9, no. 1 (2017): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aa-2017-0001.

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Abstract Hawthorne’s Rome is the home of dark and evil catacombs. It is a city haunted by evil spirits from the past that actively shape the romance’s plot. Rome’s dark gardens, endless staircases, hidden corners and vast catacombs, as well as the malodorous Jewish ghetto, affect Donatello’s and Miriam’s judgment, almost forcing them to get rid of the Model, Miriam’s persecutor. Hawthorne’s narrator’s shockingly violent, harsh and seemingly anti-Semitic description of the ghetto in Rome is just one among many similarly ruthless, and at times offensive, accounts of the city wherein Hawthorne si

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Vella, Daniel. ""The greatest extravaganza of mortal combat ever staged"." Eludamos: Journal for Computer Game Culture 16, no. 1 (2025): 131–48. https://doi.org/10.7557/23.7928.

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This paper examines the dystopian Italian science-fiction film I guerrieri dell’anno 2072 (Fulci, 1984), with a particular focus on the Battle of the Damned, a deadly televised contest in which condemned prisoners fight to the death in the reconstructed Colosseum in Rome. A consideration of this fictional game within the film’s dystopian future Rome will open onto three intertwined lines of analysis: the classicist impulse to conceive of a continuity between imperial Rome and contemporary Italy, the adoption of this classicism in fascist Italy, and media consolidation in the context of neolibe

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K.U.Ranjith and Dr. S. Karuppusamy. "A SURVEY ON TOWARD EFFECTIVE RESPONSE TO NATURAL DISASTERS: A DATA SCIENCE APPROACH." international journal of engineering technology and management sciences 7, no. 2 (2023): 627–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46647/ijetms.2023.v07i02.072.

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Natural catastrophes have the potential to destroy large portions of infrastructure and kill thousands of people. Both the populace and the government find it challenging to deal with these situations. Particular attention must be given to the following two difficult problems: find a workable solution first evacuating people, then rebuilding homes and other infrastructure. Then, a successful recovery plan that prioritises the reconstruction of damaged areas and the evacuation of people can be a game-changer for overcoming those horrible circumstances. In this light, we introduce DiReCT, a meth

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Capone, Francesca, and Marco Longobardo. "Introduction." International Criminal Law Review 21, no. 4 (2021): 617–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10056.

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Abstract The predicted expansion of international law ultimately resulted in the imposition on States of several and far reaching obligations to criminalise certain offences, in order to, inter alia, uniform States’ criminal law framework to the maximum extent possible. The aim of the special issue is to provide a forum to discuss the many and multifaceted aspects connected to obligations of domestic criminalisation, using Italy as a case study. The special issue is divided in three sections, addressing, respectively, broad issues of general application, Italy’s implementation of obligations t

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Acconcia, Antonio, Giancarlo Corsetti, and Saverio Simonelli. "Mafia and Public Spending: Evidence on the Fiscal Multiplier from a Quasi-Experiment." American Economic Review 104, no. 7 (2014): 2185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.104.7.2185.

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A law issued to combat political corruption and Mafia infiltration of city councils in Italy has resulted in episodes of large, unanticipated, temporary contractions in local public spending. Using these episodes as instruments, we estimate the output multiplier of spending cuts at provincial level—controlling for national monetary and fiscal policy, and holding the tax burden of local residents constant—to be 1.5. Assuming that lagged spending is exogenous to current output brings the estimate of the overall multiplier up to 1.9. These results suggest that local spending adjustment may be qui

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Lorencka, Małgorzata. "Ordynacja wyborcza do włoskiej Izby Deputowanych z 4 sierpnia 1993 roku." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 4 (2021): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.4.7.

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The political instability of Italian governments, excessive fragmentation and party polarization, political corruption characterized Italy's political system from the unification of the state in the second half of the nineteenth century. Successive amendments to the parliamentary election law were an attempt to solve the above problems. Such a process also took place in 1993. The aim of this article is to present the legal provisions of the electoral law to the Chamber of Deputies in Italy of August 4th, 1993. The shape of the changes introduced, the mixed election formula and the original met

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Delechuk, A. V. "RELEVANCE OF FOREIGN EXPERIENCE IN COMBATING CRIMINAL OFFENSES IN THE CUSTOMS SECTOR." Constitutional State, no. 56 (December 15, 2024): 155–66. https://doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2024.56.315692.

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The article is devoted to consideration of the foreign experience in combating corruption both in general and criminal offenses in the customs sector, in particular. Since the deductive method of scientific cognition is chosen, the publication outlines the criminological experience of combating corruption inherent in each legal system as a whole, with further specification of anti-corruption measures specifically in relation to provision of customs services. The publication provides data on organization of anti-corruption, including in the customs sector, in the countries of the European Commu

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Douglas, Christopher. "“Bodies and Things, Both Putrid and Corrupt”: Miasma and Racial Anxiety in Hawthorne's The Marble Faun." Nathaniel Hawthorne Review 47, no. 1 (2021): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/nathhawtrevi.47.1.0101.

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Abstract As the forces of racial anxiety and pandemic combined in America in 2020 in the BLM protests and COVID-19 outbreak, so too they combine in Nathaniel Hawthorne's The Marble Faun (1860) in the form of antebellum racism and malaria. Written shortly after his European tour, Hawthorne's final novel, which is packed with comments about the poisonous Roman air, features New England artists Hilda and Kenyon who must navigate Italy without becoming degraded, while Italians Miriam and Donatello belong to the corruption that Italy breeds. The pestilence oozing between the lines of this novel is

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Gagliarducci, Stefano, and Marco Manacorda. "Politics in the Family: Nepotism and the Hiring Decisions of Italian Firms." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 12, no. 2 (2020): 67–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20170778.

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This paper studies the effect of family connections to politicians on individuals’ labor market outcomes. Using data for Italy spanning more than three decades on a sample of almost one million individuals plus data on the universe of individuals holding political office, we show that politicians extract significant rents, in terms of private sector jobs, for their family members. We present evidence consistent with the hypothesis that this phenomenon is a form of corruption, i.e., a quid pro quo exchange between firms and politicians, although arguably an inferior substitute for easier-to-det

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Clemens, Clay. "A Few Bad Apples or a Spoiled Barrel? The CDU Party Finance Scandal Five Years Later." German Politics and Society 23, no. 2 (2005): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780880731.

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It was the biggest political scandal in postwar German history. As revelation followed revelation in late 1999, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) party finance (Parteifinanz) affair tarnished careers, most notably those of former chancellor Helmut Kohl and, separately, his longtime heir apparent Wolfgang Schäuble. When both fell, their party gained a new cadre of leaders. Most analysts expected the fallout ultimately to spread much further, fatally crippling the CDU and perhaps destroying it altogether. Voices could be heard to the effect that this scandal was on the same scale as one that

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Dogan, Mattei. "Erosion of Confidence in Thirty European Democracies." Comparative Sociology 4, no. 1-2 (2005): 11–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569133054621932.

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AbstractThe deficit of confidence is attested by a wealth of empirical data. The analysis deals with some nine institutions, political parties, discredit of politicians, the tandem of judges and journalists in denouncing the wrongdoings, the decreasing mistrust between nations as a compensatory trend of mistrust within nations. The countries are ranked according to the level of mistrust, which permeates all social strata. Corruption is an ubiquitous phenomenon in Europe, with few exceptions. Two illustrative emblematic cases are compared; Britain and Italy. In spite of the widespread feeling o

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Scolobig, Anna. "Understanding Institutional Deadlocks in Disaster Risk Reduction: The Financial and Legal Risk Root Causes in Genova, Italy." Journal of Extreme Events 04, no. 02 (2017): 1750010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345737617500105.

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Many countries, regions and towns around the world experience lack of action or delayed actions in the implementation of disaster risk reduction measures. One of the common causal explanations is the insufficient funding available to reduce risk, especially at the local level. However, so far few studies have provided an in-depth analysis of the root causes of these deadlocks in disaster risk reduction. This paper analyses risk root causes in Genova, a town situated in North West Italy and exposed to high impact weather events. The town has experienced an increase in the intensity of flood eve

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Guo, Wei. "Analysis of Factors That Have Hampered Economic Growth in Italy." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 68, no. 1 (2024): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/68/20241379.

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Italy's economic growth since 1990 faced domestic challenges, including structural issues, tax evasion, bureaucratic inefficiencies, and political corruption. Externally, as an EU member and participant in global economic forums, Italy's fiscal policy constraints and the need for a comprehensive strategy to foster economic development are evident. This article employs a multifaceted research approach to analyze the economic development of Italy in 1990. First, the documentary analysis includes a comprehensive review of the academic literature of various economists, the historical record of Ita

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Marra, Mita. "Le minacce tecnocratiche e centralistiche alla spending review e le sfide politiche della valutazione in Italia." RIV Rassegna Italiana di Valutazione, no. 53 (October 2013): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riv2012-053005.

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In Italy, the recently launched spending review process seems the only alternative to budgetary cutbacks centrally applied across the board. Fighting waste and corruption while making administrative agencies more effcient and accountable to citizens is a key priority for local and regional governments as well. Yet, current spending reviews are conducted on aggregated broad-based appropriations of public spending and are, then, unable to generate that "usable" knowledge, which regional and local policy makers and managers can rely on for policy design and implementation. Indeed, a centralistic

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Guido, Melis. "Il potere dei giudici e la latitanza della politica." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 85 (February 2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-085001.

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The power of judges and the default of politics. Since 1861 the High Court of Magistrates has been part of the top level of the Italian state. It was the task of the Court to turn into jurisprudence the great bourgeois laws, when Italy was still rural and old regime. However the judges held power: internally, as the High Court ruled judicial careers; and externally, because judges protected their privileges. Fascism restricted the liberty of judges, but at the same time allowed them to retain their power of control of careers. In the post-war Republic, the judges discovered the newborn Constit

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