Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Politics of the stage.
Dissertationen zum Thema „Politics of the stage“
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Dissertationen für die Forschung zum Thema "Politics of the stage" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Dissertationen für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Williamson, Matthew Marlingford. „Hunger, appetite and the politics of the Renaissance stage“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.728828.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis explores the role played by the representation of hunger and appetite in the politics of the Renaissance stage. It adopts a Marxist approach, drawing on the work of theorists such as Raymond Williams, and emphasizing the significance of concepts such as class, the base/superstructure model, and lived experience. In order to understand the particular qualities which could be invested in hunger and appetite on the stage, the thesis situates the representation of these drives in the context of the material factors which defined the early modern theatre itself. The sale of food and the practicalities of staging both hunger and appetite are analysed as determining influences upon the content of specific dramatic works. The thesis demonstrates the extent to which hunger and appetite were deployed in the early modern theatre as a device by which playing companies interrogated the economic polarisation, urbanisation and imperialist expansion of the period. It argues that the depiction of hunger and appetite lent ideological form to underlying material differences between the period’s residual and emergent classes. The thesis builds upon existing criticism on a range of subjects, particularly poverty, hunger, and recent innovative work in food studies, but aims to synthesise the strengths of these relatively distinct critical areas by stressing the conceptual interrelation of hunger and appetite in the period. It explores the role played by hunger and appetite in the representation of service, gifts, sexual desire, imperialism and revolt. By rooting its understanding of hunger and appetite in the period’s politics, the thesis aims to demonstrate their significance as both a subject of political importance and a means by which wider political issues could be conceptualised.
2
Price, Eoin. „The politics of privacy and the English public stage, 1575-1642“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4998/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis examines the politics of privacy and the public drama of the English Renaissance commercial stage. It intervenes in the study of publics and the early modern public sphere, contending that a wider examination of the corpus of public drama in the English Renaissance can illuminate the politics of privacy as well as the nature of dramatic practice. The thesis is split into two parts. The first examines external evidence – the ways in which the language of privacy is applied to the commercial theatre – and contains a single chapter on the emergence of the so-called ‘private’, indoor playhouses. It is divided into three main sections that explore the Elizabethan, Jacobean, and Caroline periods and a short epilogue which considers the period of theatre closure. The second part examines internal evidence: how the plays of the period configure political privacy. It falls into two chapters, each of which contemplates four different forms of movement across public/private boundaries. The second chapter addresses depictions of private people participating in public affairs; analysing representations of private passivity, active resistance, promotion, and favouritism. The third chapter investigates the reverse phenomenon – public people becoming private – and discusses portrayals of corruption, privation, surveillance, and withdrawal.
3
Felton, Gregory. „Perestroika : a new stage in Soviet reform“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28044.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Perestroika, unlike previous attempts at economic reform, represents the beginning of a new era in post-war Soviet politics. If one were to categorize the major Soviet leaders since Stalin it would be more accurate to term
Khrushchev a liberal Stalinist, Brezhnev a conservative Stalinist, and Gorbachev, may be properly classified as an anti-Stalinist. Gorbachev's accession to power represents the beginning of what might be termed post-post-Stalin reform.
To illustrate the uniqueness of perestroika, this thesis is structured around a comparison of Gorbachev's economic, political, and social reforms with those of Nikita Khrushchev. A contrast with Khrushchev is necessary because it is impossible to determine the uniqueness of perestroika and to draw informed conclusions about Gorbachev unless the record of the first-post Stalin reformer is examined.
Because Gorbachev and Khrushchev are both reformers, it is to be expected that they should share certain common objectives. But the similarities are far less significant than the differences. The differences between Gorbachev's and Khrushchev's approaches to reform are a function both of substantive policy differences and historical circumstance. Historical Context
Khrushchev came to power at a time when the Soviet Union was weak relative to the United States. Externally, the most pressing need was for the Soviet Union to achieve military parity with the United States. Internally, Khrushchev's first years were ones of struggle for absolute leadership with other Politburo figures who had differing notions of reform. The world that Brezhnev and his successors bequeathed to Gorbachev bore little resemblance to the one which Stalin left to Khrushchev. By the time of Gorbachev's accession to power, the Soviet Union had become the military equal of the United States. Political Reform
Khrushchev's main objective was to weaken the power of the bureaucracy largely in order to enhance his own personal power. Gorbachev's focus is less Stalin than it is the Stalinist system. The lack of subordination of political and economic reform to the pursuit of personal one-man rule marks perestzoika as a distinct improvement over de-Stalinization. Economic Reform
In economic policy, Khrushchev followed Stalin's practice of meeting economic problems with administrative measures. Although Khrushchev made his reputation by denouncing Stalin's leadership, he did nothing to address the root of the Soviet Union's troubles—the Stalinist economic system. Perestroika is theoretically superior to de-Stalinization because Gorbachev eschews administrative tinkering in favour of economic change. Gorbachev has rediscovered the co-operative socialism and limited tolerance for free-enterprise of the 1920s. The implication of this return to 'Leninism' is an admission that the Stalinist system is a failure. CONCLUSION
The essence of Khrushchev's reforms, and their subsequent failure, can be traced to his fixation with appearance over substance. For all of his 'liberal' reforms, Khrushchev is essentially a 'Stalinist' politician. Perestzoika is superior to de-Stalinization both because of historical circumstance and substantive philosophical differences. Gorbachev's return to Leninist principles effectively ends the period of reformed Stalinism. But the objective need for reform does imply its necessary success. There are many obstacles to effecting deep change in the Soviet Union, obstacles which cannot be surmounted soon. It cannot be expected that a people will cast off the habits of a lifetime. Nonetheless, Gorbachev's reforms are rigorous and potentially longlasting, as opposed to Khrushchev's 'administrative' changes which did not really address the flaws of the Soviet system.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
4
Padley, Steven. „Class and politics in Tony Harrison's poetry for page, stage, and screen“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624553.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
5
Ridout, Nicholas Peter. „The undoing of theatre : the politics of effect on the contemporary stage“. Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407132.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
6
Glenn, Antonia Nakano. „Racing and e-racing the stage : the politics of mixed race performance /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3149286.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
7
Solomon, David Lyle. „A stage for a bima : American Jewish theater and the politics of representation /“. College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1707.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.Thesis research directed by: English Language and Literature. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
8
Altree, Claire. „Tradition, innovation and politics : the stage work of Ewan MacColl and Theatre Workshop“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24531.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The plays of Ewan MacColl have largely been overlooked by theatre historians and practitioners alike; the primary objective of this thesis is to reappraise this body of work and, more broadly, to re-examine British Modernism and the genealogy of left-wing engaged theatre. The thesis questions the idea of popular culture and suggests MacColl’s work represents a search for a new popular culture that challenges the dominance of uncritical and, according to him, negative elements of current working class culture (most cinema, pop music, gambling, bingo etc) that control thought and encourage the status quo. In order to present a different appraisal of British twentieth century theatre, this thesis examines MacColl’s primary innovations. He incorporates a broad range of conventions into his work, beginning with agitprop, a genre that gave his company the flexibility and spontaneity of a political rally. His canon of work reveals the playwright’s interaction with a variety of conventions from the European and American avant-garde; movements such as Epic Theatre, Constructivism, Expressionism and contemporary dance are juxtaposed with older forms to create an innovative theatrical genre that remains unparalleled within British theatrical history. Examining the influence of these movements with specific reference to the ideas of figures such as Meyerhold, Appia, Brecht, Vakhtangov and Laban, this thesis contends that MacColl’s plays mark a constant search for a form of critical realism, a suitable method for examining contemporary society and advocating socio-political change. This realism is also impacted by the oral tradition (the Mummers’ play, the Ballad form, traditional song and commedia dell’arte) and an established literary tradition (ancient Greek Old Comedy, Elizabethan/Jacobean theatre). It is this dialogue of old and new, tradition and innovation that defines his work.
9
Chrysochou, Panayiota. „Sight as trauma : the politics of performing and viewing the body on stage“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7830.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
My thesis aims to partake in the controversial and theoretical debates surrounding sight which can be traced as far back as Plato. It seeks to provide an overview of the cultural history of the gaze in order to set up a triangulated and in-depth schema or triadic relationship between theatre, text and trauma through the lens of psychoanalytical, phenomenological and socio-theoretical frameworks. More specifically, it attempts to explore the various interactions, along the axis of representation, between theatrical metaphors and those of traumatic vision, as well as traumatic representations on stage of viewing and the multi-layered and socio-political implications of various ways of looking (or non-looking), which often trigger traumatic responses. By examining two canonical plays – Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex and Shakespeare’s Macbeth – as well as the modern performances of artists such as Orlan and Franko B, I hope to show how visual trauma can transcend time and space and how the stage, as well as dramatic performances, can function as a body or body politic upon which various visuo-spatial and traumatic themes can be inscribed and re(enacted). The shift in emphasis, beginning with Freud and onwards, from physical to psychological trauma has often led to a blurring and obfuscation of the question of sight and the various lines of inquiry related to it. It has unfortunately often been overlooked in trauma theory, together with the issue of how certain sights/sites can often lead to broken, baffled and even traumatic responses when there is a failure to adequately interrogate, interpret and subsequently assimilate various events both on and off-stage. This failure is further compounded by various theoretical strands which view trauma as being non-representable. Thus by bringing trauma and vision to the fore, my research aims to inflect the cultural history of the gaze by showing how it contributes invaluably to a greater understanding of identity formation and hermeneutical activity in particular, as well as theatrical practices and even gender discourse analysis in general. By recourse to Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex and Shakespeare’s Macbeth, two canonical plays which draw heavily on notions of sight, blindness and the traumatic implications of viewing certain objects or events, as well as through an interrogation of various responses to the theatrical performances of more modern bodily-based performance artists such as Orlan and Franko B, who cut and refashion their bodies in front of a large audience, this work seeks to bring together various theoretical approaches ranging from psychoanalysis to phenomenology in order to shed light on how sight can lead to trauma both on and off the stage, thus contributing to the ongoing theoretical debates surrounding the body and the theatre.
10
Western, Melissa. „Reconciliation on stage : the politics of indigenous representation in Brisbane theatre's 1999 'reconciliation plays' /“. [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2006. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19809.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
11
Lin, Chien-Yu. „Baseball and politics in Taiwan's three political regimes, 1895-2002“. Thesis, University of Brighton, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271997.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
12
Paradis, Samantha Lynn. „Shakespeare, hip hop, and politics: stage managing Rome sweet Rome at the University of Iowa“. Thesis, University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5594.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Rome Sweet Rome, written, directed, composed, and choreographed by the Q Brothers Collective, is a hip-hop musical adaptation of William Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar. The University of Iowa Department of Theatre Arts produced Rome Sweet Rome in the fall of 2016 as part of the Mainstage season and the 2016-2017 Partnership in the Arts production.
This thesis explores the unique production process of Rome Sweet Rome from the stage manager’s perspective. Since leadership, communication, and organization are essential attributes of stage managers, Samantha Paradis’ personal leadership, communication, and organization goals and outcomes for this production are addressed. Because theatre and life can be unpredictable this paper includes the analysis of new challenges that arose. Paradis concludes her exploration with final thoughts on the production and her development as a Graduate Stage Manager at the University of Iowa.
13
Wilson, Miles. „Enter Stage Left: How Demographic Change, Trump, and the Texas GOP will Make Room for the Texas Democrats to Return from Exile in 2016“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1447.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
For years, Texas has experienced significant growth and demographic change that has slowly altered the balance of Texas’s political power. This thesis argues that due to a series of unlikely developments, the scales are tipping in favor of the Democrats much earlier than projected. As a result of demographic changes, Donald Trump, and the Tea Party faction of the Texas GOP, the Democrats may be able to win Texas’s electoral votes, as well as the 2018 Texas gubernatorial race.
14
Tsukada, Yuichi. „Shakespeare and the politics of nostalgia : negotiating the memory of Elizabeth I on the Jacobean stage“. Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/shakespeare-and-the-politics-of-nostalgia(a0854023-954e-401f-8928-b8a8e166b932).html.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis is the first book-length study that seeks to illuminate the relationship between the plays of Shakespeare and the phenomenon of nostalgia for Elizabeth I in the first decade of the reign of James I. Critics often cite Thomas Crammer's celebratory speech for the birth and christening of Elizabeth in Henry VIII, Shakespeare and John Fletcher's collaboration of 1613, as the starting point of the revival of interest in Elizabeth on the Jacobean stage in the assumption that, after eulogising Elizabeth for a brief nostalgic phase immediately after her death- a phase marked by the performance in 1604-06 of plays by Thomas Heywood and Thomas Dekker which feature Elizabeth as protagonists- Jacobean dramatists began to care less about the dead queen, and that nostalgia for Elizabeth did not reappear on stage until 1613. Accordingly, although the memory of Elizabeth recurred in other forms of discourse throughout the first decade of James's reign, pre-1613 drama has not been sufficiently examined against this cultural undercurrent. In this thesis. I seek to redress this critical oversight by resituating four Shakespearean plays composed between 1606 and 1610- Macbeth, Antony and Cleopatra, Coriolanus and Cymbeline- together with certain plays of this contemporaries, within the Jacobean discourse of nostalgia for Elizabeth. I analyse the politics of representing a diseased body politic (Chapter 1), a warlike queen (Chapter 2), a peace goddess (Chapter 3) and an imperilled princess (Chapter 4), illustrating the ways in which these representations engaged with the struggle for control of the memory of Elizabeth and both reflected and informed the complexity of contemporary political culture. These chapters illuminate both the sustained theatrical culture of nostalgia for Elizabeth and the extent to which that culture of nostalgia remained a focus for ideological negotiation and competition throughout the first decade of James's reign.
15
Makse, Todd. „The Redistricting Cycle in American State Politics“. The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1279043267.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
16
Aitken, Robert Martin. „Localizing politics : Cardenismo, the mexican state and local politics in contemporary Michoacán /“. [Leiden] : [Leiden university], 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39907167d.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
17
Weinberg, Marina. „Politics of the state and the state of politics in an indigenous community in northwestern Argentina“. Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
18
Vidal, Correa Maria Fernanda. „Women's representation in Mexican state politics“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.632853.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
19
Goodrich, Claire. „Texas Politics in State and Nation“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1212.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis analyzes a gradual political transformation in Texas during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It specifically analyzes the political climate following the 2014 Midterm Elections by using the valuable context of past Texas political history. In spite of the massive setbacks of the 2014 election cycle, the Democratic Party may actually have a bright future in the state of Texas. Demographic and economic trends provide the party with an opportunity to make steady gains. But such progress will not happen automatically: Democrats have to run candidates and take positions that appeal to the emerging Texas electorate.
20
Anstoetter, Donald T. „Christianity and the modern state in the philosophy of Pierre Manent“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p029-0736.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
21
Yawnghwe, Chao-Tzang. „The politics of authoritarianism : the state and political soldiers in Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq25192.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
22
Georgiou, Danielle. „The Politics Of State Public Arts Funding“. Arlington, TX : University of Texas at Arlington, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10106/973.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
23
Salmon, Jago. „Militia politics“. Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15799.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Die vorliegende Arbeit zielt darauf ab, zwei Forschungslücken in der Literatur über Bürgerkriege zu schließen. Erstens, die Analyse der Strukturen nicht-staatlicher bewaffneter Gruppen. Zweitens, die Untersuchung der Politik von Milizen, als Form nicht-staatlicher Gruppen, denen in gegenwärtigen Bürgerkriegen eine zunehmende Bedeutung zukommt. Diese beiden Bereiche werden mit Hilfe einer historisch vergleichenden Analyse am Beispiel von zwei Milizen, die im sudanesischen und libanesischen Bürgerkrieg kämpften, untersucht. Die "Popular Defense Forces", 1989 von der Regierung des Sudan mobilisiert, wurden zum Sammelbecken für undisziplinierte und teilautonome militärische Einheiten, die schwerste Kriegsverbrechen begingen. Die "Lebanese Forces", eine maronitisch-nationalistische Miliz, wurde von einer Koalition konservativer christlicher Parteien gegründet. Nach dem Zusammenbruch des Staates 1975-6 wurde diese Miliz zu einer autonomen politischen Einheit mit einem territorial abgegrenzten Kanton im Osten von Beirut. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Prozesse und Strategien, die diesen Milizen die Etablierung von Herrschaft ermöglichte. Die beiden Gruppen entwickelten sich zu Organisationen, die die zu verteidigenden Gebiete beherrschten und mit staatlichen Geldgebern verbündet waren, aber auch in Konkurrenz zu ihnen standen. Diese Arbeit identifiziert drei Mechanismen, die die Entwicklungen von Milizen im Laufe ihrer Zeit bestimmen. Der Erste erklärt die Formierung von Milizen als ein Bricolage von politischen und nicht-politischen Antworten auf Unsicherheit. Der Zweite erklärt, wie sich Milizen in hybride Organisationen, von zentraler Mobilisierungseinheit und lokal eingebettete Organisationen, entwickeln. Der Dritte führt die Kontrolle des Zentrums über die lokalen Organisationen auf die Macht über Ressourcen zurück. Die Arbeit schließt mit dem Entwurf eines alternativen analytischen Modells für die Untersuchung von Bürgerkriegen.This thesis provides an analysis of the organizational politics of state supporting armed groups, and demonstrates how group cohesion and institutionalization impact on the patterns of violence witnessed within civil wars. Using an historical comparative method, strategies of leadership control are examined in the processes of organizational evolution of the Popular Defence Forces, an Islamist Nationalist militia, and the allied Lebanese Forces, a Christian Nationalist militia. The first group was a centrally coordinated network of irregular forces which fielded ill-disciplined and semi-autonomous military units, and was responsible for severe war crimes. Equally responsible for war crimes, such as the Sabra and Shatila massacre of Shi''a and Palestinian civilians in 1982, the second group, nonetheless, became an autonomous military formation with an established territorial canton with a high degree of control over military units. After first analysing the political and institutional context of formation of these two groups, detailed case study analysis illustrates how political-military leaderships consolidated internal authority over combat units. At first, this authority relied on a bricolage of norms, motivations and institutions, as highly diverse, loosely coordinated actors mobilised in response to insecurity. As key leadership figures emerged, these groups evolved into hybrid organisations, divided between central organisations and locally embedded units operating according to localised security arenas decoupled from central military or political strategy. Central authority was then consolidated through a process of progressive institutionalisation and expansion, as centralised control was established, often violently, over resources, recruitment and discipline. This thesis shows, how militias, formed in allegiance with the state evolved into organizations rivalling state sovereignty and exploiting the communities which they claimed to defend.
24
Sell, T. M. „The wings of power : Boeing and politics in Washington State : a study in political ecology /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10699.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
25
Beckman, Ludvig. „The liberal state and the politics of virtue /“. Stockholm : City University Press, 2000. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/322254116.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
26
Ranganathan, C. S. „Religion, politics and the secular state in India“. Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6696.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
India has been declared to be a 'Secular State' since 1976, by an amendment to the Constitution, although its supporters claim that it has been one since 1950 when the Constitution was first adopted. From its inception the weaknesses of secularism as an operational category was apparent, but was ignored by politicians as well as by academics. 'Secularism' has since then not been defined in terms of the institutions of the state or the dominant values of the political system. It was given different interpretations by different groups. Even among the ranks of secularists there have been distinct divergences. The Constitution recognizes not only ethnic but also religious minorities and has given them special rights to maintain educational institutions. Similarly caste based privileges were provided on the plea of 'backwardness'. Moreover, India continued to be a religious society although the state claimed to be secular. Some secularists would identify it with anti-religious policies. The Hindu revivalists would identify the state with pro-minority and even anti-Hindu policies. In modern political idiom it was called 'minorityism' and 'pseudosecularism'. The Muslims, Sikhs and Christians, on the other hand, felt that such special rights are essential to maintain their identities. The rise of religions based politics in the eighties has created a major problem for the secular state. In the light of the above 'Secularism' needs to be redefined in clearer terms. Religious syncretism and political and cultural accommodation associated with South Indian tradition where some of this necessary re-definition has been achieved through the process of historical evolution needs be looked into. Similarly, the de-linking of religion from culture in Indonesia and the adoption of a national ideology which can provide some helpful insights for India is worth pursuing. ' Apparently, Malaysia has established a viable democratic state by adopting an inter-communal than an noncommunal approach to its political problems. By taking a comparative look at the problem of secularism, in the light of the experiences of other nations, perhaps, the Indian secular state could face the future with more confidence.
27
Jeong, Hanbeom. „GLOBALIZATION AND THE POLITICS OF THE WELFARE STATE“. UKnowledge, 2010. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/27.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The theoretical argument of this study is that economic globalization, by default, exerts a downward pressure on the social policies of states largely through the operations of transnational corporations. However, since globalization’s effect on social policy is conditional on endogenous political forces such as regime type, democratization, electoral competition and political participation, its proclivity to retrench the welfare state is averted by the preferences of political actors and institutions to expand social spending. This argument found consistent empirical support via a series of cross-section regressions that estimated the interactive effects of economic globalization and various measures of domestic political institutions and affiliations for a sample of 120 countries from 1970 to 2002. Case studies of South Korea, Chile and Spain provided additional qualitative evidence for the study’s theoretical argument.
28
Naidu, Vijay. „State class and politics in the South Pacific“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303259.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
29
Oezler, Hayrettin. „State and business in Turkey : issues of collective action with special reference to MUSIAD“. Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366818.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
30
Smith, Synatra A. „On and Off the Stage at Atlanta Greek Picnic: Performances of Collective Black Middle-Class Identities and the Politics of Belonging“. FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1906.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This dissertation presents a thick ethnography that engages in the micro-analysis of the situationality of black middle-class collective identification processes through an examination of performances by members of the nine historically black sororities and fraternities at Atlanta Greek Picnic, an annual festival that occurs at the beginning of June in Atlanta, Georgia. It mainly attracts undergraduate and graduate members of these university-based organizations, as they exist all over the United States. This exploration of black Greek-letter organization (BGLO) performances uncovers processes through which young black middle-class individuals attempt to combine two universes that are at first glance in complete opposition to each other: the domain of the traditional black middle-class values with representations and fashions stemming from black popular culture. These constructions also attempt to incorporate—in a contradiction of sorts— black popular cultural elements in the objective to deconstruct the social conservatism that characterizes middle-class values, particularly in relation to sexuality and its representation in social behaviors and performances. This negotiation between prescribed v middle-class values of respectability and black popular culture provides a space wherein black individuals challenge and/or perpetuate those dominant tropes through identity performances that feed into the formation of black sexual politics, which I examine through a variety of BGLO staged and non-staged performances.
31
Bauer, Sabine C. „'Speak of me as I am' : British politics of race and portrayals of Othello in criticism and on stage, 1603-1993“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416758.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
32
Davis, Richard Arthur. „Political church and the profane state in John Milbank and William Cavanaugh“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8216.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Contemporary political and public theology is predominantly statist, with a view of the state as the solver of human problems, and with the church urging the state to do more to bring about social justice and peace. This practice of politics as statecraft has been forcefully challenged by a number of recent theologians, such as those within the theological movement known as Radical Orthodoxy. Against such a backdrop, this thesis examines the work of two of Radical Orthodoxy’s most political writers: John Milbank and William Cavanaugh. Their characterization of the state, as based in nominalist philosophy and violence, is highly negative. This negative assessment renders statist theologies and the practice of statecraft profane and deeply problematic for Christians. They prefer instead to see the church as the only true politics. Yet this move places their ecclesial and sacramental politics in the overall modern movement of the politicization of Christianity. This thesis argues that the state is neither sacred nor profane, but if accepted as mundane, it is something that can be freely engaged with by the church as part of its overall witness to politics and society. In order to outline and assess the political theology of Milbank and Cavanaugh three biblical and doctrinal lenses – creation, preservation, and redemption – are used to judge their work. From the viewpoint of creation we see where Milbank and Cavanaugh find the origins of the state in comparison with other theological positions. This carries through to the commonly held view that the state is in the order of preservation, as an ordinance of God preserving human society from the chaos caused by human sinfulness. Finally, in redemption we see how in both Milbank and Cavanaugh the state becomes an anti-redeemer in competition with the political salvation found in the church and voluntary associations. The thesis concludes by drawing on the work of Jacques Ellul in advocating the desacralization of the state from being either sacred or profane. Such a perspective enables the Church to freely engage in statecraft as just one tactic in its political advocacy without corrupting itself.
33
DePalo, Kathryn Andrews. „State legislative term limits and the law of unintended consequences : an examination of member behavior, power structures, and legislative organization in Florida“. FIU Digital Commons, 2006. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2772.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The implementation of term limits on state legislators has provided a wealth of data for study. Florida, the second largest state in the Union with term limits, has not been comprehensively studied. This research examines the effects of term limits on electoral competition, member composition, legislator career paths, legislative leadership, and intra- and inter-governmental influences on Florida's legislature. This study looks at the Florida legislature from 1992 when term limits were enacted through 2004, three electoral cycles in which term limits have been in effect. This study uses both quantitative and qualitative data where appropriate. Electoral data is used to assess electoral and demographic effects, as well as member career trajectories. Interview data with current and former legislators, lobbyists, and executive branch officials is used to analyze both changes in legislative organization and intra- and inter-governmental influences on the legislative process. Term limits has only created greater competition when a legislative seat opens and has actually created a greater advantage for incumbents. Women and minorities have only made minimal gains in winning seats post-term limits. Newly elected legislators are not political novices with a vast majority having previous elective experience. Leadership is more centralized under term limits and the Senate has gained an advantage over the more inexperienced House. Lastly, the influence of staff, lobbyists, and most importantly, the governor has greatly increased under term limits. This research finds that term limits have not produced the consequences that proponents had envisioned.
34
Akbaba, Yasemin. „Understanding ethnoreligious conflict the state, discrimination and international politics /“. Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4405.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on April 24, 2009) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
35
Spencer, Victonio B. „Leap of Faith: Clergy in State Legislative Elections“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1834.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study expands the literature on clergy as political actors by shedding light on the relative electoral performance of clergy who hold office in state legislatures. Kinney’s 2008 study on the occurrence of clergy in local office, as well as other works showing the divergence in attitudes towards church-state separation among racial groups and religious traditions, illustrate potential factors affecting the performance of clergy in elections. The analyses examine the factors related to differences in vote percentages, margins of victory, and campaign funding between clergy and non-clergy. These factors include racial and religious traditions and how their effects interact. The analyses find that clergy-legislators receive larger vote percentages, larger margins of victory, but less campaign funding. These effects, with the exception of campaign funding, tend to be the strongest when looking at black Protestant clergy compared to mainline Protestant clergy and non-clergy legislators.
36
Gupta, Radhika. „Piety, politics, and patriotism in Kargil, India“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547755.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
37
Hackett, Ursula. „Explaining inter-state variation in aid for children at private religious schools in the United States, up to 2012“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:140dbeed-db56-43d9-bf01-f2293734ac39.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This American Political Development research explains cross-state variation in aid for children at private religious schools in the United States up to the end of 2012. Using a mixed-methods approach I examine how the institutional orderings of Federalism, Constitution, Church and Party affect policymaker decisions to instigate and sustain programmes of aid. By ‘aid’ I mean education vouchers and tax credits, transportation, textbook loans, equipment, nursing and food services, and tax exemptions for private religious school property. I conduct Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis across all fifty states, supported by interview and archival research in six case-study states – California, Florida, Illinois, Louisiana, New York and Utah – and by statistical treatment of the constitutional amendments known as ‘No-Aid Provisions’. All of the aid policies examined here are ‘submerged’ in Mettler’s terms, in that they help private organizations to take on state functions, re-frame such functions in terms of the marketplace, and are poorly understood by the public. In this thesis I extend Mettler’s conception of submergedness to explain when institutions matter, which institutions matter, and why they matter for religious school student aid. State decentralization is necessary for high levels of aid and a high proportion of Catholics is sufficient for high levels of aid. Republican control of the state offices is a necessary condition for the passage of tax credit or voucher scholarships but not for other types of aid. No-Aid Provisions are unrelated to aid. Of the four institutional explanatory conditions, Federalism and Church have the most important effects on aid for children at private religious schools. Party explains some types of aid but not all, and Constitution is surprisingly lacking in explanatory power.
38
Sadorski, Shane S. „The politics of avoiding accountability, the new politics of the welfare state and welfare state retrenchment in New Zealand, 1984-1993“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ53023.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
39
Kidwell, Kirk S. „Reading the state writing: Michel Foucault and the production of American political culture“. The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1060889599.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
40
Tertytchnaya, Katerina. „Shocks, the state, and support under electoral authoritarianism“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e340b269-6c8d-4a9e-9946-94134adc36a7.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The literature on authoritarian politics emphasises the threat unexpected shocks such as economic downturns or political and security challenges pose for regime stability. However, we know relatively little about how incumbents can influence the process by which citizens evaluate government performance and attribute blame in non-democratic regimes. To gain insights into these questions, I study how government responses to collective shocks to citizen income and security influence support for electoral authoritarian regimes, i.e. those that combine authoritarian practices with multiparty elections. I propose that when shocks make information about government performance publicly observable, illiberal governments can take action that moderates or ameliorates their effect on the levels of support they enjoy. Little constrained by constitutional rules, critical media or coalition partners, electoral authoritarians can use tactical redistribution to appease the discontented electorate on the one hand and propaganda to manipulate attributions of responsibility for the shock on the other. Repression against opposition parties and activists in this context is used rarely, and only after targeted transfers and propaganda have failed to prevent support from eroding and crowds from taking to the streets. The thesis illustrates arguments with the case of contemporary Russia - an electoral authoritarian regime with high levels of personalist rule - and leverages evidence from government and citizen responses to natural disasters, economic downturns, terror attacks and electoral protests. Empirical analysis combines original datasets on the framing of economic news in Kremlin-controlled media, the forced dismissals of government actors, the provision of tactical redistribution, and the use of repression against opposition parties and activists with over 60,000 responses from nationally and regionally representative public opinion surveys. Bringing new data and evidence from individual-level surveys to bear on the debate of how non-democratic governments manage public opinion, the thesis makes an original contribution to scholarship on authoritarian vulnerability and resilience.
41
Ho, Bo-shan, und 何寶山. „State policy and urban politics in Hong Kong: a mode of production analysis“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1990. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976256.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
42
Ho, Bo-shan. „State policy and urban politics in Hong Kong : a mode of production analysis /“. [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1990. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13008912.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
43
Osborne, Teresa Squires. „Politics and Education: The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade“. PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2038.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade of 1980, carried out in the aftermath,of a long and destructive revolution, was able, in five months time, to decrease the nation's illiteracy rate from 50 percent to 13 percent. The newly fonned Nicaraguan government, recognizing the political nature of education, viewed its Literacy Crusade as a major step· in the development of a "new", post-revolutionary Nicaragua.
As a means of comparison, two other literacy campaigns are also examined: the Cuban campaign of 1961, and the UNESCO-sponsored Experimental World Literacy Programme, in place from 1965-1973.
The Cuban campaign served as a precursor to the Nicaraguan effort. It, too, occurred after a revolution, with education also,viewed as a key to the consolidation of a new 2 government. Likewise, the effort in Cuba depended upon an intense and massive effort by the public, to participate as students, teachers, or both. In less than one year, the illiteracy rate in Cuba decreased from 26 percent to 4 percent, with 700,000 Cubans achieving minimal literacy. In addition, the campaign was simply the first step in a series of educational changes. Follow-up campaigns, as well as increased emphasis on formal schooling, has continued in Cuba.
The UNESCO effort proved to be much less successful. The EWLP was to include intensive and selective literacy projects in eleven designated nations. The literacy projects were based upon work-oriented definitions of literacy, and were, for the most part, planned and administered by international experts. The lack of involvement by national leaders or educators proved to be a great hinderance, especially since many of the nations were interested in mass literacy programs, not selective literacy projects. At the conclusion of the EWLP, thirty-two million dollars had been spent, but only 120,000 adults had been classified as new literates. UNESCO's own assessment of the EWLP pointed to a number of problems in organization, personnel, methods and materials that contributed to this lack of success.
The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade was able to take the best parts of both of these previous efforts, and achieve some remarkable successes. The mass involvement of the people, and the commitment of time and resources at the national level made the Nicaraguan effort a national priority. While experts from other nations and international agencies participated in the Crusade, it was a decidedly Nicaraguan effort. Unlike the EWLP, the idea of literacy in both Nicaraguan and Cuba was tied to an overall change in the structures and attitudes of society; literacy was to be integrated into the people's lives, not to just be a way to improve job skills. For Nicaragua, the Literacy Crusade decreased the illiteracy rate, created 400,000 new literates, and led to follow-up efforts meant to further develop the educational and social process.
From the comparison of these literacy efforts, three factors stand out as keys to successful increases in literacy in developing nations. Education must first be seen as part of an overall development strategy, created by and for a particular nation. A literacy campaign must also involve a majority of citizens in some way, especially those with no previous access to education. Finally, to enact these goals of overall development and mass participation, a literacy campaign must have support from all levels of government, who must be willing to sacrifice other goals in order to achieve long-term change.
44
Midgley, Matthew. „Writing figures of political resistance for the British stage“. Thesis, University of York, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/17834/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis explores the process of writing figures of political resistance for the British stage prior to and during the neoliberal era (1980 to the present). The work of established political playwrights is examined in relation to the socio-political context in which it was produced, providing insights into the challenges playwrights have faced in creating characters who effectively resist the status quo. These challenges are contextualised by Britain’s imperial history and the UK’s ongoing participation in newer forms of imperialism, the pressures of neoliberalism on the arts, and widespread political disengagement. These insights inform reflexive analysis of my own playwriting. Chapter One provides an account of the changing strategies and dramaturgy of oppositional playwriting from 1956 to the present, considering the strengths of different approaches to creating figures of political resistance and my response to them. Three models of resistance are considered in Chapter Two: that of the individual, the collective, and documentary resistance. Each model provides a framework through which to analyse figures of resistance in plays and evaluate the strategies of established playwrights in negotiating creative challenges. These models are developed through subsequent chapters focussed upon the subjects tackled in my plays. Chapter Three looks at climate change and plays responding to it in reflecting upon my creative process in The Ends. Chapter Four explores resistance to the Iraq War, my own military experience and the challenge of writing autobiographically. Finally, Chapter Five focusses on conscientious objection and the First World War, considering the history play as a strategy for effective resistance and my adoption of it in The Uncivilised Warfare of Zeppelins.
45
Cheek, O'Donnell Sydney Elizabeth. „An exaggerated life : Franca Rame on the political stage /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10240.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
46
Stubager, Rune. „The education cleavage new politics in Denmark /“. Århus : Politica, 2006. http://books.google.com/books?id=bRyOAAAAMAAJ.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
47
Radeljic, Branislav. „European community involvement in the Yugoslav crisis and the role of non-state actors (1968-1992)“. Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2010. http://research.gold.ac.uk/6538/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis examines the role of the European Community in the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. From their first dealings up until 1968 – when official relations were established – and beyond, the Community and Yugoslavia never achieved a stable relationship that would have come into its own with the outbreak of the Yugoslav crisis in the early 1990s. In this respect, economic, political and social dimensions characterizing cooperation between the EC and the SFRY are analyzed to illustrate the developments between the two parties. The outbreak of the Yugoslav crisis was a completely new phenomenon for Brussels. Although admittedly unprepared, EC officials stated that ‘the hour for Europe has come’. This eleventh-hour intervention, however, opened the door to certain non-state actors who became involved and, more importantly, affected the decision-making at EC level leading to the policy of recognition of Slovenia and Croatia as independent states, and thus the demise of the Yugoslav federation. The thesis focuses on the activism of diaspora communities, the media and the Catholic Church. As far as the diaspora communities are concerned, their activism was most significant in Austria, a country that enjoyed an outstanding reputation within the European Community at the time. The Carinthian Slovenes used their position within Austrian politics to promote the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. As to the Western media, their reporting of the Yugoslav crisis, with its sympathy for the independence of the two republics, was accepted as a reliable source of information, a view confirmed by statements from Brussels. Finally, the Catholic Church also expressed sympathy for Slovenia and Croatia: the fact that the two SFRY republics were Catholic was reason enough for the Vatican to campaign for their independence at EC level.
48
Jefferies, Matthew Martin. „Industrial architecture and politics in Wilhelmine Germany“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a90a0f19-dcbe-4f88-8282-0813a3050dbc.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis examines the industrial architecture of Imperial Germany in the context of the wider economic and political power struggles of the Wilhelmine era. Written against the backdrop of a lively and ongoing debate on the relative 'modernity' of the Kaiserreich, the main focus falls on two separate but related movements, which campaigned to improve the character of industrial architecture for political, commercial and environmental, as well as aesthetic reasons: the 'Bund Heimatschutz', founded in 1904, and the 'Werkbund' , established three years later. Both organisations developed in opposition to historicism in late 19th century architecture and design. The reformers, who included laymen as well as architects, sought an architecture more "worthy' of the German 'Bürgertum' than the hybrid historical styles, applied to buildings regardless of function or location, which had come to characterise the German 'Gründerzeit'. The 'Heimatschutz' movement lobbied successfully for the introduction of legislation to protect the landscape from the worst ravages of urbanisation and industrial development. The thesis suggests that the general view of 'Heimatschutz' activists, as 'cultural pessimists' opposed to modernisation in all its guises, is inaccurate, and highlights the more pragmatic strand of 'Heimatschutz' thought, which influenced the design of many industrial structures in the 1900s, particularly those erected by local authorities. The bulk of the thesis, however, concentrates on the 'Werkbund'; an organisation whose members proved remarkably successful at winning commissions from Germany industry in the years before 1918. Particular stress is placed on the role played in the organisation by the politician Friedrich Naumann and his followers. It is argued that the 'Werkbund's policy of promoting 'quality' in the German workplace was an integral part of Naumann's political reform programme. The thesis describes the adoption of the 'Werkbund's progressive architecture by a number of leading manufacturing firms, and seeks an explanation in the rivalries which divided German industry at the turn of the century. It concludes with a short study of architecture, industry and municipal politics in Delmenhorst, a small town in the throes of modernisation.
49
Adeel, Liaqat, und n/a. „The politics of Islam in a postcolonial state: Pakistan“. University of Canberra. Information, Language and Culture Studies, 1996. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060531.163022.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
During the last one year, while working on this thesis, I have been asked several times as to how
Islam or Islamic fundamentalism makes a communication thesis. The answer is simple: my
concern is not Islam as a religion or fundamentalism as a religious or political movement but the
way Islam is defined and fundamentalism presented. In the age of communication reality is not just
what we see or sense but what we are shown and made to perceive. It would be no exaggeration to
suggest that today our dependence on the communication networks is such that even for something
that happens in front of us we need interpretations to fully comprehend it. Thus reality without
interpretations, in most cases, has come to carry little meaning. Our perception of reality today is
not based on our individual experiences only. It is, in fact, the sum total of the reality plus
interpretations by the 'public arenas' such as education institutions, mass media, the civil service,
parliament, the courts, industry, the research and scientific community, political parties etc.
(Cracknell, 1993: 4).
This study deals with the interpretations of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism by the Muslim as
well as western public arenas. Throughout this thesis I use the word 'Islam' not as a religion but as
a symbol of political power and cultural identity. Because, I believe that Islam as a faith is a
personal and spiritual matter that for majority of the Muslims, like the believers of any religion,
need not be compared with any other religion unless to prove it superior. But as a symbol of
political power and cultural identity Islam does need interpretations and has been interpreted in
many different ways. What triggered my interest in yet another interpretation was that what I had
seen in Pakistan and what I felt the West thought of Muslim societies had no logical connection.
For instance, there is a widespread belief in the West that Muslim societies are deeply religious and
Islam guides every aspect of the Muslims' life. The reality that I have seen and experienced in
Pakistan society, which is ninety-six per cent Muslim, is that few, very few indeed, Muslims may
be willing to die or kill for Islam, but will not live according to Islam. The people of Pakistan, in
their day-to-day life, are as secular as the people of any other part of the world. They have all
human virtues and vices that human beings are capable of anywhere in the world. But still there is
no denying the fact that Pakistan, or for that matter any underdeveloped society, is different from
the industrialised West. How and why are they different is what I have investigated in this thesis.
I have no hesitation in admitting that except for the discrepancy in the reality that I had seen in
Pakistan and its perception that I noticed in the West, I had no clear idea about the subject. But I
have always believed, as Sartre has said somewhere, that the honourable thing about reading is to
let yourself be influenced. I claim to have started this thesis with an open mind, but I do not claim
to be an objective writer, unless objectivity is seen as nothing but to be honest to one's self as well
as others. All of us live with our subjectivity that is influenced by our individual and collective
objective conditions. Most of us are content to live with what we have learnt during our formative
phase in life. Some of us are not. I belong to the latter tribe. Through the years I have unlearnt
many a thing about religion, culture and human beings that I had learnt from my family, school and
society, to accommodate more ideas, opinions and concepts, not less. That process still continues.
One thing that I have learnt in life, and which I shall cherish forever, is that human beings must not
be frozen in their cultural, religious and social categories; they must not be seen as good and bad
without an understanding of their environment.
50
King, Rebecca M. „The Sacred State: Religion, Politics and the Jerusalem Temple“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/92.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
I will begin at the beginning, the original construction of the Temple by Solomon and will examine the political nature the Temple achieved even before the first stone was placed. From there the Temple goes through a phase of destruction, rebuilding and destruction again. Each of these phases has political undertones that are important to understand in light of the religious ones. Jewish identity comes into question and the Temple becomes a tool by which to gain legitimacy in the political realm. However, once the Temple is destroyed a second time Jews have to accommodate themselves to a reality in which they no longer have control of space where the Temple stood. Repeated conquests over Jerusalem keeps the Jews either in Jerusalem but under foreign control, or out of Jerusalem and living in the Diaspora. Jews are forced to deal with these changes and to form their responses. Their political authority diminishes and their religious life attempts to deal without the Temple. What comes of this is years of struggle and formations of religious and/or political movements in order to ultimately accomplish one of two things; either to return to Jerusalem and establish a Jewish state, or to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the Temple. A continuous thread that runs through much of Jewish history is how the Temple, as both a religious symbol and a political tool, has shaped Jews thought about themselves as a people with both religious and political values and aspirations. Having a greater understanding of Jewish history will contribute to the understanding of the current political situation that Jerusalem finds itself in today.