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1

Rennie, Bryan. „The History (and Philosophy) of Religions“. Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 41, Nr. 1 (März 2012): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429811430055.

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In a paper given at a Roundtable at the American Academy of Religion (AAR) National Annual Conference in Montreal in November of 2009, jointly organized by the North American Association for the Study of Religion and the Critical Theory and Discourses in Religion Group of the AAR, I argued for the ineluctably philosophical nature of what is most commonly called ‘method and theory in the study of religion.’ That paper ( Rennie, 2010 ) also argues that what is conventionally referred to as ‘philosophy of religion’ does not, strictly speaking, warrant that name since it is in fact a form of theology that utilizes philosophical methodologies to consider principally, if not exclusively, Christian concerns. I also argued that a philosophy of religion(s) constituted along the lines of the philosophy of science would be a potential improvement in both ‘philosophy of religion’ and ‘method and theory in the study of religion.’ In this paper I would like to consider—with the help of a closer look at contemporary philosophy of science—precisely what a reconstituted history (and philosophy) of religions might look like, how it might differ from current scholarship, and what it might achieve. Dans une communication donnée lors d’une table ronde à l’American Academy of Religion (AAR) National Annual Conference à Montréal en novembre 2009, organisée conjointement par le North American Association for the Study of Religion et le groupe de Critical Theory and Discourses in Religion de l’AAR, j’avais argué la nature inéluctablement philosophique de ce qui est couramment appelé « Method and Theory in the Study of Religion ». Cet article ( Rennie, 2010 ) soutient également la thèse que ce qu’on appelle couramment « Philosophie de la religion » ne correspond pas stricto sensu à ce qu’une telle dénomination recouvre puisqu’il s’agit en fait d’une forme de théologie recourant à des méthodes philosophiques pour envisager des préoccupations principalement, sinon exclusivement, chrétiennes. Je soutiens aussi qu’une philosophie des religions constituée à partir des lignes de force de la philosophie des sciences pourrait apporter une amélioration potentielle de la philosophie de la religion, de la méthode et de la théorie dans l’étude des religions. Dans cet article, j’aimerais examiner précisément —par le biais des apports de la philosophie des sciences contemporaine— ce à quoi l’histoire (et la philosophie) des religions pourrait ressembler, les termes dans lesquels elle se distinguerait des approches actuelles et ce à quoi nous pourrions ainsi aspirer.
2

Altman, Michael J. „“Religion, Religions, Religious” in America: Toward a Smithian Account of “Evangelicalism”“. Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 31, Nr. 1 (12.02.2019): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341454.

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Abstract Jonathan Z. Smith’s essay “Religion, Religions, Religious” is a foundational essay in the study of “religion” as a taxonomic category. The essay itself makes three interrelated arguments that situate religion in Western intellectual history and argue that “religion” is a term scholars define to suit their own intellectual purposes. Though the essay, and Smith’s work overall, have had a major influence in religious studies, that influence has not reached deeply into the study of American religious history. Using Smith’s essay as a guide, this essay offers a brief application of his arguments in “Religion, Religions, Religious” to American religious history and, specifically, to the category “evangelicalism.”
3

Hatch, Nathan O. „The Puzzle of American Methodism“. Church History 63, Nr. 2 (Juni 1994): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168586.

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Picture, if you will, the rich landscape of American religious history that has taken shape over the last half century. At least three features of this terrain stand out, the first being a richly-textured panorama before us, a recognizable field of study that has come into existence in a relatively short span of time. This field has been shaped by a varietyof forces, among them the vast expansion of religion departments since 1960, the recovery of the role of religion in the broader disciplines of history, literature, sociology and political science, and the stubborn persistence of religion in modern American life which scholars struggle to explain.
4

Zeller, Benjamin E. „American Postwar “Big Religion”: Reconceptualizing Twentieth-Century American Religion Using Big Science as a Model“. Church History 80, Nr. 2 (13.05.2011): 321–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711000011.

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This article traces the basic qualities of big science and applies them to the history of what I envision as “big religion.” Big religion offers a model for understanding several developments in mid-century American religious history, including religious revival within the mainline churches and synagogues, an evangelical resurgence, and various forms of backlash as well. Like big science, big religion peaked during the postwar era (though it built on earlier foundations) and is characterized by heightened institutionalization, professionalization, centralization of knowledge, government entanglements, and public support, as well as opposition. With big science as a guide, the concept of big religion offers historians of American religion an analogous manner of understanding the development of institutions, individuals, and movements within American religion, as well as responses and backlashes against them, as part of the same overarching phenomenon.
5

Wiebe, Don. „A Report on the Special Executive Committee Meeting of the International Association for the History of Religions in Delphi“. Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 32, Nr. 2 (06.05.2020): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341477.

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Abstract This essay is a report on the IAHR’s Extended Executive Committee meeting in Delphi (13-15 September 2019), and a critical account of its decision, formulated prior to that meeting, to reject the IAHR’s long-standing remit to support a scientific study of religion and religions. It is also a warning that insisting the IAHR be open to considering moral, social, political, spiritual or other cultural ideals will dismantle the only academic association committed to a scientific study of religions, transforming the IAHR into a weak, international version of the American Academy of Religion.
6

Ahlstrom, Sydney E. „The Problem of the History of Religion in America“. Church History 57, S1 (März 1988): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700062983.

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Half a year before this paper was read before a plenary session of the American Academy of Religion (26 October 1969), the program committee had requested an essay dealing in some comprehensive way with the field of American religious history. Because I would in any case have to be thinking about the introduction to my own “religious history of the American people,” I agreed. The title was sufficiently broad; and goodness knows the problems of this subject area are sufficiently large. Aside from innumerable large and small questions of fact there are the countless questions of emphasis and interpretation, not to mention the problem of discerning an overarching theme. I also confess great sympathy with Max Lerner's comment on the ten years he spent onAmerica as a Civilization(1957). “I found when I came to the end of the decade,” he said, “that a number of things I had written about America were no longer valid. The American civilization had been changing drastically right under my fingertips as I was writing about it.” The present-day historian's predicament is, if anything, more difficult than Lerner's in that the sixties, by contrast with the fifties, have experienced a veritable earthquake of revisionism which has profoundly altered our interpretation of the entire course of American history. By reason of its screaming moral dilemmas, moreover, the decade had an especially rude impact on long accepted views of religious history. But enough of this: let us consider the substantive questions.
7

Fogleman, Aaron Spencer, Allan Greer, Christine Hucho und Jon F. Sensbach. „Gender, Religion, and American Encounters“. William and Mary Quarterly 65, Nr. 2 (01.04.2008): 378. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25096799.

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8

Rennie, Bryan. „Religion after Religion, History after History: Postmodern Historiography and the Study of Religions“. Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 15, Nr. 1 (2003): 68–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700680360549420.

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AbstractThe following essay reviews Steven Wasserstrom's Religion after Religion— a partial history of the History of Religions—and three theoretical works on historiography: Hayden White's Metahistory, Peter Novick's That Noble Dream, and Robert F. Berkhofer Jr.'s Beyond the Great Story. As well as introducing readers to the argument of these works, the essay uses Wasserstrom's book as an example of a "monovocal" style of the narration of the phenomenal past in opposition to the polyvocal style called for by the historiographers. The purpose of the essay is to indicate the degree to which monovocal representations can apparently justify singular viewpoints by concealing various agendas and lending authority to dubious conclusions. The essay challenges the elevation of a single authorial voice over the plurality of voices representing the plurality of phenomenal pasts and calls for a greater engagement with the pluralism and polyvocality of postmodern historiography.
9

Harvey, P. „Religion in American Politics: A Short History“. Journal of Church and State 51, Nr. 4 (01.09.2009): 714–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csq011.

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10

Johnson, Sylvester A. „The Rise of Black Ethnics: The Ethnic Turn in African American Religions, 1916–1945“. Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 20, Nr. 2 (2010): 125–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2010.20.2.125.

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AbstractDuring the world war years of the early twentieth century, new African American religious movements emerged that emphasized black heritage identities. Among these were Rabbi Wentworth Arthur Matthew's Congregation of Commandment Keepers (Jewish) and “Noble” Drew Ali's Moorish Science Temple of America (Islamic). Unlike African American religions of the previous century, these religious communities distinctly captured the ethos of ethnicity (cultural heritage) that pervaded American social consciousness at the time. Their central message of salvation asserted that blacks were an ethnic people distinguished not by superficial phenotype but by membership in a heritage that reached far beyond the bounds of American history and geography. The academic study of these religions has largely moved from dismissal and cynicism to serious engagement with African American Jews and Muslims as veritable forms of religion. Despite this progress among scholars, some recent studies continue todenythat Matthew’s and Ali's communities were authentically Jewish and Islamic (respectively). When scholars dispense with theological or racial biases that bifurcate religions into ‘true’ and ‘false’ forms, the study of these black ethnic religions might best yield important insights for understanding the linkage among ethnicity, the nation-state, and religion. The religious reasoning of Matthew and Ali produced resourceful, complicated challenges to dominant colonial and racist paradigms for understanding agency and history. Their theology is appropriately discerned not as illusion, hybridity, or confusion but as thoughtful anticolonial expressions of Judaism and Islam that sought inclusion and honor through black ethnicity. At a time when African Americans were viewed as cultureless and without any legacy of inheritance except the deformities of slavery, the rise of black ethnics introduced religious traditions that demonstrated blacks were indeed a people with heritage.
11

Hackett, David G. „Sociology of Religion and American Religious History: Retrospect and Prospect“. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 27, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1988): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1386944.

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12

Porterfield, Amanda. „Does American Religion Have a Center?“ Church History 71, Nr. 2 (Juni 2002): 369–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700095731.

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Undoubtedly, there are many centers to American religion—many topoi around which the wide-ranging multitude of historical developments associated with American religion might be seen to coalesce. Among the several that spring to mind—commitment to family, gender negotiation, concern for religious experience, freedom, conscience, millennial eschatology, respect for the Bible, social reform, desire for salvation (and there must be numerous others beyond my ken)—I see the myth of the Puritans as a good candidate for premier topos. In recommending it as a central category for organizing multiple forms and dimensions of American religion, I do not mean to draw attention to the Puritans in the exactitude of their historical existence, but rather to the myth of the Puritans as religious founders.
13

Clark, Lynn Schofield. „Religion, American Style: Critical Cultural Analyses of Religion, Media, and Popular Culture“. American Quarterly 58, Nr. 2 (2006): 523–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2006.0039.

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14

HUMMEL, DANIEL G. „POWER AND PLURALISM: AMERICAN PROTESTANTISM AND THE AMERICAN CENTURY“. Modern Intellectual History 17, Nr. 3 (02.04.2019): 903–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244319000106.

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The study of US foreign relations (what is now often called “America and the World”) has been in a protracted “religious turn” for at least a decade. One of the most prominent statements of the turn was Andrew Preston's article in Diplomatic History from 2006, “Bridging the Gap between the Sacred and the Secular in the History of American Foreign Relations.” Preston, a trained diplomatic historian who made an indelible contribution to the turn with his later Sword of Spirit, Shield of Strength: Religion in American War and Diplomacy (2012), called for “paying more attention” to religion in the field of American foreign relations. More precisely he urged historians to make of religion “a systematic rubric under which various moments in the history of American foreign relations, or the whole history itself, can be analyzed and explained.”
15

Best, Wallace. „New York City and the Production of Sacred Space“. Church History 90, Nr. 1 (März 2021): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721000810.

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Jon Butler's God in Gotham: The Miracle of Religion in Modern Manhattan affirms what historians of religion have long known and some urban historians have begun to discover—that few things in American history have survived so well as religion. Political moments and social movements have come and gone. Fashions have fallen out of favor; fads have faded. But that thing that we call “religion”—however defined, theologically, experientially, or institutionally—has survived, even thrived, particularly in American cities and perhaps most particularly in America's largest city, New York.
16

Gregory, Peter N. „Describing the Elephant: Buddhism in America“. Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 11, Nr. 2 (2001): 233–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2001.11.2.233.

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The expanding volume of publications on Buddhism in America in the last two and a half decades bears witness to the emergence of an exciting new subfield within American religion, on the one hand, and within Buddhist studies, on the other. For Americanists, it reflects a growing recognition of the ways in which non-Western religions are altering the American religious landscape. As such, it is part of an emerging awareness of the increasingly pluralistic and multicultural nature of American society at the turn of the millennium. For Buddhologists, the spread of Buddhism in America opens a new chapter in the long history of the geographical and cultural diffusion of the religion since its founding in India some 2,500 years ago. This new subfield thus holds the prospect of studying what promises to be a momentous development in the history of Buddhism, and it affords an opportunity to study the acculturation of the tradition as it is actually occurring. Clearly this is a field where both Americanists and Buddhologists have much to contribute and much to learn from one another.
17

Hackett, David G. „Gender and Religion in American Culture, 1870-1930“. Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 5, Nr. 2 (1995): 127–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1995.5.2.03a00010.

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Since the early 1980's, advances in the study of gender in American history have come primarily through an unmasking of the assumptions of earlier studies. Some have questioned the explanatory power of the field's dominant interpretive paradigm, that of “women's sphere,” because this theoretical lens has often led historians to mistake what was said by and about women for their actual historical experience. Others have laid bare the earlier scholarship's assumption of universal gender definitions that do not take into account differences in women's roles based on race, class, or region. Additionally, several historians have begun to explore the influence of gender relations on the lives of men. As a result, we are beginning to get a picture of gender in American history that goes beyond the “women's sphere” experience of white, middle-class, northeastern women.
18

McDannell, Colleen. „Interpreting things: Material culture studies and American religion“. Religion 21, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1991): 371–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-721x(91)90039-s.

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19

Brown, Robert E. „Religion in American Politics: A Short History - By Frank Lambert“. Religious Studies Review 35, Nr. 3 (September 2009): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2009.01371_11.x.

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20

Lee, Marjorie. „Asian American Religion: A Special Topics Bibliography“. Amerasia Journal 22, Nr. 1 (Januar 1996): 285–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/amer.22.1.k11500440613l53w.

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21

Mathews, Donald G. „“We have left undone those things which we ought to have done”: Southern Religious History in Retrospect and Prospect“. Church History 67, Nr. 2 (Juni 1998): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169763.

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One of the most distinguishing marks of the American South is that religion is more important for the people who live there than for their fellow citizens in the restof the country. When this trait began to identify the region is surprisingly unclear, but it has begun to attract attention from scholars of religion and society who have hitherto been esteemed as students primarily of areas outside the South. The study of religion in Dixie cannot but benefit from this change. After centuries of obsession with thickly settled, college-proud, and printexpressive New England—an area not noted for excessive modesty in thinking about its place in the New World—students of American religion are turning to a region whose history has sustained a selfconsciousness that makes its place in American religious history unique. For studying the American South begins with a dilemma born of ambiguity: whether to treat it as a place or an idea. Sometimes, to be sure, the South appears to be both; but sometimes it is “place” presented as an idea; and sometimes it is a place whose historical experience should have, according to reflective writers, taught Americans historical and moral lessons they have failed to learn. Confusion results in part from the South's contested history not only between the region and the rest of the United States but also among various competing groups within its permeable and frequently indistinct borders. Differences between region and nation will, however, continue to dominate conversation even though the myth of southern distinctiveness may mislead students as much as the myth of its evangelical homogeneity. If inquiry about religion in the South should be sensitive to the many faith communities there, the history of the South will still by contrast provide insight into the broader “American” society.
22

Brauer, Jerald C. „Regionalism and Religion in America“. Church History 54, Nr. 3 (September 1985): 366–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165661.

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The purpose of this paper is to continue and perhaps to further discussion of the basic assumptions that long have undergirded the various general interpretative survey histories of Christianity and religion in America.1 Attention to particular problems, issues, and regions and the struggle with new methods have made available fresh insights into the nature of religious history in the American context. These insights raise the question of whether another general survey history of Christianity or of religion in America can or ought to be written until the profession develops a more adequate interpretive framework built solidly on recent research.
23

Braunstein, Ruth. „The “Right” History: Religion, Race, and Nostalgic Stories of Christian America“. Religions 12, Nr. 2 (30.01.2021): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020095.

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A wide range of right-wing movements are bound together by their adherence to a nostalgic vision of the United States as a “Christian nation,” yet there are meaningful differences in the specific narratives promoted by these groups that are not fully understood. This article identifies two ideal-typical versions of this narrative: the white Christian nation and the colorblind Judeo-Christian nation. The two narratives share a common declension structure, but differ in their framing of how religion and race intersect as markers of American belonging and power. Although participants in right-wing movements often slide back and forth between the two narratives in practice, distinguishing between them analytically enables us to better understand how the two renderings of American history carry different meanings and perform different kinds of political work for participants in these movements. Theoretically, the analysis extends the insights of a “complex religion” approach to sites beyond organized religion, while also demonstrating how scholarship on Christian nationalism and on right-wing movements’ use of national history could each be enhanced by greater attention to the other.
24

Lester, Emile. „Ralph Waldo Emerson and Teaching About Religion in American History“. Religion & Education 43, Nr. 3 (11.08.2016): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15507394.2016.1220039.

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25

Snyder, Susanna. „Frank Lambert, Religion in American Politics: A Short History“. Political Theology 11, Nr. 4 (29.04.2010): 624–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v11i4.624.

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26

Pulley, Kathy J., und D. G. Hart. „The University Gets Religion: Religious Studies in American Higher Education“. Journal of American History 87, Nr. 4 (März 2001): 1588. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674900.

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27

Albanese, Catherine L. „Religion and the American Experience: A Century After“. Church History 57, Nr. 3 (September 1988): 337–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166577.

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Philip Schaff's America, newly translated from the German, appeared on these shores 133 years ago. Although that fact belies the title (and pushes the beginning of the American Society of Church History a third of a century into the future), I suspect that in 1888 Schaff would have concurred with much that he had thought as a younger scholar. He claimed, though, that he would not live in California “for any price,” and I have speculated about whether by 1888 he had changed his mind. The question is more than personal, for perhaps the most pungent metaphor in Schaff's America is his “Phenixgrave” figure for the land. “America,” he wrote, “is the grave of all European nationalities; but a Phenix grave, from which they shall rise to new life and new activity.” Beyond that he thought that America seemed “destined to be the Phenix grave not only of all European nationalities … but also of all European churches and sects, of Protestantism and Romanism.”
28

Van Den Heever, Gerhard. „Diversity: Religions and the Study of Religion“. Religion and Theology 11, Nr. 3-4 (2004): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430104x00096.

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AbstractIn this essay an overview of the theoretical issues pertaining to the collection of essays assembled is given. Addressing the issue of dizversity in religions and in the study of religion the argument is made that religions as lived phenomena constitute discursive formations in which diversity as a problem is an index of encounter. However it is especially the way this strategy of reducing the many to the one in the history of theorising religion that comes in view. In this context, the political nature of religion as discourse and the discourse of the study of religion is discussed with particular reference to the history of Christianisation of South Africa, religion in education, and the history of theorising religion.
29

Dickson, William Rory. „An American Sufism“. Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, Nr. 3 (September 2014): 411–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429814538229.

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The Naqshbandi-Haqqani Sufi order is a transnational religious organization. Founded by Shaykh Nazim al-Haqqani (b. 1922), the order spread throughout the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s, and then to Britain in the 1970s. In 1990, Nazim’s student Shaykh Hisham Kabbani moved to the United States and established a branch of the Naqshbandi-Haqqani order there. The past fifteen years have seen the emergence of this order as one of the most widespread and politically active Sufi organizations in America. In this paper I ask: Why and how is it that the Naqshbandi-Haqqani order effectively functions as a public religion in America? To answer this question, I will use José Casanova’s theory of public religion to understand why and how the order has developed and maintained a public profile in the United States. I contend that the Naqshbandi-Haqqani order’s public activity is rooted in: (1) the Naqshbandi order’s history of public significance in Muslim societies; (2) the order’s theological and practical appreciation of religious and cultural pluralism; (3) the order’s transnational character; and (4) its adoption of certain elements of American civil religion.
30

Wilson, John F. „Religion, Politics, and the American Experience: Reflections on Religion and American Public Life. Edited by Edith L. Blumhofer. Religion and American Culture. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2002. x + 148 pp. $24.95 cloth.“ Church History 73, Nr. 1 (März 2004): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098164.

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31

Peters, Ted. „American Cosmic: UFO's, Religion, Technology“. Theology and Science 17, Nr. 3 (28.06.2019): 417–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14746700.2019.1632556.

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32

Spilka, Bernard. „Religion and Science in Early American Psychology“. Journal of Psychology and Theology 15, Nr. 1 (März 1987): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164718701500101.

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Most texts in the history of psychology ignore American contributions prior to the appearance of Hall and James. This may be a function of the strong religious inclinations of the pre-Jamesians, but there is reason to believe their views were of significance to the later development of American psychology. The present article attempts to place the psychology of this time into historical-cultural context, and then explicate the nature of science during that period The paramount place of religion in this philosophical psychology is discussed Finally, the implications of these ideas for contemporary psychology are brought to the fore. The need for further attention to the work of these religious American philosopher-psychologists is emphasized.
33

Wells-Oghoghomeh, Alexis. „Race and Religion in the Afterlife of Protestant Supremacy“. Church History 88, Nr. 3 (September 2019): 767–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001902.

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In her book Christian Slavery: Conversion and Race in the Protestant Atlantic World, Katharine Gerbner offers a rich history of Protestant planters’ efforts to tether Christian identity to free status and European descent in the American colonies, and missionaries’ answering attempts to reconcile African and indigenous conversion with enslavement. Gerbner's concept of Protestant Supremacy names the sociopolitical function and economic utility of “religious belonging,” specifically how Christian institutional, discursive, and ritual spaces demarcated boundaries between the enslaved and their enslavers, prefiguring race in the process. In this history of Atlantic slavery, religion is not subsidiary to the punitive, legal, sexual, and economic systems that enabled the enslavement of African and indigenous peoples in the Americas. Rather, Gerbner argues that Protestant Christianity provided a metastructure for the race-based caste systems that emerged in Barbados and other British colonies in the Americas. Through an intense and extensive interrogation of correspondence, missionary accounts, and institutional records from across the Atlantic, she traces how Protestant emissaries established “Christian” as a “protoracial” term and hastened the legal and discursive codification of lineage-based American caste systems in the process. The linkage of Christian identity and nascent whiteness not only exposes the Protestant architecture of American racial logics, but also sparks nuanced questions about how African, indigenous, and creole people oriented themselves toward Protestantism in early America. In this way, Gerbner definitively situates religion at the center of ongoing conversations about racial formation in the Americas, while opening up avenues for fresh speculation and imaginative intellectual trajectories in studies of American religion and Atlantic slavery.
34

Kippenberg, Hans. „Europe: Arena of Pluralization and Diversification of Religions“. Journal of Religion in Europe 1, Nr. 2 (2008): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489108x311441.

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AbstractIf participation in church activities is critical for the strength or weakness of religion, there is no denying that Europe comes off poorly. According to American sociologists of religion the rise of religious pluralism in the USA was due to the strict separation between state and church; it compelled congregations and denominations to compete for believers. The European case is different. Here the diversity of religions existed long before the modern period. Since its ancient beginning European culture sought its authorities outside its geographical confines. Greeks and Jews, Hellenism and Hebraism, Athens and Jerusalem, later Mecca and Islam became cultural points of orientation for people living in Europe. The article addresses the cultural and social processes that transformed these and other foreign religious traditions into typical European manifestations: the Roman legal system turned foreign religions into legal categories; it was modernization that led to the articulation of distinctly religious meanings of history and of nature; and it was the detachment from the church that provided the impetus for new societal forms of religion. Those processes are at the center of the European plurality and diversity of religions.
35

Buell, L. „Religion on the American Mind“. American Literary History 19, Nr. 1 (05.12.2006): 32–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajl036.

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36

Hall, Timothy D. „Religion in American History: A Reader. Jon Butler , Harry S. Stout“. Journal of Religion 79, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1999): 716–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490550.

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37

Marini, Stephen. „Hymnody as History: Early Evangelical Hymns and the Recovery of American Popular Religion“. Church History 71, Nr. 2 (Juni 2002): 273–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070009569x.

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The hymns of evangelical Protestantism are the most widely used spiritual texts in American history. Sacred lyrics like “All hail the power of Jesus' name,” “Jesus, lover of my soul,” “How firm a foundation,” and “When I survey the wondrous cross” have been sung, preached, and prayed by millions of Americans since the eighteenth century. At worship, revivals, youth services, conferences, conventions, and colleges, and in the family circle, these hymns have been ceaselessly repeated in an unending round of living oral tradition. Since the Great Awakening two and a half centuries ago, the churches of the evangelical tradition have published tens of thousands of hymn texts and tunes. This continuous popularity since colonial times establishes hymnody as a crucial expression of American evangelical religiousness.
38

Holifield, E. Brooks. „Theology as Entertainment: Oral Debate in American Religion“. Church History 67, Nr. 3 (September 1998): 499–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170943.

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In a 1959 survey of 2,706 ministers of the Churches of Christ, an American denomination that grew out of the nineteenth-century reform movement of Alexander Campbell, the rhetorician James Swinney discovered 215 preachers who said that they had conducted public oral debates as a way of attracting converts and defending their tradition. During the previous half-century, they had held around 4,400 debates, each lasting from one to fourteen days, mainly in the rural areas and small towns of the South and lower Midwest. Another student of Campbell's movement has compiled a list of more than 9,000 such debates, around 500 in the nineteenth century and more than 8,500 in the twentieth. The forensic superstars included regional celebrities like J. D. Tant of Texas, who held more than 350 such contests between 1885 and 1941 and who argued that four people would attend a debate for every one who attended a worship service. His assertion calls for qualification, but it reminds us of a practice that once attracted widespread attention and that has continued to flourish in parts of American Protestantism.
39

Eric Michael Mazur. „American Experience: Religion in America (review)“. Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 27, Nr. 2 (2009): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.0.0250.

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40

Jacob, Margaret C., und Leigh Eric Schmidt. „Hearing Things: Religion, Illusion, and the American Enlightenment“. William and Mary Quarterly 58, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2001): 989. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674511.

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41

Hill, Samuel S., und William Lee Miller. „The First Liberty: Religion and the American Republic“. William and Mary Quarterly 44, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1987): 826. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1939759.

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42

Hunt, Stephen. „Dissent in American Religion - by Edwin S. Gaustad“. Journal of Religious History 32, Nr. 1 (März 2008): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.2008.00622_8.x.

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43

Arvidsson, Stefan. „The humanistic study of religions: An obscure tradition illuminated by the ‘Knights of Labor’“. Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 51, Nr. 2 (23.12.2015): 227–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.53569.

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Today ‘humanistic’ and ‘humanities’ are terms rarely used in discussions on methodology and epistemology within the study/history of religions. This article laments this state of affair and reminds the readers of same basic advantages of a humanistic study of religions in comparison to chiefly social scientific approaches to religion and culture. After an initial philosophical argument on the implications of ‘humanistic’, the article touches upon the significance of historical failures, utopianism, empathy and ‘the orectic’. These discussions take place against an analysis of the mythology and ritual life of the 19th century, American, socialist order The Knight of Labor.
44

Cherry, Conrad, und D. G. Hart. „The University Gets Religion: Religious Studies in American Higher Education“. American Historical Review 106, Nr. 2 (April 2001): 572. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651668.

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45

Logan, Dana W. „Republicanism: Religious Studies and Church History meet Political History“. Church History 84, Nr. 3 (September 2015): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000554.

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Republicanism, both of these authors teach us, by the mid-nineteenth century became indistinguishable from the aims of religion in the United States. A broad array of protestants agreed that the aims of religion cohered with the political principle of republicanism—or the principle that men could only achieve freedom through self-rule. Noll usefully shows that this concept of republicanism underwent a series of changes from the late eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth. Beginning in the late eighteenth century republicanism referenced liberty from tyranny, man as citizen, and virtue as a kind of constraint on individual interests. Noll, however, argues that two versions of republicanism competed in this earlier period: communitarian republicanism, based in “the reciprocity of personal morality and social-well being,” and liberal republicanism, which valued the independence of the individual. Noll and Modern argue that by the mid-nineteenth century, the liberal version won out. Citizens imagined their freedom to be enabled by a market-based society more than by a community of virtue. For political historians these definitions are not new or controversial, but for historians of American religious history republicanism is an unlikely category of analysis because we see it as “political theory” rather than theology. But as both Noll and Modern argue, republicanism became the very substance of theology in the United States.
46

Hermann, Adrian. „Relating North American Indigenous History and the Study of Religion: Introducing a Review Symposium on Jennifer Graber’s The Gods of Indian Country and Pamela Klassen’s The Story of Radio Mind“. Numen 67, Nr. 2-3 (20.04.2020): 281–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341576.

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Abstract This article introduces a combined review symposium on Jennifer Graber’s The Gods of Indian Country: Religion and the Struggle for the American West (Oxford University Press, 2018) and Pamela Klassen’s The Story of Radio Mind: A Missionary’s Journey on Indigenous Land (University of Chicago Press, 2018). It presents the four contributions to the review symposium as well as Graber and Klassen’s response and relates the discussion of the book to broader questions of studying North American Indigenous history as a central part of the study of religion.
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Hale, Tiffany. „Centering Indigenous People in the Study of Religion in America“. Numen 67, Nr. 2-3 (20.04.2020): 303–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341579.

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Abstract This essay considers Jennifer Graber’s The Gods of Indian Country and Pamela Klassen’s The Story of Radio Mind together in considering new developments in the field of Native American and Indigenous studies. Hale examines how these books discuss the role of religion in shaping settler colonialism in North America in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. She concludes that both works raise pressing methodological questions about how historians of religion can center the lives of Native American people in their work.
48

Goldstein, Evan. „“A Higher and Purer Shape”: Kaufmann Kohler's Jewish Orientalism and the Construction of Religion in Nineteenth-Century America“. Religion and American Culture 29, Nr. 3 (2019): 326–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.8.

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AbstractThis article uses the case of Kaufmann Kohler (1843–1926), an intellectual and institutional leader of American Reform Judaism, to explore the relationship between Orientalism and the category of religion in nineteenth-century America. Recent scholarship has shown that the lived religion of nineteenth-century American Jews departs significantly from the ideological hopes of Jewish elites. Connecting the emerging portrait of nineteenth-century Jewish laity with elite arguments for American Judaism, I reconsider Kohler's thought as a theological project out of step with his socioreligious milieu. Kohler is renowned for his theorizing of Judaism as a universal, ethical religion. As scholars have demonstrated repeatedly, defining Judaism as a “religion” was an important feature of Reform thought. What these accounts have insufficiently theorized, however, is the political context that ties the categorization of religion to the history of Orientalism that organized so many late nineteenth-century discussions of religion, Jewish and not. Drawing on work by Tracy Fessenden, John Modern, and Tisa Wenger, I show that Kohler's universal, cosmopolitan religion is a Jewish version of the Protestant secular. Like these Protestant modernists, Kohler defines Reform Judaism as a religion that supersedes an atavistic tribalism bound to materiality and ritual law. Being Jewish, for Kohler, means being civilized; reforming the soul of Judaism goes together with civilizing Jewish bodies and creating a Judaism that could civilize the world in an era in which religion and imperialism were overlapping interpretive projects with racial and gendered entanglements.
49

Bulbulia, Joseph, Joseph Bulbulia und Edward Slingerland. „Religious Studies as a Life Science“. Numen 59, Nr. 5-6 (2012): 564–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341240.

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AbstractReligious studies assumes that religions are naturally occurring phenomena, yet what has scholarship uncovered about this fascinating dimension of the human condition? The manifold reports that classical scholars of religion have gathered extend knowledge, but such knowledge differs from that of scientific scholarship. Classical religious studies scholarship is expansive, but it is not cumulative and progressive. Bucking the expansionist trend, however, there are a small but growing number of researchers who approach religion using the methods and models of the life sciences. We use the biologist’s distinction between “proximate” and “ultimate” explanations to review a sample of such research. While initial results in the biology of religion are promising, current limitations suggest the need for greater collaboration with classically trained scholars of religion. It might appear that scientists of religion and scholars of religion are strange bedfellows; however, progress in the scholarly study of religions rests on the extent to which members of each camp find a common intellectual fate.
50

Sullivan, Lawrence E. „Song and Dance: Native American Religions and American History“. Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 4, Nr. 2 (1994): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1994.4.2.03a00050.

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What are some recent works on Native American religions that make good additions to courses on American History? With this question, the editors framed their charge for this review. This is a good moment to pose such a question because of the recent upsurge in publishing on the subject of Native American religious life. The treatment of some recent books is outlined in three stages that cover three ways of including Native American religions in courses: framing questions, case study, and key themes.Of course, teachers teach best within the compass of their own interests. This is where their passions reside and where there is the deepest motivation to communicate clearly with others. There is much to be interested in and passionate about in the recent publications on Native American religions.

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