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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Senegal Civil war Senegal"

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Adeleke, Ademola. „The Politics and Diplomacy of Peacekeeping in West Africa: The Ecowas Operation in Liberia“. Journal of Modern African Studies 33, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1995): 569–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021443.

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TheEconomic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established in May 1975 as an organisation to promote the development of the sub-region, and for 15 years did not deviate from this mandate. The 16 member-states – Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo – restricted their interactions to purely economic matters and ran shy of political issues confronting West Africa. This tradition changed in 1990 when Ecowas decided to intervene in the civil war which had broken out in Liberia. Its strategy to resolve the conflict followed two parallel but mutually interactive channels — making and enforcing peace. The former involved negotiations and arbitration; the latter the deployment in August 1990 of a 3,000 strong multinational force to supervise a cease-fire.
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Njagi, Catherine Wambugu. „Combating Civil Wars in Africa“. Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 4, Nr. 1 (10.05.2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v4i1.34.

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The Twentieth and twenty first centuries have been described as the age of anxiety. This is largely due to the many civil wars and conflicts that have been prevalent in our contemporary world, and especially with special reference to Africa which is the worst hit. In particular, armed conflicts been witnessed in Angola, Ethiopia Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia and Sudan among others. Equally, civil wars have been witnessed in Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Sudan. Sadly, some of these States are at the verge of collapse due to the effect of these unfortunate civil wars and conflicts. Other countries that were affected by civil or ethnic conflicts, albeit at lower levels include: Burundi, Cameroon, Kenya, Nigeria, Togo, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Chad, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Malawi, Senegal, and South Africa. The latter has witnessed xenophobic attacks, especially in May 2008. Terrorism activities have also Increased, as it continues to create tensions among nations, religions, tribes and so on. To this end, this article seeks to explore the causes of civil wars and conflicts in Africa, that bleeds poverty on a mass scale. How can the church participate in curbing these wars and conflicts, and eventually usher-in sanity in these troubled waters? In its methodology, this article strives to redefine war and discusses the characteristics of modern warfare. Through an extensive review of relevant literature, the article has also attempted to explore the place of individual persons, the nation-states and the international network systems in combating civil wars; and lastly, it has endeavored to show the contribution of the church in wrestling out all forms of conflicts in the Sub-Saharan Africa.
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Yao, Kouassi. „The Chances for Success of the Francophone Centers for Distance Education of the GDLN Network: The Case of the Centre d'Education à Distance de Côte d'Ivoire“. African and Asian Studies 2, Nr. 4 (2003): 523–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903773004040.

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AbstractThe Centers of Distance Education of francophone Africa in Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, and Senegal were set up under a financial and educational agreement with the World Bank. They were inaugurated on June 21, 2000, at the same time as four other centers in English-speaking Africa and eight others on other continents (Appendix 1). Since September 2003, Mauritania has had its own center, thus increasing the number of centers in French-speaking African countries to four. As of November 2003, more than 60 centers were affiliated with the Global Development Learning Network (GDLN). It has known start-up difficulties because of the socioeconomic environment caused the sociopolitical crisis from December 1999 to the civil war in September 2002. It needs a re-adaptation of its missions by public authorities in order to realize its first mission, which is to improve the capabilities of a large number of government executives and decision-makers at a minimal cost. The strategies and educational approach used at the Center are new methods and tools, precursors of what will be used in the education of tomorrow. In this article, we will briefly present the history of the creation of the Global Development Learning Network (GDLN), and then I will draw up a diagnostic account of the two years' functioning of the CED-CI. Finally, I will give an outline for its future growth.
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Garba, A. A. „Impacts of population growth in relation to changes in aquaculture and fisheries prices“. Journal of Aquatic Sciences 36, Nr. 1 (03.08.2021): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jas.v36i1.8.

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The paper reviewed the impacts of population growth and the ways it affects aquaculture and fisheries prices. As the world population continues to grow arithmetically, great pressure is placed on arable lands, water, energy, and biological resources to provide an adequate supply of food while maintaining the integrity of the ecosystem. In 2010, FAO projected the world population to double from 6.2 billion in October, 1999 to 12.5 billion in the year 2050. This had created serious negative impacts on the aquaculture and fisheries prices. At present fertile crop lands had been lost at an alarming rates while some abandoned during the past 50 years because erosions made it unproductive. Other vices such as food crisis, political unrest and war (Mexico, Uzbekistan, Turkistan, Yemen, Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Morocco and Sudan), civil strife and multiple years of draught (Niger, Mauritania and Senegal), impacts of HIV/AIDS Ebola, Lassa fever and Coronavirus the world over, clashes between cattle rearers and farmers and boko haram issues (Nigeria) as well as kidnapping and corruptions have severely affected aquaculture and fisheries production and accompanied prices. Thus, this review was conducted to raise a cry for farmers and citizens to engage and participate in intensive culture and fisheries practices in order to fill the demand - supply gap so as to make fish food products available for the teeming masses.
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Musah, Halidu. „DEMOCRATIC SUSTAINABILITY AND CONFLICT RESILIENCE IN GHANA’S DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM“. International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, Nr. 2 (21.06.2020): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i2.13.

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Ghana could be described as an island of peace in an ocean of conflicts. This is because most of Ghana’s West African neighbours have experienced (and some are still experiencing) various forms of national civil conflicts which have never occurred in Ghana. In the last three decades, the West Africa sub-region has been plagued with many intra-state conflicts. In Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali, conflicts have escalated into full scale war, bringing with it numerous loss of lives, destruction of property and causing social despair for the citizenry. The peace of some countries like Senegal, Nigeria, Niger and recently Burkina Faso also continues to be threatened by different dissident groups and popular uprisings. While most of these countries’ democracies remain fragile due to the conflicts within these states, Ghana remains one of few examples whose current democratic structures have stood the test of time for the last three decades. This study inquired into Ghana’s conflict resistance capacities and its ability to continue to sustain its democracy as a country. Mixed methods approach was employed to select 132 community residents from 3 purposefully sampled conflict-prone communities in Ghana, and 5 key informants as well as 462 political party delegates for interviewing and data collection for the study.The study found that the very nature of Ghana’s internal conflicts with respect to their geographical limitations, the conflict parties involved as well as the issues at stake contribute to confine these internal conflicts within their areas of occurrence. In addition, some conscious social and institutional measures (put in place) in the Ghanaian democratic system help to promote peace and maintain order. Finally, majority of the respondents (63.6%) were of the opinion that Ghana is unlikely to have a national civil war because its democratic institutions are effective. It was suggested that politicians should avoid interfering in local conflicts and increase coverage for peace education programmes and conflict intervention initiatives in the country, among others.
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Ginsberg, Lauren Donovan. „VT ET HOSTEM AMAREM: JOCASTA AND THE POETICS OF CIVIL WAR IN SENECA'S PHOENISSAE“. Ramus 46, Nr. 1-2 (Dezember 2017): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.5.

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Over the past two decades, scholars have devoted increasing attention to Roman civil war literature and its poetics, from the vocabulary of nefas, paradox, and hyperbole to the pervasive imagery of the state as a body violated by its citizens. Thebes and especially the civil war between Oedipus’ sons became prominent lenses through which Romans explored their country's strife-ridden past. Seneca's Phoenissae, however, has received comparatively little attention in this regard, often overshadowed by Statius’ epic Thebaid of the next generation. This paper investigates Seneca's contribution to the wider poetics of civil war through his expansion of the theme of incest, which Seneca uses to articulate civil war's most invasive, penetrative, and disintegrative effects. In particular, Seneca capitalizes on both the metaphorical potential of maternal violation and the eroticized imagery of Roman conquest to create disturbing points of contact between two generations of Jocasta's sons: the one who invaded her bed in the past, and the other who will soon invade his mother city. Seneca writes his Phoenissae to be an escalated return to the original sins of Oedipus’ incesta domus as another of Thebes’ native sons prepares to conquer his motherland.
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Demina, Svetlana S. „The Causes of the Civil War (49–45 BC) in the Thoughts of Roman Authors (1st Century BC – 1st Century AD)“. Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, Nr. 2 (26) (08.10.2020): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(2).7-13.

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This article investigates the thoughts of Roman authors about the causes of the civil war (49-45 BC). Caesar, Cicero and Velleius Paterculus consider the passions and the immorality of the persons as the causes of this war. According to Seneca and Lucan, the political ambitions of Caesar, Pompey, their supporters, as well as the passions of the whole society caused the civil war. But Lucan paid attention also to objective conditions.
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Hanson, John H. „Islam, Migration and the Political Economy of Meaning: Fergo Nioro from the Senegal River Valley, 1862–1890“. Journal of African History 35, Nr. 1 (März 1994): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025950.

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The Muslim social movement known as the fergo Nioro provides a case of popular elaboration of the message of a leader of jihad. Umar Tal's call to holy war led to the conquest of Karta in the mid-1850s, and his call to hijra resulted in the migration of perhaps 20,000 Senegal-valley Fulbe to form a Muslim settler community. In the years after Umar's departure from Karta in 1859, military leaders and others in the Fulbe settler community sent envoys to recruit additional settlers from the Senegal valley. At least 16,000 and perhaps as many as 30,000 Fulbe responded to this recruitment effort and left Bundu, Futa Toro and the lower Senegal valley between 1862 and 1890. Two periods of more massive migration coincided with the residence at Nioro of Amadu Sheku, Umar's son and designated successor. During the late 1860s and early 1870s, a cholera epidemic swept up the Senegal valley, claimed thousands of victims, and encouraged Fulbe to leave the region for Karta. During the mid-1880s, French policies in the Senegal valley, notably the emancipation of slaves and moves to halt Fulbe raids in the lower Senegal valley, influenced the social movement.In both periods of large-scale migration and at other times, the Umarian envoys constructed an appeal which elaborated and even transformed Umar's call to hijra. Umar's insistence on holy war was a dominant theme in all periods, and resonated with the young men who left the valley in hopes of accumulating wealth through warfare. His condemnation of French influence in the Senegal valley was also expressed in the Arabic letters delivered by envoys. Umar's emphasis on the cutting of social bonds was not emphasized, as Fulbe settlers sought to attract relatives and neighbors to the new Fulbe communities in Karta.
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Roberts, Bill. „Introduction to Practicing Anthropology in Senegal“. Practicing Anthropology 19, Nr. 1 (01.01.1997): 2–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.19.1.037w27n9n1623154.

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The numerous problems Africans face are familiar to all of us, in part because an ever-present media depicts graphic scenes of civil wars and refugees, recurrent droughts, and the heart-wrenching human suffering associated with widespread poverty. The appeal of fieldwork in Africa has attracted a large number of anthropologists over the past century whose accomplishments and insights have contributed greatly to the advancement of the discipline as a whole. The immense human and biophysical diversity that characterizes Africa continues to provide anthropologists with a wide range of exciting research opportunities relevant to some perceived "problem." Anthropologists have worked with their African colleagues on many of these topical problems, and notable examples have been published in previous editions of Practicing Anthropology.
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Nordtveit, Bjorn Harald. „Producing Literacy and Civil Society: The Case of Senegal“. Comparative Education Review 52, Nr. 2 (Mai 2008): 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/528761.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Senegal Civil war Senegal"

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Faye, Wagane. „The Casamance Separatism from independence claim to resource logic“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FFaye.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia Lawson and Jessica Piombo. "June 2006." AD-A451 368. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Chang, Patty. „The demand for small arms and light weapons in Senegal“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d720b29-fdae-423a-a39b-2de0813b8223.

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Most scholarly research and international policy initiatives on small arms control (SALW) tend to focus exclusively on the supply side of arms control, while the demand side for small arms remains relatively unexplored. The general assumption is that by regulating the international and regional supply of SALW, and by preventing and tracking the illicit flow that drift into the open markets, armed violence can be reduced. However, empirical evidence suggests that attempts to control and reduce the supply of weapons through sanctions, embargoes, and regional commitments alone have hardly stopped or mitigated armed conflict. In looking at the global arms trade, one sees that often countries subjected to supply side restrictions have managed to acquire arms through finding willing sellers, black market acquisitions, and/or domestic production. This dissertation examines the factors that drive the demand for SALW in weak states by identifying the important gaps in literature on demand, providing a consistent and systematic framework to address these gaps, and applying the framework to a single country case study. The main argument in this study is that in order to understand group arming behaviour, its relationship to the dynamics of armed conflict, and the kind of incentives integral to the design of interventions that seek to influence behaviours associated with arms acquisitions during post-conflict arms management, there needs to be a better understanding of the independent variables shaping the demand for SALW. Too often, analysts conflate the reasons why groups acquire SALW with the reasons why groups go to war. However, if the act of acquiring SALW occurs at a different point in time from the process of organising and planning armed conflict, the two events need to be analysed separately. This study uses a human security analytical approach to understand sources of threats to security at the household level. It employs a nationally representative rapid household survey (n=1200) on SALW ownership, acquisition and attitudes, and focus group discussions (n=77) implemented in select locations to unpack responses which have not been thoroughly addressed during the survey. In-depth interviews with key informants, civilian firearm permit records, and public health data were also collected to supplement primary data. The design is applied to a single case study, the Casamance in Senegal. This study illustrates that an increased level of weapons accumulation does not always necessitate an automatic rise in SALW related violence or local level arms races at the outset of armed conflict. This works contributes to the growing body of literature on SALW by advancing an analytically applicable concept of demand to increase our understanding of what motivates the choices groups make in acquiring and using small arms. Lastly, this study develops a replicable template that can be applied to further research on SALW demand in conflict-ridden regions.
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Evans, Martin Neville. „The Casamance, Senegal : 'war economy' or business as usual?“ Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407794.

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Woodfork, Jacqueline Cassandra. „Senegalese soldiers in the Second World War : loyalty and identity politics in the French colonial army /“. Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008471.

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Fall, Thioro. „Soil Management for Improved Rice Production in Casamance, Senegal“. Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/81457.

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Rice is a staple crop for many countries around the world, and is one of the top three food sources globally. Many environments where rice is grown contain stressors likely to limit its growth and yield. In southern Senegal (Casamance region), rice is mainly cultivated in lowlands near estuaries where drought, salinity, acidity, poor soil fertility, and iron toxicity are the main limiting factors. In Casamance, average rice yield for local farmers is 1 to 2 tons per hectare (809 to 1618 pounds per acre), compared to worldwide average yield of more than 4 tons per hectare. The soil where our 2-year experiment (2014 and 2015) was conducted is highly saline-sodic and acidic, and the salt tolerant cultivar we grew yielded 3.4 tons per hectare in 2013. Our main objective was to increase rice yield. The water table height, salinity, and pH were measured weekly during the rice growing season, and the soil was described, sampled, and analyzed to better understand the water and soil resources. Two planting methods were tested: flat planting and planting on beds. Two soil amendments were compared with each planting method: biochar and crushed oyster shells, alone and in combination. An untreated control was included in the experiment. All plots were fertilized. Treatment effects on soil properties and yield were compared in a split-plot design. Plant tissue was sampled for elemental content. The water table was above the surface and was saline during half of the growing season in 2014, and decreased after rice grain head emerged. Planting methods and amendments did not have an effect on yield in 2014, but biochar amendment increased yield in 2015. In 2014, soil salinity and sodium decreased to below toxic levels late in the growing season in the flat plots but not in the bedded plots. Therefore, flat planting is more appropriate in these lowland rice production systems. Soil pH increased from 4.4 to 7.7 in flat planting where biochar+shell was applied. Soil available nutrients such as P, Mn, and Zn were significantly higher in flat planting compared to beds. Toxic levels of Na (> 2000 milligrams per kilogram) were measured in leaves sampled just before flowering. We recommend flat planting and amending soil with biochar in saline-sodic acid-sulfate paddy soils in Casamance to improve rice yield.
Master of Science
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Topuzis, Daphne N. „Popular front, war and Fourth Republic politics in Senegal : from Galandou Diouf to L.S. Senghor, 1936-1952“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1989. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29730/.

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Nordtveit, Bjorn Harald. „The role of civil society organizations in developing countries a case study of public-private partnerships in Senegal /“. College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/2193.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2005.
Thesis research directed by: Education Policy, and Leadership. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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De, Wouters De Bouchout Charlotte. „Le renforcement des capacités entre autonomisation et contrôle: le cas de la politique publique de lutte contre le VIH/SIDA au Sénégal“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209266.

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Le renforcement des capacités favorise-t-il le contrôle ou l’autonomisation ?Est-il un moyen ou une fin ?Le renforcement des capacités est un objet d’étude contemporain qui génère de nombreux débats. Cette thèse y apporte une contribution en analysant le contenu et la portée des processus de renforcement des capacités développés par et pour les acteurs de la société civile engagés dans la mise en œuvre de la politique publique de lutte contre le VIH/SIDA au Sénégal. Partant du postulat théorique selon lequel le renforcement des capacités peut être considéré comme un instrument de politique publique, la thèse analyse l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’idéologie prédominante, New Public Management d’une part ou Empowerment d’une part, et le couplage ou non avec l’instrument de subvention, influencent de manière déterminante la nature et les résultats des processus de renforcement des capacités. Au travers d’une approche empirique, les effets et influences parfois contradictoires de l’instrument, oscillant entre renforcement du contrôle et renforcement de l’autonomie selon les objectifs et stratégies mises en place par les divers acteurs du niveau international au niveau local (bailleurs de fonds internationaux, ONG nationales, OCB/Associations locales), sont mis en évidence.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Skabelund, Andrew G. „Governing Gorée: France in West Africa Following the Seven Years' War“. BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3655.

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In 1763, France had just suffered a devastating loss to the British in the Seven Years' War. In almost an instant, France's claims to West Africa shrank to the tiny island of Gorée off the coast of Senegal and a few trading posts on the mainland. This drastic reversal of fortunes forced France to reevaluate its place in the world and rethink its overall imperial objectives and colonial strategies, and in an effort to regroup, the French Empire sent a new governor, Pierre François Guillaume Poncet de la Rivière, on a mission to regain its foothold in West Africa. From this tiny island, France eventually succeeded in overturning its devastating losses and establishing itself as the dominant force in the region over the next two centuries, so deeply ingraining its influence into the core of West Africa that its imperial influence is still felt today.Despite France's future success, Poncet's tenure as governor was fraught with mismanagement and poor planning. Poncet believed he had the full backing of the Duc de Choiseul, but Poncet's excessive zeal, inability to effectively employ and listen to subordinates, and rash interactions with the British undermined the French presence in the region and ultimately led to his dismissal. Poncet's governorship sheds new light on Choiseul's goals for the Senegambia region and his underestimation of what it took to establish a strong presence.
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Minteu, Kadje Danielle. „L’action publique internationale du codéveloppement : trajectoires franco-malienne et franco-sénégalaise“. Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40017/document.

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Partant des interrogations légitimes soulevées par l'émergence d'un concept novateur, ce travail de recherche entend analyser plusieurs variables révélatrices d'un Etat en action. Ainsi, penser l'action publique internationale du co-développement sous le prisme des trajectoires franco-malienne et franco-sénégalaise, implique de relever ce qui en constitue son essence (mise en sens) et ses conditions d'existence (mise en action). Il en résulte que cette Policy comme processus a des conséquences intellectuelles et pratiques majeures qui induisent un autre modèle d'action publique. Cet objet de recherche, se pose en s'opposant aux trajectoires habituelles du développement et de la migration et permet de saisir le codéveloppement, non comme une vue de l'esprit réductible à une rhétorique instrumentale qui émerge lors des échéances électorales, mais comme le produit d'acteurs et d'institutions spécifiques sur le double espace France-Afrique (sahélienne). Cette analyse interroge l'imbrication d'acteurs multiples aux registres différents (local, régional, national, transnational, supranational, international, décentralisé, public et privé) qui participent au processus décisionnel et à la mise en œuvre du codéveloppement. Il nous reviendra ainsi d'analyser tour à tour la construction du codéveloppement comme action publique impliquant les questions migratoires et la gouvernementalité dynamique de cette nouvelle rationalité politique constituée d'acteurs multi-niveaux et asymétriques
On the basis of the legitimate interrogations raised by the emergence of an innovative concept, this research intends to analyze several revealing variables of a State in action. In this study, we aim at re-thinking international policy-making, with references to "co-development" under the prism of the French-Malian and French Senegalese trajectories. The study seeks to explore "co-development" by looking into its essence (meaning setting) and its conditions of existence (action setting). The findings of this study show that this policy as a process has major intellectuel and practical challenges; therby displaying "co-development", not as an instrumental rhetoric, but as a product of specific institutions on the France-Africa (Sahel) "double space". This analysis examines the interaction of several actors at different levels (local, regional, national, transnational, supranational, international) and public and private sectors which jointly participate in the decision-making process and in the implementation of co-development policy. Specifically, we analyze the construction process of the concept of "co-development" as an international public policy, and the dynamic governmentality of this new political rationality made up of multilevel factors
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Bücher zum Thema "Senegal Civil war Senegal"

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Education and Democracy in Senegal. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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(Sudan), Markaz Dirāsāt al-Mujtamaʻ, Hrsg. Civil society-based governance in Africa: Theories and practices : a case study of Senegal. [Khartoum, Sudan]: Society Studies Center, 2009.

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Bayala, Jean-Pierre. Ombuds institutions for the armed forces in Francophone Africa: Burkina Faso, Burundi and Senegal. Geneva: DCAF, 2013.

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Boyd, William Bernard. From Senegal to South Carolina: A comprehensive study of a people in crisis. Los Angeles, CA: Amen-Ra Theological Seminary Press, 2004.

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United Nations. Division for Palestinian Rights., Hrsg. African Regional NGO Symposium on the Question of Palestine, Centre international d'échanges, Dakar, Senegal, 5-7 August 1985. [New York]: United Nations Division for Palestinian Rights, 1986.

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Parker, Isaac Newton. A Seneca Indian in the Union Army: The Civil War letters of Sergeant Isaac Newton Parker, 1861-1865. Shippensburg, PA: Burd Street Press, 1995.

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Armstrong, William H. Warrior in two camps: Ely S. Parker, Union general and Seneca chief. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 1989.

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The oral history and literature of the Wolof people of Waalo, northern Senegal: The master of the word (griot) in the Wolof tradition. Lewiston, N.Y: E. Mellen Press, 1995.

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Cérisoles, René. Fréres ennemis: Réflexions. [United States]: Mare Nostrum Enterprises, 1998.

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AACC, Church Leaders' Consultation on the Approach to the HIV/AIDS Crisis (2001 Dakar Senegal). The silent war against Africa: AIDS, report of AACC Church Leaders' Consultation on the Approach to the HIV/AIDS Crisis, 23rd-25th April 2001, Dakar-Senegal = Une guerre silensieuse [sic] contre l'Afrique : SIDA, rapport de la Consultation des chefs d'eglises de la CETA sur l'approche à la crise du VIH/SIDA, 23-25 avril, 2001, Dakar-Sénégal. [Nairobi]: AACC, 2001.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Senegal Civil war Senegal"

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Seck, Ibrahima. „Senegal“. In The Palgrave Handbook of Conflict and History Education in the Post-Cold War Era, 541–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05722-0_41.

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Galvan, Dennis C. „Conscription, Collaboration, and Self-Cutting in Rural Senegal During and After World War II“. In Everyday Life in Mass Dictatorship, 218–26. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137442772_13.

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Loimeier, Roman. „Reform in Context I: Senegal (and Mali)“. In Islamic Reform in Twentieth-Century Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748695430.003.0003.

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This chapter introduces Senegal as a first regional context for the emergence of both Sufi- and Salafi-oriented movements of reform. It shows that neither movement of reform was monolithic but characterized by multiple splits, often linked with family disputes and generational change. The chapter presents Cheikh Touré as the major representative of Salafi-minded reform in Senegal and discusses the different ways in which Sufi movements responded to the challenge of Salafi-oriented reform. The chapter shows that both Sufi- and Salafi-oriented movements of reform tried to take part actively in Senegalese politics and to influence politics. It also explains why Salafi-oriented reform has not managed to become a popular mass movement in Senegal and why Sufi movements managed to consolidate their role as the major political players in Senegal. The chapter finally compares the development of Salafi-oriented reform in Mali with developments in Senegal and shows that the success of Salafi-minded reform in Mali was linked with the different historical and social context. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the civil war in Mali in 2011 and 2012 and the emergence of jihad-minded groups in northern Mali.
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Cissé, Hélène. „Defending Hissène Habré in Senegal During the Early Years“. In The President on Trial, 48–53. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198858621.003.0007.

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This chapter looks at the first cases against Hissène Habré in Dakar. On 25 January 2000, Souleymane Guengueng and seven other Chadian victims, as civil parties, lodged a complaint against Habré in Dakar for acts of torture and other inhumane and degrading treatment, in application of the United Nations Convention against Torture. Following the complaint, on 3 February 2000, the investigating judges charged Habré with knowingly aiding and abetting in the commission of crimes against humanity, acts of torture, and barbarity against the plaintiffs between June of 1982 and December of 1990: the period during which he served as President of the Republic of Chad. Senegalese public opinion was and would remain divided throughout the criminal proceedings. Hélène Cissé then discusses her role as Habré's defence attorney from 2000 to 2004, giving a singular account of the little-known early cases against Habré.
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Buckley, David T. „Secular Emergence in Senegal“. In Faithful to Secularism, 84–105. Columbia University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/columbia/9780231180061.003.0005.

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How did Senegal arrive at the twin tolerations after independence from French colonial rule? This chapter the existence of benevolent secularism in Senegal’s post-World War II founding documents, and traces its impact on Senegal’s Muslim majority, Catholic minority, and secular elites. Evidence draws on communication between political and religious elites during the independence period, with special attention to communication between Léopold Sédar Senghor and Muslim and Catholic elites. The chapter closes with an examination of tensions in Senegal’s benevolent secularism manifested in the controversy over the Code de la Famille.
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„From Seneca Falls to the Civil War“. In Century of Struggle, 73–96. Harvard University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1ns7mtj.10.

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Seek, Diery. „An Analysis of Francophone Economic Research Centers in Cote d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, and Senegal“. In Think Tanks & Civil Societies, 491–508. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315135595-22.

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Gardner, Hunter H. „Imperial Receptions“. In Pestilence and the Body Politic in Latin Literature, 187–232. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796428.003.0006.

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Chapter 6 explores the appropriation of late Republican and Augustan treatments of pestilence in Imperial literature. Seneca’s version of Oedipus’ tragedy turns to Latin epic, rather than Sophocles, to articulate conditions of pestilence in Thebes. This language reflects upon Oedipus’ traditional role as φαρμακός‎, both infected “carrier” and saviour to the civic body, clarifying how competing claims of individuality and collectivity have determined the pathology of earlier literary treatments of plague. By inscribing plague within a text that questions standards of good government, Seneca secures the role of contagion as a tool for examining the health of the body politic in Neronian Rome. The epics of Silius Italicus and Lucan also invoke the plagues of their predecessors in contexts of Roman civil discord, and use the plague’s power to enact the dissolution of individual identity as a way of indicting competition for political distinction. Lucan relies on the symptomology of his predecessors in his account of pestilence afflicting Pompey’s soldiers, but emphasizes the link between contagion and internal conflict by casting both the disease and the fervour for civil war as rabies. Silius, in the Punica, describes an outbreak of pestilence during the Punic Wars that brings about widespread destruction. But in answer to the status-leveling and dehumanizing effects characterizing preceding plague narratives, he depicts the Roman general Marcellus escaping the plague and recovering distinction or “exemplarity” in a way that does not threaten the health of the body politic.
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„Civil War, the Soul, and the Cosmos at Seneca, Thyestes 547–622: A Tropology“. In Wordplay and Powerplay in Latin Poetry, 333–54. De Gruyter, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110475876-018.

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Mandić, Danilo. „West Africa“. In Gangsters and Other Statesmen, 105–23. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691187884.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on West Africa during 1989–2019. West Africa's transnational smuggling enterprises are hardly a novelty — or as menacing as they sound. Troc, or barter trade, is a way of life that preceded and survived colonialism. Commerce is known as al-frud, from the French fraude (fraud), reflecting the World War II-era tradition of regional smuggling. What is new in the globalized period is that mafias in five nations — and just as many budding ones — have played formative roles in regional politics. Three of the host states (Mali, Senegal, and Nigeria) were significantly torn by ethnocentric, separatist-controlled rackets in drugs and migrants (Azawad), marijuana (Casamance), and extortion (Boko Haram). Nigeria employed ethnocentric Niger Delta mafias to fight its northern separatists. In Niger's Agadez and Cameroon's Ambazonia, however, organized crime promoted cohesion.
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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Senegal Civil war Senegal"

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Replumaz, Alexis, Yann Julien und Damien Bellengier. „Concrete Breakwater for the Greater Tortue Ahmeyim Project for BP in Mauritania and Senegal“. In Offshore Technology Conference. OTC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4043/31284-ms.

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Objectives / Scope During summer 2017, EIFFAGE GENIE CIVIL MARINE was invited by BP to bid for the construction of a concrete caisson breakwater protecting an offshore LNG liquefaction floating terminal which will be located 10 km west from Saint Louis, at 33 m water depth on the Mauritanian / Senegalese maritime border. Methods, Procedures, Process The basic design as originally proposed by BP was composed of 18 rectangular concrete caissons laying on an underwater rumble-mound foundation. Dimensions of the concrete boxes were approximatively 63,5 meters long, 32 meters wide and 30 meters high, on a design consisting of multi rectangular cells (128 units/caisson) EIFFAGE GENIE CIVIL MARINE answered to the ITB by proposing under an EPC basis an alternate caisson shape optimizing drastically the concrete quantities. Results, Observations, Conclusions Alternate caisson dimensions were 54,5 m long, 28 m width, 35m height including a 3 m high crest wall at the top against extreme waves overtopping. The geometry of the caisson has been changed to a 10 lobes caisson. The weight of each caisson is around 16 000 tons. As a result of the subsequent FEED studies performed from April 2018 to February 2019, including 3D model testing in basin, Eiffage was able to reduce the amount of concrete required by 40 % compared to the first design, leading to 124 200 cum of concrete and both financial as well as environmental benefits. Novel/Additive Information Execution plan involving Mauritania and Senegal This infrastructure offers key local content components for this gas field development in each country, something Eiffage had key experience with thanks to an historical presence in the the region : Eiffage started its activities in Senegal more than 100 years ago. The original execution plan as proposed by Eiffage for the EPC phase signed in February 2019 was to build the 21 concrete caissons in Dakar -Senegal. A dedicated yard of 15 hectares has been reclaimed besides the actual port of Dakar providing a safe direct access to the sea and the required water depth for the caissons towing. As a result, at peak more than 600 jobs will be created in Senegal, with the reclaimed land for the fabrication yard left as a legacy for the port area. The underwater rumble mound requires 2 million tons of quarry material. EIFFAGE's proposal was to produce, transport and load from Mauritania those materials. A specific logistics scheme between the quarry and vessels loading point has been developed including a bypass road around Nouakchott. The transport of the quarry materials requires the mobilization of 170 trucks. A special safety mitigation plan including dedicated training is being implemented in order to reduce identified risks linked to road transportation.
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DIOP, MBARECK. „NATIONAL SCHOLARSHIP PROGRAMME IN SENEGAL, YEAR 2015“. In International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies — 48th Session. World Scientific, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789813148994_0066.

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DIOP, MBARECK, und AMADOU MOCTAR NIANG. „LIMITS OF DEVELOPMENT – FOCUS ON AFRICA CONSTRAINTS AND TENDENCIES OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN SENEGAL“. In International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies 25th Session. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd., 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812797001_0077.

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Avilés, A. B. González, M. I. Pérez Millan und A. L. Rocamora Ruiz. „Reuse of Spanish civil war air-raid shelters in Alicante: the R46 Balmis and R31 Seneca shelter“. In DEFENCE HERITAGE 2016. Southampton UK: WIT Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/dshf160101.

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