Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Social classes World War, 1914-1918“

AbstractThe dance hall was a symbol of social, cultural and political change. From the mid-1920s until the mid-1960s, the dance hall occupied a pivotal place in the culture of working- and lower-middle-class communities in Britain. Its emergence and popularity following the First World War reflected improvements in the social and economic well-being of the working and lower middle classes. The architecture of dance halls reflected these modernising trends, as well as a democratisation of pleasure. The very name adopted by the modern dance hall, ‘palais de danse’, emphasises this ambition. Affordable luxury was a key part of their attraction. This article examines how the architecture of dance halls represented moments of optimism, escapism and ‘modernity’ in British history in the period 1918–65. It provides the first overview of dance halls from an architectural and spatial history perspective.

The author disputes Leder’s idea in Prześniona rewolucja. Ćwiczenie z logiki historycznej [A Missed Revolution: Exercise in Historical Logic] (2014) that a great revolution, eliminating the “late feudalism” of the 19th century, occurred in Poland in the years 1939–1956 and that it happened because of the war’s destruction of the old social structures and the Nazi genocide of the Jewish population, that is, the bourgeois class, which was replaced in the years 1945–1956 by unconscious beneficiaries of the change. The beneficiaries were unaware, he writes, because the essence of the changes and their benefits never entered the social imaginary. The core of the author’s polemic is the claim that such change, which was conducted by force and by foreigners, can not be called a “revolution,” that is, the passage of society to modernity. Furthermore, the author claims that the great Polish revolution was conducted in full by the nation, by the peasant classes, in the years 1914–1922, and was popular and independence-oriented in nature. It was the continuation of the Polish independence uprisings of the 19th century, the result of changes in the social structure that had been occurring for years in the Polish lands, which were at the time divided between the partitioning states, and of deepening self-awareness among the people. The revolution was continued after Poland’s acquisition of independence in 1918. The Second World War, and foreign intervention, only disrupted that process.

The history of Anglican temperance movements before the First World War reveals working-class influences on English vicarages (not yet recognised by historians) and a corresponding influence of the lower clergy on the Anglican establishment. A study of Anglican initiatives against drink may help provide missing links between the Biblethumping evangelicalism of wine-drinking William Wilberforce's time and the social gospel era of his grandsons, the clerical teetotallers, Basil and Ernest. After 1855, a significant minority of Anglican clergymen, obsessed with the estrangement of the lower orders from organised religion, accepted teetotalism, often at the urging of labourers. In so doing, they reversed somewhat the proposition enshrined in the evangelical tradition that true moral reform depended on the leadership of the privileged classes and the compliance of their social inferiors. Working-class teetotallers continued to exercise influence in parochial temperance organisations; more ambitiously, low-placed teetotal clergymen attempted, through the Church's teetotal society, to convert the highest Anglican dignitaries to total abstinence.

Ifhigh culture, asTheodorAdornoonce proposed, promises a reality that does not exist, why, at the fin de siècle, did it hold such great attraction for Central Europe's populist politicians who were most attuned to the realities of everyday life? The answer, at least for imperial Austria, is that those politicians believed high culture to possess an integrative social function, which forced them to reconcile notions of “high” culture with “mass” culture. This was particularly true in Vienna, where the city's public performance venues for art, music, stage theater, and visual art stood as monuments to the values that the liberal middle classes had enshrined in the 1867 Constitution. A literate knowledge of this cultural system—its canon of symphonic music; the literature of tragedy, drama, and farce; and classical and contemporary genres of painting—was essential for civic participation in an era of liberal political and cultural hegemony. This article examines one cultural association that attempted to exploit the interaction between German high culture and two spheres, which are commonly thought to stand at odds with elite, high culture: popular culture and mass politics. Rather than a simple, cultural divide, this relationship created a contested “terrain of political and social conflict” in the decades preceding World War I. This terrain was of enormous consequence for Viennese of every social class.

Theories concerning the origin, the growth and the efficacy of political elites mainly originated after the first world-war. They arose in circles and with people who resented the increasing democratisation of political life. They were above all meant as a legitimation of conservative ideas with regard to the exertion of politica! power. The years between 1830 and 1914 however can be considered as the incubation-period for these elite-theories. Some examples taken from the Belgian political literature shall illustrate this evolution.The liberal middle class got divided on the interpretation of the political events between 1789 and 1848. The doctrinarians wished to maintain the acquired results whereas the radicals chose for a further sharing ofpower with the lower social classes. The conservatives held the past as an example and in principle they wished a return to the situation that existed before 1789. The contrast between clericals and anticlericals and above all the relationship between church and state interfered with these theoretical conceptions. But neither conservatives nor liberals however had their doubts about the elite-principle.In the second half of the nineteenth century the social consequences of the industrial revolution were felt in such a radical way that the masses too claimed political power in order to improve their destiny.On the political scene the discussion especially crystallized on the demand for universal suffrage and the way of representation. Not only political publicists hut towards the end of the century particularly scientists too supplied a theoretical foundation for the relationship between the elite and the masses.

This article analyses the practices of violence during strikes in Habsburg Austria from the 1890s until the outbreak of the First World War. As the number of social conflicts rose at the turn of the century, strikes increasingly became one of the main sites of public violence in Austrian society, alongside demonstrations. Violent confrontations between strikers, strike-breakers, and the state forces protecting them frequently occurred. The first section discusses the state repression used to quell internal unrest and its consequences on the rule of law. The following sections explore the micro-dynamics of strikebreaking within the larger context of the reaction against Social Democracy in the period. Especially after the successful mobilization for suffrage reform in 1905–906, employers and other propertied classes saw strikers as part of a general threat. The Czech and German nationalist workers’ movements can also be reassessed through the lens of these social conflicts, rather than only as manifestations of radical nationalism. Strikes are here analysed as one case study addressing current debates in the historiography on the Habsburg Empire: first on the implementation of the rule of law on the ground in Habsburg Austria, then on the impact of democratization in the decades before 1914.

The article shows that the Czech humanists formed the largest group among the foreign members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow. It is mainly based on the reports of the activities of the Academy. The Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was established by transforming the Krakow Learned Society. The Statute of the newly founded Academy was approved by a decision of the Emperor Franz Joseph I on February 16, 1872. The Emperor nominated his brother Archduke Karl Ludwig as the Academy’s Protector. The Academy was assigned to take charge of research matters related to different fields of science: philology (mainly Polish and other Slavic languages); history of literature; history of art; philosophical; political and legal sciences; history and archaeology; mathematical sciences, life sciences, Earth sciences and medical sciences. In order to make it possible for the Academy to manage so many research topics, it was divided into three classes: a philological class, a historico‑philosophical class, and a class for mathematics and natural sciences. Each class was allowed to establish its own commissions dealing with different branches of science. The first members of the Academy were chosen from among the members of the Krakow Learned Society. It was a 12‑person group including only local members, approved by the Emperor. It was also them who elected the first President of the Academy, Józef Majer, and the Secretary General, Józef Szujski, from this group. By the end of 1872, the organization of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was completed. It had its administration, management and three classes that were managed by the respective directors and secretaries. It also had three commissions, taken over from the Krakow Learned Society, namely: the Physiographic Commission, the Bibliographic Commission and the Linguistic Commission. At that time, the Academy had only a total of 24 active members who had the right to elect non‑ resident and foreign members. Each election had to be approved by the Emperor. The first public plenary session of the Academy was held in May 1873. After the speeches had been delivered, a list of candidates for new members of the Academy was read out. There were five people on the list, three of which were Czech: Josef Jireček, František Palacký and Karl Rokitansky. The second on the list was – since February 18, 1860 – a correspondent member of the Krakow Learned Society, already dissolved at the time. They were approved by the Emperor Franz Joseph in his rescript of July 7, 1873. Josef Jireček (1825–1888) became a member of the Philological Class. He was an expert on Czech literature, an ethnographer and a historian. František Palacký (1798–1876) became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The third person from this group, Karl Rokitansky (1804–1878), became a member of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. The mere fact that the first foreigners were elected as members of the Academy was a perfect example of the criteria according to which the Academy selected its active members. From among the humanists, it accepted those researchers whose research had been linked to Polish matters and issues. That is why until the end of World War I, the Czech representatives of social sciences were the biggest group among the foreign members of the Academy. As for the members of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences, the Academy invited scientists enjoying exceptional recognition in the world. These criteria were binding throughout the following years. The Academy elected two other humanists as its members during the session held on October 31, 1877 and these were Václav Svatopluk Štulc (1814–1887) and Antonin Randa (1834–1914). Václav Svatopluk Štulc became a member of the Philological Class and Antonin Randa became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The next Czech scholar who became a member of the Academy of Arts and Scientists in Krakow was Václav Vladivoj Tomek (1818–1905). It was the Historico‑Philosophical Class that elected him, which happened on May 2, 1881. On May 14, 1888, the Krakow Academy again elected a Czech scholar as its active member. This time it was Jan Gebauer (1838–1907), who was to replace Václav Štulc, who had died a few months earlier. Further Czech members of the Krakow Academy were elected at the session on December 4, 1899. This time it was again humanists who became the new members: Zikmund Winter (1846–1912), Emil Ott (1845–1924) and Jaroslav Goll (1846–1929). Two years later, on November 29, 1901, Jan Kvičala (1834–1908) and Jaromir Čelakovský (1846–1914) were elected as members of the Krakow Academy. Kvičala became a member of the Philological Class and Čelakovský – a corresponding member of the Historical‑Philosophical Class. The next member of the Krakow Academy was František Vejdovský (1849–1939) elected by the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. Six years later, a chemist, Bohuslav Brauner (1855–1935), became a member of the same Class. The last Czech scientists who had been elected as members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow before the end of the World War I were two humanists: Karel Kadlec (1865–1928) and Václav Vondrák (1859–1925). The founding of the Czech Royal Academy of Sciences in Prague in 1890 strengthened the cooperation between Czech and Polish scientists and humanists.

Historians, statesmen, administrators, nationalists and others have disagreed sharply about the impact of modernization in the era of Western domination. Did Western rule provide the tools for Indian progress but did economically medieval, ‘other-worldly’ Indians fail to maximize the benefits of modernization and even thwart advances? Conversely, did Western imperialism systematically impoverish India by making it a ‘satellite,’ freezing the subcontinent into a neo-feudal social pattern while sucking up its wealth? Finally, is a ‘new revisionist’ interpretation correct that India experienced real if undramatic economic growth during the Western era and that notions of exploitation or Indian suffering induced by development were myths? Interpretations expressing either the great success and benign innovations of Western rule, or its exploitiveness both appear flawed, according to Bombay's modernizing experience. Bombay underwent a great expansion of wealth and became the source of India's new factory textile production, the hub of a great newwork of trasport and trade, and the cosmopolitan abode of wealth Indian merchants, industrialist and professionals, whose affluence, modernity, industrializing activies and eventual nationalist orientation distinguished them from a supine or neo-feudal comprador class, cooperating with Western masters in exploiting ‘natives’ for a myrmidon's share of the profits. Alternatively, Bombay's prosperity did not flow down to the masses; its modernization was complex, dynamically helping to produce progress and wealth, but for some decades impoverishing and destroying many lives. In the half-century of rapid development preceding the first world war, the great majority of Bombay's populace, its ordinary working classes, experienced significant declines in living standards, worsening environmental conditions and escalating death-rates. Diminished real income and increased mortality among Bombay's ordinary inhabitants warn against extrapolating from rising indices of material production an optimistic conclusion about the general human condition in the city or in British India.

ABSTRACTThis article reviews the current state of historical writing on British political culture in the interwar period, with a particular focus on the character of the democratic society which emerged from the franchise extensions of 1918 and 1928. It takes as its starting point the influential interpretation advanced by Ross McKibbin in his two most recent books, Classes and cultures (1998) and Parties and people (2010). This holds that Britain's interwar democracy came to be shaped in the image of the anti-socialist middle class, buoyed by the centrist appeal of Baldwinite constitutional Conservatism. Anti-socialism's interwar hegemony, McKibbin further argues, had serious consequences for the progress of social democracy after the Second World War. Whilst this narrative is, in many respects, highly compelling, this review suggests that much recent literature on the period points to a range of alternative interpretative possibilities which offer different answers to McKibbin's core question: what kind of a democracy was Britain between the wars? Drawing on these studies, the review argues that Britain's political culture was rather more ‘democratized’ during these years than McKibbin allows, before finally identifying some directions for future research.

This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.

This thesis examines daily life in the city of Prague during the First World War and in its immediate aftermath. Its aim is twofold: to explore the impact of the war on urban space and to analyse the relationship of Prague’s inhabitants to the Austro-Hungarian and then Czechoslovak state. To this end, both the mobilization for the war effort and the crisis of legitimacy experienced by the state are investigated. The two elements are connected: it is precisely because of the great sacrifices made by Praguers during the conflict that the Empire lost the trust of its citizens. Food shortages also constitute a major feature of the war experience and the inappropriate management of supply by the state played a large role in its final collapse. The study goes beyond Czechoslovak independence on 28 October 1918 to fully grasp the continuities between the two polities and the consequences of the war on this transitional period. Beyond the official national revolution, the revolutionary spirit in Prague around the time of regime change reveals the interplay between national and social motives, making it part of a broader European revolutionary movement at the time.

La solidarité est un phénomène qui pousse les personnes à s’entraider. Nous l’avons définie comme étant « un groupe homogène d’individus qui s’unissent pour faire face à une adversité ». Après une étude sur les catastrophes naturelles d’avant-guerre (séismes de l’Italie Méridionale de décembre1908 et du Midi de la France de juin 1909), nous avons constaté des points de convergences entre les besoins solidaires qui s’y sont exprimés et ceux que l’on peut retrouver lors de la Première Guerre Mondiale : forte mortalité, recherche des disparus, blessés nombreux, présence de personnes nécessitant un refuge, et enfin l’intervention de la Croix-Rouge Française. Ce constat est d’autant plus important que ce fut sur ces bases-là que fut organisée la solidarité lors de la Grande Guerre. La Première Guerre Mondiale débute sur une catastrophe, à laquelle la France, contre toutes les attentes de l’époque, n’était pas prête. Les premiers mois voient apparaître tous les éléments dont nous parlions plus haut. Cela n’était pas planifié, et nécessite l’intervention des populations de l’arrière pour sortir de cette situation. Début 1915, une société solidaire de guerre s’installe progressivement. L’État, petit à petit, encadre le phénomène, et cela débouche, à cause d’escroqueries à la charité, sur des séries de lois couvrant l’ensemble de la société. Au fur et à mesure, nous avons détaillé les principaux phénomènes solidaires qui sont spécifiques à chaque année, et démontré une vraie montée en puissance du phénomène tout au long du conflit, dont l’engagement massif la Croix-Rouge Américaine représente un des points d’orgue
Solidarity is a phenomenon that pushes people to help each other. We have defined it as "a homogeneous group of individuals who come together to face an adversity". After a study on pre-war natural disasters (earthquakes in southern Italy in december 1908 and in southern France in june 1909), we noted points of convergence between the solidarity needs expressed there and those that can be found during the First World War: high mortality, search for the missing, many wounded, presence of people in need of refuge, and finally the intervention of the French Red Cross. This observation is all the more important as it was on these bases that solidarity was organized during the Great War. The First World War began with a disaster, to which France, against all expectations at the time, was not ready. The first few months see all the elements mentioned above appear. This was not planned, and requires the intervention of the people « at the rear » to get out of this situation. At the beginning of 1915, a war solidarity society gradually established itself. The State progressively, regulated the phenomenon, and this leads, because of charity scams, to a series of laws covering the whole of society. As we went along, we detailed the main solidarity phenomena that are specific to each year, and demonstrated a real increase in the phenomenon throughout the conflict, of which the massive involvement of the American Red Cross is one of the highlights

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.
Title from screen (viewed on July 29, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, Daniella Kostroun, Giles R. Hoyt. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-94).

Ce travail entend étudier la manière dont l’occupation allemande, au cours de la GrandeGuerre, redéfinit les configurations sociales et les interdépendances au sein des populationsciviles. La micro-analyse dans le cadre du département de l’Aisne nous offre l’opportunitéd’un carottage de la réalité sociale de l’échelle mezzo à l’échelle micro. La comparaison dessituations vécues au sein du département, à partir des nombreux récits collectés, permet dedresser les contours d’une violence propre à l’occupation qui ne se réduit pas pour autant à laviolence exercée par l’occupant. Le regard porté sur les municipalités rend compte d’unnouvel équilibre des pouvoirs au niveau local : les maires, considérés par l’occupant commeseules autorités légales, doivent trouver avec lui des modes de coopération qui soientacceptables. Dans le même temps, ils sont amenés à renouveler leurs pratiques afin derépondre aux urgences sociales comme aux injonctions des commandants. Enfin, à l’échelleindividuelle, les perceptions et les stratégies des civils sont examinées comme celles d’acteurssociaux au sein de communautés locales. Sont alors dévoilées les tensions et la duplicité desattitudes à l’égard de l’autorité d’occupation, duplicité qui n’exclut pas des formes derencontres et d’ententes avec des soldats ennemis
This study intends to explore how German occupation during the Great War redefines socialconfigurations and interdependencies among civilian populations. Analyzing a limited arealike Aisne provides us an opportunity of drilling in social reality, from mezzo to micro scale.Comparing experiences within the 'département', on the basis of numerous accounts gathered,allows us to outline the contours of a specific violence during military occupation which is notonly the violence of German armies. The perception of municipal governments accounts for anew balance of power at local level : mayors, considered by occupier as the only legalauthorities, have to define with him acceptable ways of cooperation. At the same time, theymust renew their practices to respond to social emergencies and orders of Germancommanders. Finally, at the individual level, strategies and perceptions of civilians areexamined as those of social actors within local communities. This brings us to gauge both theextent of tensions and the duplicity towards occupying authority, duplicity which does notexclude different types of meetings and agreements with enemy soldiers

Die Studie untersucht am Beispiel der sächsischen Residenz- und Garnisonsstadt Dresden die mit Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges einsetzende Einbindung der freien Fürsorge in die sich zunehmend professionalisierende und bürokratisierende öffentliche Wohlfahrtspflege und stellt damit gleichsam die Bedeutung der "Sozialstadt" als Vorläuferin des späteren "Sozialstaates" heraus. Die sozialpolitische Katalysatorwirkung des Krieges wird anhand der einzelnen Fürsorgemaßnahmen ausführlich analysiert. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Rolle der Sozialdemokratie als tragende Kraft des fürsorgepolitischen Konsenses in Dresden.

During the Progressive Era in the United States, social hygiene reformers underwent a fundamental change in their stance toward women accused of prostitution or promiscuous behavior. Rather than viewing such women as unfortunate victims of circumstance who were worthy of compassion, many Progressives deemed them as predatory villains who instead deserved incarceration, forced rehabilitation, and non-consenting medical interference. Texas, due to the many military bases within its borders, became a key battleground in this moral crusade against women as the carriers and proliferators of VD. "Promiscuous" women were seen as not only dangerous to the soldiers but also as a threat to the nation's security, creating an environment that led Texas Progressives to suppress women's civil liberties in the name of protecting soldiers. The catalyst for this change in attitude was World War I. The Great War brought to the forefront an unpleasant reality facing a significant percentage of America's fighting men: venereal disease. While combating sexually transmitted diseases was a serious medical and manpower concern for the military in the era before penicillin, the sole focus on women as the carriers and proliferators of VD led to a nationwide campaign against the "social evil" that demonized women and led to the suspension of thousands of women's habeas corpus rights. This dissertation examines how the twin crusades of Progressivism and the War to End All Wars created conditions in Texas that for many women meant appalling repression rather than progress toward the enjoyment of greater equality.

Cette thèse de doctorat examine l’impact social de la Première Guerre mondiale dans l’Empire ottoman sur les femmes turques défavorisées et la réaction quotidienne de ces femmes aux conditions négatives de la guerre et aux mesures de l’État concernant les femmes. Elle utilise l’approche de l’histoire populaire et des nouvelles sources des archives ottomanes pour démontrer les voix et les expériences des femmes ordinaires, surtout leur lutte contre l’appauvrissement à cause de la guerre et les politiques sociales insuffisantes. Par conséquent, elle contribue à combler une grande lacune dans l’historiographie sur l’Empire ottomane et les études sur les femmes qui examinent rarement les femmes turques ordinaires. Elle renforce l’idée que les femmes ottomanes ont eu des grandes difficultés à cause de la guerre contrairement aux comptes de modernisation soulignant seulement les développements positifs concernant les libertés et les droits des femmes après la guerre. Elle réfute les comptes acceptant la guerre comme une période pendant laquelle toutes les femmes turques ont vécu une « émancipation. » D’ailleurs, elle met en lumière les formes et les aspects des points de vue critiques des femmes et de la politique quotidienne des femmes pour survivre les conditions négatives de la guerre, pour faire entendre leurs voix, pour protéger leurs droits et pour recevoir des aides sociales
This dissertation examines the social impact of World War I in the Ottoman Empire on ordinary poor Turkish women and their everyday response to the adverse wartime conditions and the state policies concerning them. Based on new archival sources giving detailed information about the voice, experience and agency of these women and based on the history from below approach, this study focuses on poor, underprivileged and working Turkish women’s everyday experiences, especially their struggle against and perception of wartime conditions, mobilization and state policies about them. By doing so, it contributes to filling the great gap in late Ottoman historiography and women’s studies, which rarely examine ordinary women and their everyday problems and struggles for survival and rights. First, it scrutinizes how ordinary women experienced the war and argues that, in contrast to the modernization accounts that overlook women’s sufferings at the cost of post-war developments in women’s rights and liberties, ordinary Turkish women had great difficulties during the war years. It presents a major caveat to the accounts accepting the war years as a period during which Turkish women monolithically experienced a gradual liberty and « emancipation. » Second, it brings the unexamined forms and aspects of women’s critical and subjective views, their everyday politics to circumvent the adverse conditions and state policies, to make their voices heard, to pursue their rights, and to receive government support into the light
Bu doktora tezi Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın sıradan yoksul Türk kadınları üzerindeki sosyal etkilerini ve kadınların olumsuz savaş koşullarına ve kendileriyle ilgili devlet politikalarına yönelik tavırlarını incelemektedir. Kadınların sesleri, deneyimleri ve tarihsel rolleri hakkında detaylı bilgiler veren yeni arşiv kaynaklarına ve aşağıdan tarih yaklaşımına dayanan bu tez yoksul, temel sosyal haklardan yoksun ve çalışan Türk kadınlarının gündelik deneyimlerine, özellikle de savaş koşulları, seferberlik ve devlet politikalarını algılayış ve bunlarla mücadele biçimlerine odaklanmaktadır. Dolayısıyla, bu tez, sıradan kadınları ve onların gündelik problemleriyle hayatta kalma ve hak mücadelelerini çok az inceleyen Osmanlı tarihçiliği ve kadın araştırmalarındaki büyük bir boşluğu doldurmaya katkıda bulunmaktadır. Bu tez, bu anlamda, iki temel temaya odaklanmaktadır. Öncelikle, sıradan kadınların savaşı nasıl deneyimlediklerini mercek altına almakta ve onların çektikleri acıları savaş sonrası kadın hak ve özgürlüklerindeki ve üst ve orta sınıf eğitimli kadınların etkinlik ve deneyimlerindeki gelişmelerin bir bedeli olarak algılayıp gözden kaçıran modernleşmeanlatılarının tersine sıradan kadınların savaş yıllarında büyük güçlükler çektiğini savunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, Türk kadınlarının savaş yıllarında bütün olarak görece bir “özgürleşme” yaşadıklarını kabul eden anlatılara önemli bir uyarıdır. İkincil olarak, bu tez, kadınların zorluklarla gündelik mücadelelerine odaklanarak kadınların eleştirel ve öznel tutumlarının ve olumsuz koşullar ve devlet politikalarından kaçmak, seslerini duyurmak, haklarının peşine düşmek ve destek görebilmek amaçlı gündelik politikalarının keşfedilmemiş biçim ve yönlerini gün ışığına çıkarmaktadır

Le Centenaire de la Première Guerre mondiale (PGM) témoigne d’une volonté de commémorer, et plus généralement, un phénomène de société qui interroge les traces de ce conflit dans la pensée sociale. L'objectif de notre thèse est d'interroger la manière dont la figure emblématique du soldat de la Grande Guerre est aujourd'hui pensée, illustrée, ancrée, commémorée en contexte européen et français. Nous soutenons l'hypothèse que les représentations sociales du soldat de 14-18 jouent un rôle emblématique dans la transmission de la mémoire collective de la Grande Guerre. Les conditions de vie difficiles dans les tranchées, les traumatismes physiques et psychiques caractérisent ce conflit et mettent en évidence son caractère victimaire (Rimé, Bouchat, Klein & Licata, 2015). La construction sociale des souvenirs liés à un évènement historique s'inscrit dans un cadre se référant à une identité sociale (Haas & Jodelet, 2007 ; Jodelet & Haas, 2019). Avons-nous une représentation homogène de la Grande Guerre en Europe et en France en particulier ? Trois sources de résultats nous permettront d'illustrer notre recherche :Une première issue du projet européen Nemex COST Action 1205 (Bouchat, Licata, Rosoux & Klein, 2017, 2019) portant sur la mémoire collective des événements de la PGM via un échantillon (N=2525) d'étudiant.es de 16 pays différents. Nous avons opéré une analyse secondaire de deux échelles (émotionnelle et représentationnelle) portant sur le soldat de 14-18 de son propre pays ou d'un pays ennemi. On constate une différence significative de réponses en fonction de la nationalité des participants et du rôle de leur pays lors de la PGM : pays anciennement belligérants (plus emphatique) versus neutres (plus négative). En revanche, une tendance commune des réponses converge vers une représentation consensuelle de l'ennemi.La seconde phase vise à tenter de déterminer s'il existe une différenciation inter-régionale possible de la représentation sociale du soldat en France. Pour cela, un questionnaire a été diffusé dans 14 universités françaises (N=884). Les premiers résultats indiquent une homogénéité apparente des réponses, une sorte d'image nationale du soldat. Pourtant, certains facteurs (héroïsme, patriotisme, volontariat et haine des ennemis) présentent des variations intra-groupes significatives illustrant une différence entre le Nord-Est et le Centre-Est/Sud.Dans une troisième phase, une analyse qualitative et lexicométrique est mise en place. Tout d’abord l’analyse d’un échantillon d’articles (N=48) du site français « centenaire.org » (Label Mission Centenaire 14-18). Puis, la création d’une grille d’analyse nous a permis d’étudier les images (N=285) publiées sur le même site. Notre approche nous a permis de vérifier l’hypothèse de l’existence d’une représentation singulière de la guerre selon la situation géographique de la région concernée. D’un côté, le Grand-Est caractérisé par une mémoire du front ancrée localement à travers les paysages marqués à jamais. De l’autre, Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, représentative de l’arrière actif au rôle décisif où le souvenir passe par la réappropriation des témoignages
The Centenary of the First World War (WWI) shows a desire to commemorate, and more generally, a social phenomenon which questions the traces of this conflict in social thought. The aim of our thesis is to question the way which the emblematic figure of the soldier of the Great War is today thought, illustrated, anchored, commemorated in European and French context. We support the hypothesis that the social representation of the soldier from WWI plays an emblematic role in the transmission of the collective memory of the Great War. Difficult living conditions in the trenches, the physical and psychological trauma characterize this conflict and highlight the victimhood (Rimé, Bouchat, Klein & Licata, 2015). The social construction of memories linked to a historical event is part of a framework referring to a social identity (Haas & Jodelet, 2007; Jodelet & Haas, 2019). Do we have a homogeneous representation of the Great War in Europe and in France in particular? Three sources of results will allow us to illustrate our research: A first series of results came from the European Project Nemex COST Action 1205 (Bouchat, Licata, Rosoux & Klein, 2017, 2019) on the collective memory of WWI events via a sample (N=2525) of students from 16 countries. We performed a secondary analysis of two scales (emotional and representational) on the 14-18 soldier from his own country or from an enemy country. There is a significant difference in responses depending on the nationality of the participants and the status of their country during the WWI: formerly belligerent countries (more emphatic) versus neutral (more negative). On the other hand, a common tendency of responses converges towards a consensual representation of the enemy.A second phase aims to try to determine if there is a possible inter-regional differentiation of the social representation of the soldier in France. For this, a questionnaire was distributed to 14 French universities (N=884). The first results indicate an apparent homogeneity of the responses, a sort of national image of the soldier. However, certain factors (heroism, patriotism, voluntary and hatred of enemies) present significant intra-group variations illustrating a difference between the North-East and the Center-East / South. Finally, a qualitative and lexicometric analysis is implemented. First, the analysis of a sample of articles (N=48) from the French site “centenaire.org” (Label Mission Centenaire 14-18). Then, the creation of an analysis grid allowed us to study the images (N=285) published on the same site. Our approach allowed us to test the hypothesis of the existence of a singular representation of the war according to the geographical location of the region concerned. On the one hand, the Grand-Est characterized by a memory of the front locally anchored across the landscapes marked forever. On the other, Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, representative of the active rear in the decisive role where the memory passes by the reappropriation of testimonies

The abortive or briefly successful Central European revolutions after World War I have mostly been perceived as efforts to export Bolshevism beyond Russia´s borders. This is particularly misleading in regard to the Hungarian revolution, a much more complex phenomenon than has commonly been assumed. This chapter analyzes the events of 1918-1919 in detail and shows that there was no ready-made model that could be transferred from Russia to Hungary. Moreover, the role of the Social Democrats in the revolution was far too important for it to be labelled a Bolshevik one, and the revolutionary government had to deal with specific problems concerning the survival and retrenchment of the Hungarian state after the downfall of the Habsburg monarchy. The last section briefly analyses one of the most significant twentieth-century works on Marxist theory, Lukács‘s History and Class Consciousness, written as a postscript to the Hungarian revolution.

This chapter argues that the Liberal Welfare Reforms of 1906–11, which created a safety net reducing the economic insecurity associated with industrial capitalism, marked a watershed in the history of British social welfare policy. Their timing is explained by increased middle-class knowledge of workers' insecurity and by the greater willingness of Parliament to act as a result of growing working-class political influence. The chapter then compares British social welfare policies with social policies elsewhere in Western Europe. Britain's welfare reforms did not take place in isolation—several European nations adopted social welfare policies in the decades leading up to 1914. Indeed, Britain was a bit of a latecomer in the adoption of social programs, although it caught up quickly after 1906 and by the eve of the First World War was a leader in social welfare protection.

As politicians and the general public alike debate the meaning of the First World War in the context of recent centennial anniversaries, this volume contributes to the discussion over what the conflict meant for various facets of British radicalism, broadly interpreted. The book emerges from a public conference held at Anglia Ruskin University in Cambridge on 3 May 2014, which saw papers from academics and archivists, and was attended by a divergent range of people from local Labour activists to doctoral students. The discussions seen at this event explored various social, economic and political themes related to Britain’s path between 1914 and 1918 – and thus this book crosses over a number of historiographical debates too. The aim with the following introduction is not to provide a sweeping discussion of all facets of this work, but to draw out the relevant key themes and discussion points....

By the end of World War I, the basic structures of undergraduate medical education in both Europe and America were largely in place. Future practitioners on both sides of the Atlantic now began their training with a lengthy preparation in liberal studies, with special attention to physics, chemistry, and biology, then studied for two or more years in laboratory based courses in the preclinical medical sciences followed by a like period of clinical study, and finally spent at least a year in acquiring practical, hands-on training in a hospital. With few changes, except for the growth of postgraduate education, this basic pattern prevailed everywhere in the interwar years before 1945. In the transatlantic nations, in short, these were years of consolidation of patterns formed well before 1914. The study of medicine now consumed a minimum of five years beyond the school-leaving or college experience and frequently took six to ten years to complete. Except for the hospital schools of London, nearly every medical school in the Western world was attached to a university. Almost no school of medicine was without its teaching hospital where training students was a primary concern. Governments everywhere played an ever larger role in setting basic requirements and providing financial support of medical education. Physicians’ associations became more and more powerful and sometimes dominant in setting standards of education and licensure. And in these postwar years, the practice of medicine became an almost wholly middle-class occupation, exacting high standards of preparation and social expectation and open to only the most exceptional among the less affluent. The costs of study were rising so steeply that it was largely unavailable to the poor, even in the United States. The national differences of a quarter-century before, though evened out in many particulars, were still discernible in 1920. The war, after all, permitted no major changes in instruction, equipment, or curriculum in Europe, and reform efforts after the war were hampered by the need to restore and rebuild.

After World War I, from 1918 to 1920, Felice Casorati actively partecipated to Ca’ Pesaro exhibitions and we can therefore identify his new pictorial production in the frame of relationships between Venetian and Turinese environment. Ca’ Pesaro plays an essential role in this phase of his career, offering themes and models that can be traced back to the strategies that inspire his cultural action upon his arrival in Turin. Starting from a premise on his paintings and exhibitions of 1914-16, this contribution compares two cities, their structures and institutions; we can also better understand which works of art he assigns to different shows both in Turin and in Venice: at Ca’ Pesaro, at the Geri Boralevi Gallery, at the Circolo degli Artisti and at the Promotrice delle Belle Arti. The focus is on the exhibition intended as a social space and a milieu where artistic researches are made and discussed, on how Casorati setted up paintings in the rooms and in which sequence, on those different occasions.