Dissertationen zum Thema „Social classes World War, 1914-1918“

This thesis examines daily life in the city of Prague during the First World War and in its immediate aftermath. Its aim is twofold: to explore the impact of the war on urban space and to analyse the relationship of Prague’s inhabitants to the Austro-Hungarian and then Czechoslovak state. To this end, both the mobilization for the war effort and the crisis of legitimacy experienced by the state are investigated. The two elements are connected: it is precisely because of the great sacrifices made by Praguers during the conflict that the Empire lost the trust of its citizens. Food shortages also constitute a major feature of the war experience and the inappropriate management of supply by the state played a large role in its final collapse. The study goes beyond Czechoslovak independence on 28 October 1918 to fully grasp the continuities between the two polities and the consequences of the war on this transitional period. Beyond the official national revolution, the revolutionary spirit in Prague around the time of regime change reveals the interplay between national and social motives, making it part of a broader European revolutionary movement at the time.

La solidarité est un phénomène qui pousse les personnes à s’entraider. Nous l’avons définie comme étant « un groupe homogène d’individus qui s’unissent pour faire face à une adversité ». Après une étude sur les catastrophes naturelles d’avant-guerre (séismes de l’Italie Méridionale de décembre1908 et du Midi de la France de juin 1909), nous avons constaté des points de convergences entre les besoins solidaires qui s’y sont exprimés et ceux que l’on peut retrouver lors de la Première Guerre Mondiale : forte mortalité, recherche des disparus, blessés nombreux, présence de personnes nécessitant un refuge, et enfin l’intervention de la Croix-Rouge Française. Ce constat est d’autant plus important que ce fut sur ces bases-là que fut organisée la solidarité lors de la Grande Guerre. La Première Guerre Mondiale débute sur une catastrophe, à laquelle la France, contre toutes les attentes de l’époque, n’était pas prête. Les premiers mois voient apparaître tous les éléments dont nous parlions plus haut. Cela n’était pas planifié, et nécessite l’intervention des populations de l’arrière pour sortir de cette situation. Début 1915, une société solidaire de guerre s’installe progressivement. L’État, petit à petit, encadre le phénomène, et cela débouche, à cause d’escroqueries à la charité, sur des séries de lois couvrant l’ensemble de la société. Au fur et à mesure, nous avons détaillé les principaux phénomènes solidaires qui sont spécifiques à chaque année, et démontré une vraie montée en puissance du phénomène tout au long du conflit, dont l’engagement massif la Croix-Rouge Américaine représente un des points d’orgue
Solidarity is a phenomenon that pushes people to help each other. We have defined it as "a homogeneous group of individuals who come together to face an adversity". After a study on pre-war natural disasters (earthquakes in southern Italy in december 1908 and in southern France in june 1909), we noted points of convergence between the solidarity needs expressed there and those that can be found during the First World War: high mortality, search for the missing, many wounded, presence of people in need of refuge, and finally the intervention of the French Red Cross. This observation is all the more important as it was on these bases that solidarity was organized during the Great War. The First World War began with a disaster, to which France, against all expectations at the time, was not ready. The first few months see all the elements mentioned above appear. This was not planned, and requires the intervention of the people « at the rear » to get out of this situation. At the beginning of 1915, a war solidarity society gradually established itself. The State progressively, regulated the phenomenon, and this leads, because of charity scams, to a series of laws covering the whole of society. As we went along, we detailed the main solidarity phenomena that are specific to each year, and demonstrated a real increase in the phenomenon throughout the conflict, of which the massive involvement of the American Red Cross is one of the highlights

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.
Title from screen (viewed on July 29, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, Daniella Kostroun, Giles R. Hoyt. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-94).

Ce travail entend étudier la manière dont l’occupation allemande, au cours de la GrandeGuerre, redéfinit les configurations sociales et les interdépendances au sein des populationsciviles. La micro-analyse dans le cadre du département de l’Aisne nous offre l’opportunitéd’un carottage de la réalité sociale de l’échelle mezzo à l’échelle micro. La comparaison dessituations vécues au sein du département, à partir des nombreux récits collectés, permet dedresser les contours d’une violence propre à l’occupation qui ne se réduit pas pour autant à laviolence exercée par l’occupant. Le regard porté sur les municipalités rend compte d’unnouvel équilibre des pouvoirs au niveau local : les maires, considérés par l’occupant commeseules autorités légales, doivent trouver avec lui des modes de coopération qui soientacceptables. Dans le même temps, ils sont amenés à renouveler leurs pratiques afin derépondre aux urgences sociales comme aux injonctions des commandants. Enfin, à l’échelleindividuelle, les perceptions et les stratégies des civils sont examinées comme celles d’acteurssociaux au sein de communautés locales. Sont alors dévoilées les tensions et la duplicité desattitudes à l’égard de l’autorité d’occupation, duplicité qui n’exclut pas des formes derencontres et d’ententes avec des soldats ennemis
This study intends to explore how German occupation during the Great War redefines socialconfigurations and interdependencies among civilian populations. Analyzing a limited arealike Aisne provides us an opportunity of drilling in social reality, from mezzo to micro scale.Comparing experiences within the 'département', on the basis of numerous accounts gathered,allows us to outline the contours of a specific violence during military occupation which is notonly the violence of German armies. The perception of municipal governments accounts for anew balance of power at local level : mayors, considered by occupier as the only legalauthorities, have to define with him acceptable ways of cooperation. At the same time, theymust renew their practices to respond to social emergencies and orders of Germancommanders. Finally, at the individual level, strategies and perceptions of civilians areexamined as those of social actors within local communities. This brings us to gauge both theextent of tensions and the duplicity towards occupying authority, duplicity which does notexclude different types of meetings and agreements with enemy soldiers

Die Studie untersucht am Beispiel der sächsischen Residenz- und Garnisonsstadt Dresden die mit Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges einsetzende Einbindung der freien Fürsorge in die sich zunehmend professionalisierende und bürokratisierende öffentliche Wohlfahrtspflege und stellt damit gleichsam die Bedeutung der "Sozialstadt" als Vorläuferin des späteren "Sozialstaates" heraus. Die sozialpolitische Katalysatorwirkung des Krieges wird anhand der einzelnen Fürsorgemaßnahmen ausführlich analysiert. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Rolle der Sozialdemokratie als tragende Kraft des fürsorgepolitischen Konsenses in Dresden.

During the Progressive Era in the United States, social hygiene reformers underwent a fundamental change in their stance toward women accused of prostitution or promiscuous behavior. Rather than viewing such women as unfortunate victims of circumstance who were worthy of compassion, many Progressives deemed them as predatory villains who instead deserved incarceration, forced rehabilitation, and non-consenting medical interference. Texas, due to the many military bases within its borders, became a key battleground in this moral crusade against women as the carriers and proliferators of VD. "Promiscuous" women were seen as not only dangerous to the soldiers but also as a threat to the nation's security, creating an environment that led Texas Progressives to suppress women's civil liberties in the name of protecting soldiers. The catalyst for this change in attitude was World War I. The Great War brought to the forefront an unpleasant reality facing a significant percentage of America's fighting men: venereal disease. While combating sexually transmitted diseases was a serious medical and manpower concern for the military in the era before penicillin, the sole focus on women as the carriers and proliferators of VD led to a nationwide campaign against the "social evil" that demonized women and led to the suspension of thousands of women's habeas corpus rights. This dissertation examines how the twin crusades of Progressivism and the War to End All Wars created conditions in Texas that for many women meant appalling repression rather than progress toward the enjoyment of greater equality.

Cette thèse de doctorat examine l’impact social de la Première Guerre mondiale dans l’Empire ottoman sur les femmes turques défavorisées et la réaction quotidienne de ces femmes aux conditions négatives de la guerre et aux mesures de l’État concernant les femmes. Elle utilise l’approche de l’histoire populaire et des nouvelles sources des archives ottomanes pour démontrer les voix et les expériences des femmes ordinaires, surtout leur lutte contre l’appauvrissement à cause de la guerre et les politiques sociales insuffisantes. Par conséquent, elle contribue à combler une grande lacune dans l’historiographie sur l’Empire ottomane et les études sur les femmes qui examinent rarement les femmes turques ordinaires. Elle renforce l’idée que les femmes ottomanes ont eu des grandes difficultés à cause de la guerre contrairement aux comptes de modernisation soulignant seulement les développements positifs concernant les libertés et les droits des femmes après la guerre. Elle réfute les comptes acceptant la guerre comme une période pendant laquelle toutes les femmes turques ont vécu une « émancipation. » D’ailleurs, elle met en lumière les formes et les aspects des points de vue critiques des femmes et de la politique quotidienne des femmes pour survivre les conditions négatives de la guerre, pour faire entendre leurs voix, pour protéger leurs droits et pour recevoir des aides sociales
This dissertation examines the social impact of World War I in the Ottoman Empire on ordinary poor Turkish women and their everyday response to the adverse wartime conditions and the state policies concerning them. Based on new archival sources giving detailed information about the voice, experience and agency of these women and based on the history from below approach, this study focuses on poor, underprivileged and working Turkish women’s everyday experiences, especially their struggle against and perception of wartime conditions, mobilization and state policies about them. By doing so, it contributes to filling the great gap in late Ottoman historiography and women’s studies, which rarely examine ordinary women and their everyday problems and struggles for survival and rights. First, it scrutinizes how ordinary women experienced the war and argues that, in contrast to the modernization accounts that overlook women’s sufferings at the cost of post-war developments in women’s rights and liberties, ordinary Turkish women had great difficulties during the war years. It presents a major caveat to the accounts accepting the war years as a period during which Turkish women monolithically experienced a gradual liberty and « emancipation. » Second, it brings the unexamined forms and aspects of women’s critical and subjective views, their everyday politics to circumvent the adverse conditions and state policies, to make their voices heard, to pursue their rights, and to receive government support into the light
Bu doktora tezi Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın sıradan yoksul Türk kadınları üzerindeki sosyal etkilerini ve kadınların olumsuz savaş koşullarına ve kendileriyle ilgili devlet politikalarına yönelik tavırlarını incelemektedir. Kadınların sesleri, deneyimleri ve tarihsel rolleri hakkında detaylı bilgiler veren yeni arşiv kaynaklarına ve aşağıdan tarih yaklaşımına dayanan bu tez yoksul, temel sosyal haklardan yoksun ve çalışan Türk kadınlarının gündelik deneyimlerine, özellikle de savaş koşulları, seferberlik ve devlet politikalarını algılayış ve bunlarla mücadele biçimlerine odaklanmaktadır. Dolayısıyla, bu tez, sıradan kadınları ve onların gündelik problemleriyle hayatta kalma ve hak mücadelelerini çok az inceleyen Osmanlı tarihçiliği ve kadın araştırmalarındaki büyük bir boşluğu doldurmaya katkıda bulunmaktadır. Bu tez, bu anlamda, iki temel temaya odaklanmaktadır. Öncelikle, sıradan kadınların savaşı nasıl deneyimlediklerini mercek altına almakta ve onların çektikleri acıları savaş sonrası kadın hak ve özgürlüklerindeki ve üst ve orta sınıf eğitimli kadınların etkinlik ve deneyimlerindeki gelişmelerin bir bedeli olarak algılayıp gözden kaçıran modernleşmeanlatılarının tersine sıradan kadınların savaş yıllarında büyük güçlükler çektiğini savunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, Türk kadınlarının savaş yıllarında bütün olarak görece bir “özgürleşme” yaşadıklarını kabul eden anlatılara önemli bir uyarıdır. İkincil olarak, bu tez, kadınların zorluklarla gündelik mücadelelerine odaklanarak kadınların eleştirel ve öznel tutumlarının ve olumsuz koşullar ve devlet politikalarından kaçmak, seslerini duyurmak, haklarının peşine düşmek ve destek görebilmek amaçlı gündelik politikalarının keşfedilmemiş biçim ve yönlerini gün ışığına çıkarmaktadır

Le Centenaire de la Première Guerre mondiale (PGM) témoigne d’une volonté de commémorer, et plus généralement, un phénomène de société qui interroge les traces de ce conflit dans la pensée sociale. L'objectif de notre thèse est d'interroger la manière dont la figure emblématique du soldat de la Grande Guerre est aujourd'hui pensée, illustrée, ancrée, commémorée en contexte européen et français. Nous soutenons l'hypothèse que les représentations sociales du soldat de 14-18 jouent un rôle emblématique dans la transmission de la mémoire collective de la Grande Guerre. Les conditions de vie difficiles dans les tranchées, les traumatismes physiques et psychiques caractérisent ce conflit et mettent en évidence son caractère victimaire (Rimé, Bouchat, Klein & Licata, 2015). La construction sociale des souvenirs liés à un évènement historique s'inscrit dans un cadre se référant à une identité sociale (Haas & Jodelet, 2007 ; Jodelet & Haas, 2019). Avons-nous une représentation homogène de la Grande Guerre en Europe et en France en particulier ? Trois sources de résultats nous permettront d'illustrer notre recherche :Une première issue du projet européen Nemex COST Action 1205 (Bouchat, Licata, Rosoux & Klein, 2017, 2019) portant sur la mémoire collective des événements de la PGM via un échantillon (N=2525) d'étudiant.es de 16 pays différents. Nous avons opéré une analyse secondaire de deux échelles (émotionnelle et représentationnelle) portant sur le soldat de 14-18 de son propre pays ou d'un pays ennemi. On constate une différence significative de réponses en fonction de la nationalité des participants et du rôle de leur pays lors de la PGM : pays anciennement belligérants (plus emphatique) versus neutres (plus négative). En revanche, une tendance commune des réponses converge vers une représentation consensuelle de l'ennemi.La seconde phase vise à tenter de déterminer s'il existe une différenciation inter-régionale possible de la représentation sociale du soldat en France. Pour cela, un questionnaire a été diffusé dans 14 universités françaises (N=884). Les premiers résultats indiquent une homogénéité apparente des réponses, une sorte d'image nationale du soldat. Pourtant, certains facteurs (héroïsme, patriotisme, volontariat et haine des ennemis) présentent des variations intra-groupes significatives illustrant une différence entre le Nord-Est et le Centre-Est/Sud.Dans une troisième phase, une analyse qualitative et lexicométrique est mise en place. Tout d’abord l’analyse d’un échantillon d’articles (N=48) du site français « centenaire.org » (Label Mission Centenaire 14-18). Puis, la création d’une grille d’analyse nous a permis d’étudier les images (N=285) publiées sur le même site. Notre approche nous a permis de vérifier l’hypothèse de l’existence d’une représentation singulière de la guerre selon la situation géographique de la région concernée. D’un côté, le Grand-Est caractérisé par une mémoire du front ancrée localement à travers les paysages marqués à jamais. De l’autre, Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, représentative de l’arrière actif au rôle décisif où le souvenir passe par la réappropriation des témoignages
The Centenary of the First World War (WWI) shows a desire to commemorate, and more generally, a social phenomenon which questions the traces of this conflict in social thought. The aim of our thesis is to question the way which the emblematic figure of the soldier of the Great War is today thought, illustrated, anchored, commemorated in European and French context. We support the hypothesis that the social representation of the soldier from WWI plays an emblematic role in the transmission of the collective memory of the Great War. Difficult living conditions in the trenches, the physical and psychological trauma characterize this conflict and highlight the victimhood (Rimé, Bouchat, Klein & Licata, 2015). The social construction of memories linked to a historical event is part of a framework referring to a social identity (Haas & Jodelet, 2007; Jodelet & Haas, 2019). Do we have a homogeneous representation of the Great War in Europe and in France in particular? Three sources of results will allow us to illustrate our research: A first series of results came from the European Project Nemex COST Action 1205 (Bouchat, Licata, Rosoux & Klein, 2017, 2019) on the collective memory of WWI events via a sample (N=2525) of students from 16 countries. We performed a secondary analysis of two scales (emotional and representational) on the 14-18 soldier from his own country or from an enemy country. There is a significant difference in responses depending on the nationality of the participants and the status of their country during the WWI: formerly belligerent countries (more emphatic) versus neutral (more negative). On the other hand, a common tendency of responses converges towards a consensual representation of the enemy.A second phase aims to try to determine if there is a possible inter-regional differentiation of the social representation of the soldier in France. For this, a questionnaire was distributed to 14 French universities (N=884). The first results indicate an apparent homogeneity of the responses, a sort of national image of the soldier. However, certain factors (heroism, patriotism, voluntary and hatred of enemies) present significant intra-group variations illustrating a difference between the North-East and the Center-East / South. Finally, a qualitative and lexicometric analysis is implemented. First, the analysis of a sample of articles (N=48) from the French site “centenaire.org” (Label Mission Centenaire 14-18). Then, the creation of an analysis grid allowed us to study the images (N=285) published on the same site. Our approach allowed us to test the hypothesis of the existence of a singular representation of the war according to the geographical location of the region concerned. On the one hand, the Grand-Est characterized by a memory of the front locally anchored across the landscapes marked forever. On the other, Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, representative of the active rear in the decisive role where the memory passes by the reappropriation of testimonies

Die Studie untersucht am Beispiel der sächsischen Residenz- und Garnisonsstadt Dresden die mit Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges einsetzende Einbindung der freien Fürsorge in die sich zunehmend professionalisierende und bürokratisierende öffentliche Wohlfahrtspflege und stellt damit gleichsam die Bedeutung der "Sozialstadt" als Vorläuferin des späteren "Sozialstaates" heraus. Die sozialpolitische Katalysatorwirkung des Krieges wird anhand der einzelnen Fürsorgemaßnahmen ausführlich analysiert. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Rolle der Sozialdemokratie als tragende Kraft des fürsorgepolitischen Konsenses in Dresden.

Ce travail questionne le discours combattant dans la presse de tranchées pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Il ambitionne de mettre en lumière le positionnement discursif des combattants-journalistes dans ces journaux. Investissant la théorie du discours social (Angenot), nous envisageons la presse de tranchées comme un espace discursif d’affranchissement du discours dominant d’Union sacrée, un espace de contre-discours. Notre travail, s’appuyant sur un corpus-échantillon, explore avec les outils de l’analyse de données textuelles, cinq journaux de tranchées pour un peu plus d’un demi-million d’occurrences. En mobilisant les théories de l’argumentation dans le discours (Amossy), nous cherchons à mettre en contraste le discours combattant avec les discours circulant dans l’espace public : à cet effet, notre analyse recourt, sur le plan méthodologique, à un volet de contextualisation (Cislaru & Sitri). Dans la perspective de catégoriser le discours combattant et de mettre en lumière son positionnement face au discours dominant, nous nous concentrons également sur les phénomènes d’hétérogénéité énonciative (Authier-Revuz) et leurs formes dans les journaux de tranchées
This work offers an in-depth study of French soldiers’ discourse in the Trench Press (written by soldiers for soldiers) during the First World War. In the early beginning of the war, the public space is shaped by the sacred Union speech delivered by Raymond Poincaré, President of France. This constitutive speech (Grésillon & Maingueneau) builds an hegemonic discourse (Angenot) that becomes the only one that can be told in the public space at least until 1916. Between propaganda and censorship, is it possible to produce a counter-speech, an argumentation against the sacred Union and every representation (soldiers are happy and brave heroes ready to make the sacrifice of their life, german are barbarians, etc.) that comes with it? We first built a corpus of five journals (for about a half million words) which allow us to use textometric tools that offers, among other things, different angles of reading. By investing the argumentative dimension theory (Amossy) that sees discourse as a way, not only to convince but also, to show a point of view, our work is trying to reveal if the Trench Press can be consider as a counter-speech. To do so, we explore different paths such as the enunciative heterogeneity (Authier-Revuz) to see how and why the dominant discourse is exposed in the Trench press

A presente dissertação é circunscrita no espaço e no tempo, tendo como objecto de estudo fundamental o concelho de Setúbal durante a I Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Enquadrando historicamente os impactos do conflito no contexto nacional, Setúbal é revisitada entre os finais de oitocentos e os primórdios do século XX a fim de retratar política, económica, social e culturalmente um dos maiores centros urbanos portugueses dos finais da Monarquia Constitucional e do início da I República. Numa lógica de impactos políticos e económico-sociais, esta investigação promove o redescobrir das vivências quotidianas de Setúbal durante um dos períodos mais negros da História da Humanidade. Através do estudo dos mecanismos de acção e intervenção municipais, bem como dos resultados eleitorais e dinâmicas políticopartidárias locais, transmite-se como foram vividos acontecimentos marcantes da vida pública de Portugal, nomeadamente o 14 de Maio de 1915 e o coup d’état sidonista, realçando como dimensões operárias anárquicas e sindicalistas conviviam com grupos conservadores, católicos e monárquicos. Num plano de economia de guerra, o mundo agrícola é abordado em diferentes sectores, nomeadamente na laranja, na cortiça e nos vinhos, dando maior atenção às questões relacionadas com a decadência da fruta e à abertura de novos mercados exportadores, como o Brasil, pela Casa José Maria da Fonseca. A indústria de conservas de peixe, que viveu um boom neste período como resultado da intensa procura externa dos países aliados que tinham nas latas de conserva o alimento das tropas nas trincheiras, representa outro foco de análise deste trabalho. Consequentemente aborda-se o papel da estrutura portuária local na resposta às necessidades de consumo britânicas, francesas e italianas. Por fim, os impactos sociais do conflito em Setúbal constituem um dos enunciados desta investigação, compreendendo como o estudo de uma imprensa dividida na questão intervencionismo versus anti-intervencionismo reflectiu um concelho que viveu como poucos a crise de abastecimentos e a carestia de vida. A proliferação de greves, manifestações contra a guerra, as deserções militares e os assaltos colectivos representam o culminar de um vulcão que entrou em erupção e que ainda sofreu as agruras da epidemia da gripe pneumónica até ao final do ano de 1918.
This work is limited in space and time with the object of study the county of Setúbal during World War I (1914-1918). Historically overviewing the impacts of the conflict in Portugal, Setúbal is revisited between the end of nineteenth century and the beginnings of the twentieth century to portray politically, economically, socially and culturally one of the biggest portuguese cities between the end of the constitutional monarchy and the beginning of the First Republic. By studying the political, economic and social impacts of the Great War, this research promotes the rediscovery of the everyday experiences of Setúbal during one of the darkest periods in human history. By analyzing the mechanisms of action and municipal intervention, and also the election results and local political parties, it is transmitted how were experienced significant events of the public life in Portugal, namely 14 May 1915 and the sidonista revolution, stressing as anarchic and union worker’s dimensions lived with conservative, catholic and monarchists groups. By understanding how the economics of war worked, agrarian world is addressed in sectors including orange, cork and wine, focusing its attention on issues related to fruit decay and the creation of new export markets in the House José Maria da Fonseca. One of the epicenters of this dissertation is the canned fish industry, which experienced a boom during this period because of the intense foreign necessities of the allied countries, which saw the canned tins as food for the troops in the trenches. Consequently, addresses the role of the local port structure in response to the british, french and italian consumer needs. Finally, the social impacts of the conflict in Setubal ends the themes studied in this research, understanding how a divided press on the issue interventionism versus antiinterventionism was the reflection of a county that lived like few others the crisis of supply and the high costs of living. The proliferation of strikes and protests against the war, military defections and collective assaults represent the culmination of a volcano that erupted and still suffered the hardships of the pneumonic flu epidemic until the end of the year 1918.

"December 2004"
Bibliography: leaves 390-420.
vii, 420 leaves : ill., maps, photos. (col.) ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of History, 2005

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
When the United States entered World War I in April 1917, many Americans quickly rallied to support the nation. Among the numerous committees, organizations, and individuals that became active in the mobilization process were the forty-eight state councils of defense. Encouraged to form by President Wilson and his administration in the days and weeks following U.S entry in the war, the state councils grew as offshoots of the Council of National Defense and assisted in bringing every section of the country into a single scheme of work. Everyone was expected to do their part in WWI, whether they were fighting overseas or helping on the home front. The state councils, broken down into various sections and county, township, and high-school level councils, made sure that this was the case by reaching down into local communities and encouraging individuals to become involved in the war effort. Their work represented the embodiment of a “total war” philosophy and, yet, studies on these organizations are surprisingly scarce, giving readers an inadequate understanding of the American home front during the conflict. This thesis therefore places the focus directly on the state councils and examines the work they undertook to make the United States ready for, and most effective in wartime service. In particular, it explores the efforts of the Educational Section of the Indiana State Council of Defense. By concentrating on this one section, readers may gain a better understanding of the lengths that the state councils went to in order to put every person – teachers and students included – on a wartime footing.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This thesis examines a group of German intellectuals and politicians who, during World War I, formulated and proposed a democratic ideology based on their interpretation of the German Enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant and integrated his ideas with those of Karl Marx, the father of modern socialism. Their theory was an attempt to legitimize democracy in Germany at a time when democratic reforms came to the forefront of German politics. These thinkers advocated a non-revolutionary foundation for social democracy by emphasizing the role of human reason and agency in the process of democratization. Because they had abandoned the need for revolution, which most early nineteenth-century socialists believed was socialism’s ‘final goal,’ these thinkers were known as revisionists. The revisionists’ primary medium through which they espoused their views of social democracy was the journal Sozialistische Monatshefte, which ran from 1893 until 1933. The timeframe on which this argument focuses is the last two years of World War I, when Germany’s failure achieve a victor’s peace opened new avenues for the center-left of the political spectrum to achieve democratic reform. The revisionists sought to carry forward the process of democratization, and by doing so, reconnected with the ideas of the Enlightenment.

Twice during the first half of the twentieth century, on two separate and distinctly unique wartime campaigns in Europe, the survival of Canadian overseas armies was badly threatened not by enemy guns, but by the menace and ravages of an unseen enemy: infectious disease. Between the spring of 1915 and the fall of 1918, hundreds of thousands of Canadian soldiers lived and fought in the trenches of the Western Front. The Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) faced many tactical challenges in fighting this radical and unknown style of war in the trenches. There were also many medical challenges faced by the Canadian forces during this new era when they soon discovered that the trench environment was highly conducive to the rapid development and spread of infectious disease. In particular, pathogen carrying pests, such as body lice and rats, and “mysterious” emerging diseases, such as trench fever, would become the bane of existence for many Canadian soldiers. Life in the trenches would prove to be inherently dangerous for reasons other than enemy fire. Just two and one half decades later, during the Second World War, the Canadian First Division, recently victorious in occupying Sicily, was decimated, not by its German or Italian foes but by an epidemic of the mosquito transmitted infectious disease of malaria. Anti-malaria measures and precautions were well known, but the Canadians would discover that both the application of these practices and the compliance of the rank and file could not be taken for granted. This work examines the important influence disease vectors and infectious disease had upon the lives and experiences of our soldiers, as well as the conduct and outcomes of two important twentieth century military campaigns conducted by Canada’s army between 1914 and 1945. In essence, this study will explore and analyze Canadian attempts, both individual and corporate, to control, possibly defeat or at least come to terms with, its most elusive and silent enemies on the field of battle – infectious diseases.