Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Social classes World War, 1914-1918“

AbstractThe dance hall was a symbol of social, cultural and political change. From the mid-1920s until the mid-1960s, the dance hall occupied a pivotal place in the culture of working- and lower-middle-class communities in Britain. Its emergence and popularity following the First World War reflected improvements in the social and economic well-being of the working and lower middle classes. The architecture of dance halls reflected these modernising trends, as well as a democratisation of pleasure. The very name adopted by the modern dance hall, ‘palais de danse’, emphasises this ambition. Affordable luxury was a key part of their attraction. This article examines how the architecture of dance halls represented moments of optimism, escapism and ‘modernity’ in British history in the period 1918–65. It provides the first overview of dance halls from an architectural and spatial history perspective.

The author disputes Leder’s idea in Prześniona rewolucja. Ćwiczenie z logiki historycznej [A Missed Revolution: Exercise in Historical Logic] (2014) that a great revolution, eliminating the “late feudalism” of the 19th century, occurred in Poland in the years 1939–1956 and that it happened because of the war’s destruction of the old social structures and the Nazi genocide of the Jewish population, that is, the bourgeois class, which was replaced in the years 1945–1956 by unconscious beneficiaries of the change. The beneficiaries were unaware, he writes, because the essence of the changes and their benefits never entered the social imaginary. The core of the author’s polemic is the claim that such change, which was conducted by force and by foreigners, can not be called a “revolution,” that is, the passage of society to modernity. Furthermore, the author claims that the great Polish revolution was conducted in full by the nation, by the peasant classes, in the years 1914–1922, and was popular and independence-oriented in nature. It was the continuation of the Polish independence uprisings of the 19th century, the result of changes in the social structure that had been occurring for years in the Polish lands, which were at the time divided between the partitioning states, and of deepening self-awareness among the people. The revolution was continued after Poland’s acquisition of independence in 1918. The Second World War, and foreign intervention, only disrupted that process.

The history of Anglican temperance movements before the First World War reveals working-class influences on English vicarages (not yet recognised by historians) and a corresponding influence of the lower clergy on the Anglican establishment. A study of Anglican initiatives against drink may help provide missing links between the Biblethumping evangelicalism of wine-drinking William Wilberforce's time and the social gospel era of his grandsons, the clerical teetotallers, Basil and Ernest. After 1855, a significant minority of Anglican clergymen, obsessed with the estrangement of the lower orders from organised religion, accepted teetotalism, often at the urging of labourers. In so doing, they reversed somewhat the proposition enshrined in the evangelical tradition that true moral reform depended on the leadership of the privileged classes and the compliance of their social inferiors. Working-class teetotallers continued to exercise influence in parochial temperance organisations; more ambitiously, low-placed teetotal clergymen attempted, through the Church's teetotal society, to convert the highest Anglican dignitaries to total abstinence.

Ifhigh culture, asTheodorAdornoonce proposed, promises a reality that does not exist, why, at the fin de siècle, did it hold such great attraction for Central Europe's populist politicians who were most attuned to the realities of everyday life? The answer, at least for imperial Austria, is that those politicians believed high culture to possess an integrative social function, which forced them to reconcile notions of “high” culture with “mass” culture. This was particularly true in Vienna, where the city's public performance venues for art, music, stage theater, and visual art stood as monuments to the values that the liberal middle classes had enshrined in the 1867 Constitution. A literate knowledge of this cultural system—its canon of symphonic music; the literature of tragedy, drama, and farce; and classical and contemporary genres of painting—was essential for civic participation in an era of liberal political and cultural hegemony. This article examines one cultural association that attempted to exploit the interaction between German high culture and two spheres, which are commonly thought to stand at odds with elite, high culture: popular culture and mass politics. Rather than a simple, cultural divide, this relationship created a contested “terrain of political and social conflict” in the decades preceding World War I. This terrain was of enormous consequence for Viennese of every social class.

Theories concerning the origin, the growth and the efficacy of political elites mainly originated after the first world-war. They arose in circles and with people who resented the increasing democratisation of political life. They were above all meant as a legitimation of conservative ideas with regard to the exertion of politica! power. The years between 1830 and 1914 however can be considered as the incubation-period for these elite-theories. Some examples taken from the Belgian political literature shall illustrate this evolution.The liberal middle class got divided on the interpretation of the political events between 1789 and 1848. The doctrinarians wished to maintain the acquired results whereas the radicals chose for a further sharing ofpower with the lower social classes. The conservatives held the past as an example and in principle they wished a return to the situation that existed before 1789. The contrast between clericals and anticlericals and above all the relationship between church and state interfered with these theoretical conceptions. But neither conservatives nor liberals however had their doubts about the elite-principle.In the second half of the nineteenth century the social consequences of the industrial revolution were felt in such a radical way that the masses too claimed political power in order to improve their destiny.On the political scene the discussion especially crystallized on the demand for universal suffrage and the way of representation. Not only political publicists hut towards the end of the century particularly scientists too supplied a theoretical foundation for the relationship between the elite and the masses.

This article analyses the practices of violence during strikes in Habsburg Austria from the 1890s until the outbreak of the First World War. As the number of social conflicts rose at the turn of the century, strikes increasingly became one of the main sites of public violence in Austrian society, alongside demonstrations. Violent confrontations between strikers, strike-breakers, and the state forces protecting them frequently occurred. The first section discusses the state repression used to quell internal unrest and its consequences on the rule of law. The following sections explore the micro-dynamics of strikebreaking within the larger context of the reaction against Social Democracy in the period. Especially after the successful mobilization for suffrage reform in 1905–906, employers and other propertied classes saw strikers as part of a general threat. The Czech and German nationalist workers’ movements can also be reassessed through the lens of these social conflicts, rather than only as manifestations of radical nationalism. Strikes are here analysed as one case study addressing current debates in the historiography on the Habsburg Empire: first on the implementation of the rule of law on the ground in Habsburg Austria, then on the impact of democratization in the decades before 1914.

The article shows that the Czech humanists formed the largest group among the foreign members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow. It is mainly based on the reports of the activities of the Academy. The Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was established by transforming the Krakow Learned Society. The Statute of the newly founded Academy was approved by a decision of the Emperor Franz Joseph I on February 16, 1872. The Emperor nominated his brother Archduke Karl Ludwig as the Academy’s Protector. The Academy was assigned to take charge of research matters related to different fields of science: philology (mainly Polish and other Slavic languages); history of literature; history of art; philosophical; political and legal sciences; history and archaeology; mathematical sciences, life sciences, Earth sciences and medical sciences. In order to make it possible for the Academy to manage so many research topics, it was divided into three classes: a philological class, a historico‑philosophical class, and a class for mathematics and natural sciences. Each class was allowed to establish its own commissions dealing with different branches of science. The first members of the Academy were chosen from among the members of the Krakow Learned Society. It was a 12‑person group including only local members, approved by the Emperor. It was also them who elected the first President of the Academy, Józef Majer, and the Secretary General, Józef Szujski, from this group. By the end of 1872, the organization of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was completed. It had its administration, management and three classes that were managed by the respective directors and secretaries. It also had three commissions, taken over from the Krakow Learned Society, namely: the Physiographic Commission, the Bibliographic Commission and the Linguistic Commission. At that time, the Academy had only a total of 24 active members who had the right to elect non‑ resident and foreign members. Each election had to be approved by the Emperor. The first public plenary session of the Academy was held in May 1873. After the speeches had been delivered, a list of candidates for new members of the Academy was read out. There were five people on the list, three of which were Czech: Josef Jireček, František Palacký and Karl Rokitansky. The second on the list was – since February 18, 1860 – a correspondent member of the Krakow Learned Society, already dissolved at the time. They were approved by the Emperor Franz Joseph in his rescript of July 7, 1873. Josef Jireček (1825–1888) became a member of the Philological Class. He was an expert on Czech literature, an ethnographer and a historian. František Palacký (1798–1876) became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The third person from this group, Karl Rokitansky (1804–1878), became a member of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. The mere fact that the first foreigners were elected as members of the Academy was a perfect example of the criteria according to which the Academy selected its active members. From among the humanists, it accepted those researchers whose research had been linked to Polish matters and issues. That is why until the end of World War I, the Czech representatives of social sciences were the biggest group among the foreign members of the Academy. As for the members of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences, the Academy invited scientists enjoying exceptional recognition in the world. These criteria were binding throughout the following years. The Academy elected two other humanists as its members during the session held on October 31, 1877 and these were Václav Svatopluk Štulc (1814–1887) and Antonin Randa (1834–1914). Václav Svatopluk Štulc became a member of the Philological Class and Antonin Randa became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The next Czech scholar who became a member of the Academy of Arts and Scientists in Krakow was Václav Vladivoj Tomek (1818–1905). It was the Historico‑Philosophical Class that elected him, which happened on May 2, 1881. On May 14, 1888, the Krakow Academy again elected a Czech scholar as its active member. This time it was Jan Gebauer (1838–1907), who was to replace Václav Štulc, who had died a few months earlier. Further Czech members of the Krakow Academy were elected at the session on December 4, 1899. This time it was again humanists who became the new members: Zikmund Winter (1846–1912), Emil Ott (1845–1924) and Jaroslav Goll (1846–1929). Two years later, on November 29, 1901, Jan Kvičala (1834–1908) and Jaromir Čelakovský (1846–1914) were elected as members of the Krakow Academy. Kvičala became a member of the Philological Class and Čelakovský – a corresponding member of the Historical‑Philosophical Class. The next member of the Krakow Academy was František Vejdovský (1849–1939) elected by the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. Six years later, a chemist, Bohuslav Brauner (1855–1935), became a member of the same Class. The last Czech scientists who had been elected as members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow before the end of the World War I were two humanists: Karel Kadlec (1865–1928) and Václav Vondrák (1859–1925). The founding of the Czech Royal Academy of Sciences in Prague in 1890 strengthened the cooperation between Czech and Polish scientists and humanists.

Historians, statesmen, administrators, nationalists and others have disagreed sharply about the impact of modernization in the era of Western domination. Did Western rule provide the tools for Indian progress but did economically medieval, ‘other-worldly’ Indians fail to maximize the benefits of modernization and even thwart advances? Conversely, did Western imperialism systematically impoverish India by making it a ‘satellite,’ freezing the subcontinent into a neo-feudal social pattern while sucking up its wealth? Finally, is a ‘new revisionist’ interpretation correct that India experienced real if undramatic economic growth during the Western era and that notions of exploitation or Indian suffering induced by development were myths? Interpretations expressing either the great success and benign innovations of Western rule, or its exploitiveness both appear flawed, according to Bombay's modernizing experience. Bombay underwent a great expansion of wealth and became the source of India's new factory textile production, the hub of a great newwork of trasport and trade, and the cosmopolitan abode of wealth Indian merchants, industrialist and professionals, whose affluence, modernity, industrializing activies and eventual nationalist orientation distinguished them from a supine or neo-feudal comprador class, cooperating with Western masters in exploiting ‘natives’ for a myrmidon's share of the profits. Alternatively, Bombay's prosperity did not flow down to the masses; its modernization was complex, dynamically helping to produce progress and wealth, but for some decades impoverishing and destroying many lives. In the half-century of rapid development preceding the first world war, the great majority of Bombay's populace, its ordinary working classes, experienced significant declines in living standards, worsening environmental conditions and escalating death-rates. Diminished real income and increased mortality among Bombay's ordinary inhabitants warn against extrapolating from rising indices of material production an optimistic conclusion about the general human condition in the city or in British India.

ABSTRACTThis article reviews the current state of historical writing on British political culture in the interwar period, with a particular focus on the character of the democratic society which emerged from the franchise extensions of 1918 and 1928. It takes as its starting point the influential interpretation advanced by Ross McKibbin in his two most recent books, Classes and cultures (1998) and Parties and people (2010). This holds that Britain's interwar democracy came to be shaped in the image of the anti-socialist middle class, buoyed by the centrist appeal of Baldwinite constitutional Conservatism. Anti-socialism's interwar hegemony, McKibbin further argues, had serious consequences for the progress of social democracy after the Second World War. Whilst this narrative is, in many respects, highly compelling, this review suggests that much recent literature on the period points to a range of alternative interpretative possibilities which offer different answers to McKibbin's core question: what kind of a democracy was Britain between the wars? Drawing on these studies, the review argues that Britain's political culture was rather more ‘democratized’ during these years than McKibbin allows, before finally identifying some directions for future research.

This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.

AbstractThis article deals with the forms of assistance given to refugees in Italy during the First World War. The entire subject has been neglected because of the dominant myth of a victorious nation. The Italian situation was peculiar because of the high level of migration and the multi-ethnic origin of people in the border areas. By pinpointing the pattern of relocation in Italy during the war this article seeks to explain the policies pursued by the state and by aid agencies, the rationale behind that aid and the continuities and discontinuities in the assistance given to the refugees. Significant political, juridical and social issues evolved around the image of the refugee, including the protection that the state owed to its citizens.

The paper focuses on the portrait of the First World War veterans in selected British and Canadian novels published at the turn of the twenty-first century. The authors use various means to depict the phenomenon of trauma: from flashbacks disrupting the present, through survivor guilt, nightmares and suicide, to aporia and the collapse of representation. The comparative approach used in the article highlights national differences, yet also shows that the discourse of futility and trauma provides a trasnational framework to convey the suffering of the First World War. As a result, although resulting in social castration and disempowerment, trauma serves here as a vehicle for a critique of the disastrous aftermath of the 1914-1918 conflict and the erasures of collective memory. Re-enacting traumatic plots, the British and Canadian novels under consideration explore little known facets of the 1914-1918 conflict, while simultaneously addressing some of our most pressing anxieties about the present, such as social marginalization, otherness, and lonely death.

We examine the activities of state, public and charitable organizations aimed at providing assistance to children of lower ranks, called for mobilization and underage refugees. We conduct a brief analysis of the evolution of assistance to children in the Russian Empire from the moment of the adoption of the Charter on Universal Military Service in 1874 to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, during which, along with institutions that had established themselves earlier, organizations that owe their the appearance of military events began to provide assistance to children. The main directions of assistance to minors during the studied period are considered: the issuance of permanent benefits and lump sum payments, the creation of permanent shelters and seasonal nurseries, the organization of primary and labor education. We provide data on social support for orphans during the First World War of 1914–1918 both at the all-Russian and at the governorate level, which makes it possible to assess the options and possibilities of rendering as-sistance to such troubled children. The results of the study of the stated scientific problem made it possible to identify and evaluate not only the possibilities of a welfare state in the Russian Empire of early 20th century, but also bright pages of zemstvo support, charitable initiatives of provincial patrons, social service of various representatives of urban and rural societies. Military everyday life, like a litmus test, outlined the most typical manifestations of social support for orphans in im-perial Russia of early 20th century, as well as elements of civil initiative and social self-organization of various representatives of the country’s population. The ethno-confessional possi-bilities of social support for soldiers’ children are clarified, as well as the organization of the work of agricultural shelters, nurseries and other social organizations and structures.

The following contribution, which focuses on Ljubljana and its inhabitants during World War I, shows how everyday life was influenced by the military and political as well as economic and social aspects. It underlines the food shortage, which did not only result in an increased incidence of diseases and deaths but also adjusted nutrition as well as modified daily rhythms and mental and psychological processes. The present contribution, which focuses on the interpersonal relationship changes in the extraordinary wartime circumstances or during the period of shortage and hunger, reveals that the code of behaviour as well as the established societal and social norms of the pre-war period often became a thing of the past.

SummarySince the proposition of the social integration theory by émile Durkheim, macro-sociological changes have been speculated to affect suicide rates. This study investigates the effect of the First World War on Irish suicide rates. We applied an interrupted time series design of 1864–1921 annual Irish suicide rates. The 1864–1913 suicide rates exhibited a slow-rising trend with a sharp decline from the year 1914 onwards. The odds for death by suicide for males during the 1914–1918 period was 0.811 (95% CI 0.768–0.963). Irish rates of suicide were significantly reduced during the First World War, most notably for males.

The 20th century has entered the history of Europe as a constant era of wars, crises and dictatorships. This century also marked a series of trials for Hungary. The imprint and long-term effects of the historical events of the period can be well traced with the help of statistical data, therefore the aim of our study is to show how serious and difficult to remedy social, economic and demographic problems can be when people attack people, either with weapons or by another method. In the present study, we analyze the effects of World War I on marriages between 1914 and 1918.

During the World War I, several different armies were waging war at the territory of Macedonia. Throughout their stay, besides the conduct of military operations, they also had a military medical services as a part of their armies. It is interesting to note that professional military notes were written by military doctors, which were published in their countries after the World War I. Among the foreign medical experts was Isabel Galloway Emslie Hutton. She was a Scottish medical doctor who specialized in mental health and social work.

AbstractIn the wake of the German invasion of Belgium and France in August 1914, four million persons went into exile. While such a displacement of population testified to a dramatic change in the character of war in western Europe, historiography and collective memory alike have so far concurred in marginalising the experience of refugees during the First World War. This article examines their unprecedented encounter with host communities in France and Great Britain. It demonstrates that the refugees' plight reveals the strengths as well as the tensions inherent in the process of social mobilisation that was inseparable from the First World War.

It is the march of the troops through the children's playground which makes the recruits of ten years afterwards.R.E.N.Twopeny (1883)I made up my mind I was going to the war … I had no idea whatever what war implied, but I did know what it was to march to military music …– ex-AIF member (World War I)Most Australian school children, whether public or private, primary or secondary, had been finely tuned for warfare long before the Great War of 1914–18 had actually begun. School papers and reading books, history, geography and civics lessons, the personal persuasiveness of teachers trained to accept unequivocally “the power for good in teaching patriotism” to captive and captivated young audiences, the “rhythmic harmony” of loyalist singing, marching and versifying, the Imperial pageantry of Empire Day and the militaristic inculcations of highly disciplinary cadet training schemes all combined, in the closed educational environment of the schools, to produce young Australians well primed for unquestioning obedience to the State and martial sacrifice to the Empire. Children at a Sydney primary school were ordered to chant, in 1907, “I give my mind to my country to think for it; I give my heart because I love it; I give my hands to my country to work for it”; — “[and] to fight for it”, all the boy pupils were then expected to intone. Such orchestrated love of country was subordinated, in tum, to love of Britain's Empire — “our peace-bearing, peerless, guardian Empire” as one educator described it - which was presented as not only the largest but the worthiest empire in world history. The “cement of Empire”, it was said, contained such essential ingredients as social conformity, duty and sacrifice, which non-Catholic private schools and state schools applied with a heavily-laden trowel to impressionable young minds both preceding and during World War One.

The arming of Europe and the making of the First World War. By David G. Herrmann. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Pp. xiii+307. ISBN 0-691-03374-9. £29.50.Armaments and the coming of war: Europe 1904–1914. By David Stevenson. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Pp. xi+463. ISBN 0-19-820208-3. £48.00.Authority, identity and the social history of the Great War. Edited by Frans Coetzee and Marilyn Shevin-Coetzee. Providence and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1995. Pp. xxii+362. ISBN 1-57181-017-X. £40.Dismembering the male: men's bodies, Britain and the Great War. By Joanna Bourke. London: Reaktion Books, 1996. Pp. 336. ISBN 0-948462825. £19.95.Passchendaele: the untold story. By Robin Prior and Trevor Wilson. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996. Pp. xv+237. ISBN 0-300-066292-9. £19.95.Battle tactics of the western front: the British army's art of attack, 1916–1918. By Paddy Griffith. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996 (paperback edition). Pp. xvi+286. ISBN 0-300-06663-5. No price given.Government and the armed forces in Britain, 1856–1990. Edited by Paul Smith. London, Hambledon Press, 1996. Pp. xviii+324. ISBN 1-85285-144-9. £35.Whether or not arms races cause wars was a historiographical preoccupation of the Cold War era. The issue was then of more than academic concern. Those opposed to the proliferation of nuclear weapons saw previous arms races as having destabilized the international system at best and as having led ineluctably to war at worst. Their critics countered that arms races possessed the capacity to increase terror and so promote more effective deterrence.

This article assesses how time was depicted within illustrated narratives published in trench newspapers and regimental journals by British and Dominion soldiers as a means of adapting to and enduring the experience of the First World War. Through an extensive archival study of these sources, soldiers’ ‘comic strips’ have been used to demonstrate that time is illustrated as a personal and social experience that enables individuals to comprehend their role within the army. Previous assessments of the experience of time on the battlefields have been dominated by the perception that mechanized warfare induced a fractured and disorientating sense of time. This has traditionally been heralded by scholars as indicating the arrival of a new ‘modern era’. However, research findings demonstrate the way in which soldiers illustrated time, the passing of time, the use of order, experience and progress are evident. Far from reflecting the alienating effect of modern warfare, soldiers illustrate ‘war-time’ as a means by which they inculcate themselves into a military culture and continue their role in the war.

Written on the basis of archival sources drawn for the first time, the article is devoted to the problem of changing the sanitary and ecological conditions of the theatre of military operations at the Russian front during the First World War. The aim of the article is to analyze the sanitary and hygienic state of the theatre of military operations on the western outskirts of Russia during the First World War and the factors of its deterioration; to evaluate the effectiveness of combating the negative aspects of the sanitary state of the front-line territory; to identify the actual environmental practices of the front-line territory and their interrelation with the social aspects of the struggle for the improvement of the territory in conditions of total war. The focus is on the pre-war sanitary situation in the western region of Russia, reflecting its cultural and socio-political peculiarities, its exacerbation during the war and mobilization, as well as sanitary and hygienic measures taken both in eliminating epidemics of contagious diseases and in "sanitating" the front-line territory. The issue is considered in the light of total war, which formed a unified, front and rear, landscape of sanitary hazards. Attention is paid to the activities of society, bureaucracy and military commanders, who generally succeeded in transforming the belligerent landscape and localizing the spread of disease. The technical activities of the engineering and sanitary services of the front and rear are described in detail. The author concludes that the Great War was an important impulse and frontier in solving the problem of improving the ecological condition of Russia's western outskirts. During the war, the belligerent landscape was transformed into an anthropogenic landscape, becoming the basis for the area's future infrastructure in terms of sanitation and hygiene

AbstractIn 1914, the Indian Army was deployed against the enemies of the British Empire. This paper analyses the administrative mechanism as well as the imperial assumptions and attitudes which shaped the recruitment policy of the Indian Army during the First World War. From the late nineteenth century, the Martial Race theory (a bundle of contradictory ideas) shaped the recruitment policy. With certain modifications, this theory remained operational to the first decade of the twentieth century. The construction of the ‘martial races’ enabled the British to play-off different communities against each other to prevent the emergence of a unified anti-British sentiment among the colonized. During the Great War, faced with the rising demands of manpower, the army was forced to modify the Martial Race theory. However, a conscript army did not emerge in British-India. This was due to imperial policies, the inherent social divisions of Indian society, and because the demands for military manpower remained relatively low in comparison to India's demographic resources. Due to innovations in the theory and praxis of recruitment, the volume of recruitment showed a linear increase from 1914 to 1918, with maximum intensification of recruitment occurring during 1917 and 1918. But as the war ended in November 1918, despite the entry of several new communities, the bulk of the Indian Army still came from the traditional martial races.

AbstractThis article examines the officers who led the Habsburg Army during the First World War. It highlights the complexity of their identities, demonstrating that this went well beyond the a-national – nationalist dichotomy in much historiography. It also argues that these officers' identities had a profound impact on how their army functioned in the field. The article first studies the senior command in 1914–16, showing how its wartime learning processes were shaped by transnational attitudes. These officers had belonged in peace to an international military professional network. When disaster befell their army at the outset of the First World War, it was natural for them to seek lessons from foreign armies, at first from their major enemies, the Russians, and later their German allies. The second half of the article explores the changing loyalties of the reserve officers tasked with frontline command in the later war years. It contends that the officer corps' focus on maintaining social and educational standards resulted in an influx of middle-class junior leaders whose conditional commitment to the Empire and limited language skills greatly influenced the Habsburg Army's record of longevity but mediocre combat performance.

In the article, the World War First it examined from the perspective of a global cataclysm that essentially determined the further development of human civilization not only in the twentieth, but also in the early twenty-first century. It is indicated that the tragedy of war especially manifested in the total character, which it has acquired, and the rapid fall in the value of human life. In its universal scope and demographic losses, this war greatly surpassed everything that happened thereto during the largest international military conflicts in human history. The influence of the global confrontation 1914-1918 on the Ukrainian ethnic land is shown. Being divided between the Russian Empire and Austria-Hungary they have been the object of geopolitical encroachments of the warring parties and for four years became the theater of fierce fighting, and their population found itself on opposite sides of the front line. Considerable attention is paid to elucidating the main «Ukrainian aspects» of the war in the political, ideological, military, economic and social planes. It is shown both negative and positive consequences of the World War First for the formation of modern nation and the establishment of statehood.

SummaryIn the history of immigration control, the period from the 1880s to the 1920s saw an international dynamic of growing restrictions. World War I in particular has been regarded as watershed marking the end of laissez-faire migration policy. But whether 1914 can be seen as a crucial turning point depends on the country under consideration, as well as on the chosen analytical approach. Analysing Britain’s politics of immigration control before and after the war and comparing it with its Prussian equivalent, this article discusses the shifts and continuities in the concrete administration of migration. Focusing on the changing practice of expelling foreigners, it suggests a chronology of control that does not entirely correspond with the overall political changes. By 1918, the British bureaucracy possessed elaborate means to monitor aliens, and the state increasingly impacted on the migrants’ lives. In contrast, Prussia was maintaining a tightly regulated regime already, which its authorities had established well before 1914.

The influence of the First World War on the social and economic position of Vienna, the capital of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian Empire in the first two years of the war, is considered. It was during these two years that there was an increase in contradictions between various social groups, which would ultimately lead to the collapse of the Empire in 1918. One of the important sources when analyzing the situation in Vienna is the weekly police reports. It is by studying the materials of police reports that a picture of wartime Vienna appears in front of us. As the problems grew, the volume of reports constantly increased, new headings appeared, which made it possible to study not only the existence of problems in the capital of Austria-Hungary, but also to trace their dynamics and the measures taken by the government of Franz Joseph. A special role is given to the food problem, in particular, the dynamics of prices, the deterioration of the quality of bread, the growing shortage, the growth of speculation. In addition, the national relations and the attitude of the Viennese towards the arriving refugees were analyzed. Based on the material studied, it was concluded that the First World War greatly changed the life of the population of Vienna, showed the inability of the government and local authorities to quickly solve the emerging problems of the city.

It all started with George Dangerfield's classic description of the circumstances surrounding the demise of Liberal England prior to World War I. He summarily recognized “that the abandonment of respectable punctilios and worn conventions, which was such a feature of society after the war, had already begun before the war.” Though drawn largely within a social context, it was obvious that Dangerfield's portrayal, especially after the precipitate decline of the Liberal Party in the interwar period, was fraught with political implications. An incubation period of almost a generation followed, but by the early 1960s The Strange Death of Liberal England, by virtue of its brilliant style and sweeping interpretation, had gained international recognition and set the tone for historiography of the Edwardian era. In his 1985 assessment of Dangerfield's impact, Peter Stansky concludes that his “interpretation will not die; no matter how often it may be knocked on the head, it has shaped the way the period is viewed….There can be few works that are so vital after fifty years, as likely to survive for another fifty or as enjoyable to read.” At the outset of the new millennium, Strange Death has lost little of its incandescence.An important aspect of the book's magnetic appeal is the groundwork it provided for the great debate over the rise of the Labour Party and the decline of the Liberals. Did these phenomena occur suddenly as a result of the First World War or were they already well in place in the pre-war years, especially from 1910 to 1914? The foremost challenge to Dangerfield's thesis, thereby instigating the controversy, came from Trevor Wilson's 1966 study, The Downfall of the Liberal Party, 1914–1935, which ascribes Liberal misfortunes largely to a crisis of leadership during the war.

The purpose of the study is to analyze the contribution of zemstvos in Yekaterinoslav province during the World War First to the development of the system of public welfare in the province.Methods of research – historiographical analysis and synthesis, comparative and descriptive methods of cognition.The system of public welfare began to be formed after the Zemstvoʼs reform in 1864. Gradually, the main directions of rural care were distinguished: care for servicemen who devoted a significant part of their lives to the army or had special merits; care for persons deprived of livelihood (orphans, incurable ill); care for persons suffering from mental disorders. Zemstvos at their own expense kept orphanages, mansions, homes for the incurably ill, educational-handicrafts homes-invalids. nurseries and temporary shelters for children whose parents were busy with agricultural work. The undeniable merit of Zemstvos was that social protection began to be regarded as one of the most important social affairs, which was extremely relevant in the context of the growing number of people in need of protection, especially during the First World War. However, despite some progress in the organization of social protection, the size of the zemstvos in the field of care with low-income sections of society were insufficient.The results obtained during the study can be used during the teaching of the course "History of Ukraine", studies of local lore.The scientific novelty of the study is to analyze statistical data on the work of zemstvos Yekaterinoslav province in the field of public welfare.The article is of an exploratory nature.

Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.

he article is devoted to one of the little-known periods of the language situation in which autochthonous Ukrainians from the far western ethnic Ukrainian lands lived. The relevance of the topic is stipulated by the need to develop a theory of historical sociolinguistics on language, power and identity. The revealed relations of language practices (microhistorical standard of living of an individual) to the geopolitics (as macrohistory) allow us to state that the linguistic dimension of the communicative everyday life of the Ukrainian speech community appears through a set of features realized before and during the war of 1914. Before the war, the colloquial form of the Ukrainian language as a means of interpersonal communication had a dialectal nature, which was layered with Polonization and Russification influences, and oral and written forms of the Russian language were a means of official communication. During the war of 1914–1918, there were changes in the language use of Ukrainians: the Russian language in the territories of Kholmshchyna and Pidlaschia curtailed its functions after the withdrawal of the tsarist troops together with the forcibly deported Ukrainians; Ukrainian-language practices in the Kholm region did not have a chance to develop due to the support of the Austrian occupation authorities for the functions of the German and Polish languages; in Polonized Pidlaschia, occupied by the German authorities, owing to the activities of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine and later representatives of the Ukrainian authorities, Ukrainian forces managed to partially develop the functions of the Ukrainian language in administration, primary education and periodicals. Ukrainian literary language began to slowly realize its communicative, informational and unifying social functions.

The article analyzes the peculiarities of changing socio-economic leadership at the end of the nineteenth century. It is shown that Britain`s lag behind its rivals in foreign markets is associated withthe transition to an extensive algorithm for the existence of the largest empire in the world, the homeland of the industrial revolution, its reorientation to financially usurious mechanisms forobtaining super-profits, an indicator of the beginning of the stadial-civilizational decline of the classical bourgeois formation. It is shown that Germany, which in our time continues to be consideredthe main culprit for World War I, during this period, receives competitive advantages, first of all, by forcing an innovative component of its development, due to the election of a fundamentally different,relative to the Anglo-Saxon, model of the postсapitalist type of social order. It is important that on the basis of similar principles of the new social system in the twentieth century, a number of developedcountries of the East and West have made an economic miracle. It has been proved that the sources of antagonism between the most powerful geopolitical players that led to the Great War are due not so much to the so-called colonial redistribution of the world, but to the collision of two incompatible strategies for the further existence of mankind. Moreover, the doom of the Russian Empire for such an approach was related precisely to the fact that once again lost the historical chance of its own modernization, it was in the world military conflict that was inevitable, because of the domination in the state of a compradoriously oriented "lazy class" (T .Veblen), elected the status of a satellite of the United Kingdom and France, which at that time was the main outpost of the rotting monopoly financial and invading imperialism of a qualitatively new global type, which eventually became the main cause of both worlds wars, and then the cold and present "hybrid" wars (the current Putin regime is derived from the modern global "postmodern system" of postmodern neocolonialism). The hypothesis that the cause of the First and Second World Wars was the only aggressive nationalism is refuted, which in fact, in the form of Nazism became a non-constructive reaction to the globally-permissive parasitism that caused the First World War and the "communist experiment", generated by the civil war caused by the catastrophe of the unprecedented in terms of the scale of the war of 1914-1918.

The article examines the European experience of creating war memorials dedicated to the World War I, using the motives of medieval architecture. The fascination with the Middle Ages, spread through the art and literature of the Neo-Gothic and national Romanism period, was emotionally rethought by the generation that survived the catastrophe of the global conflict of 1914–1918. At the new stage, the symbolic harsh images of the Middle Ages turned out to be more consonant with the social creation of former front-line soldiers than the classical antique forms used in the memorialization of wars in the 18th–19th centuries. This process was reflected in the commemoration of the Great War in Great Britain, France, Germany and other countries, where the monuments to the fallen began to give the appearance characteristic of the towers, fortresses and castles of the long-gone Middle Ages, giving them a new interpretative meaning.

Since the Great War of 1914-1918 the relationship between naval officers and ocean scientists in the United States has illustrated well the unpredictable effect of cultural barriers on constructive professional dialogues. The customs and practices attending an academic or industrial laboratory differ dramatically from those absorbed by midshipmen at the United States Naval Academy or officers on board combat ships. Each group lives in a nearly discreet, culturally constructed world. During the course of this century the communication and understanding necessary for these communities to work together toward a common goal required social and political insight as well as extensive entrepreneurship and careful cultural translation. Confronting a poverty of resources after World War One the Navy and the civilian oceanographic community formed a common practice to pool both resources and skill in an effort to perform meaningful ocean research. When the possibility of another war loomed large in the 1930s, they turned to determined cultural translators. The latter, drawn from both communities, converted the primitive common practice and considerable cultural obstacles of the interwar period into a fluid wartime professional dialogue. Fortified by success in World War II, key translators brought the dialogue to maturity after 1945.

The article commemorates the 100th anniversary of an amazing book with an amazing destiny. Its author, Janko Lavrin (1887–1986), a Slovene who spoke and wrote flawless Russian, having lived and worked in Russia from 1907 to 1916 (with minor interruptions), was actively engaged in social and literary activities. During World War I he repeatedly journeyed to the Balkan front as a foreign correspondent for the New Time newspaper (Новое время). His travel impressions formed the basis for the book which became an invaluable document of the era. It was thanks to Janko Lavrin’s efforts that the Albanian Issue of the magazine pertaining to the Russian literary avant-garde group Bezkrovnoe ubijstvo (Bloodless Murder, 1914–1918) was published.

We consider the formation and development features of the nurseries as a special social institution in the Tambov Governorate in the early of 20th century. The governorate and county levels of declared scientific problem consideration allows to conduct the successful reconstruction of the formation and activities of infant nurseries for foundlings, orphans in both urban and rural areas, which reflected the practice of social care and charity of “trouble children”. We reveal the implementation features of county initiatives for the social protection of foundlings and orphans, as well as the levels and forms of such support for such categories of Russian society by local authorities. We clarify the possibilities of organizing nurseries for foundlings at the governorate and county hospitals and maternity wards. We note the role of particular medical workers in the development of civic initiatives and public service in the rescue of foundlings. We identify the historiographic traditions of both domestic and foreign historians in the study of the orphans charity in the context of the social work organization and the social institutions development, including nurseries. Based on the analysis of a wide range of historical sources, it was possible to identify the most successful and effective practices of organizing nurseries both in the peaceful years and in the periods of Russian-Japanese War of 1904–1905 and World War I 1914–1918, which allowed us to consider various little-studied aspects of the stated scientific problem. We reveal the regional features of the social protection system for orphans through the prism of nursery care. We clarify the position and role of the Orthodox Church on the organization of orphan charity in monasteries during the war years of 1914–1918. We reveal the main posing issues of the prospects for studying a wide range of problems in the history of orphanhood in the Tambov Governorate in the early 20th century. We pay attention to the importance of taking into account regional specifics and specific historical manifestations of social policy when conducting a study of charitable support and private public initiatives of the considered period.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to recount the history of the marketing of the maritime passenger industry (known today as the cruise industry). This is a unique industry that has survived and thrived for almost 175 years despite dramatic environmental changes. This history focuses on passenger shipping in and out of the USA first from/to European ports, later focusing on cruises from the USA to the Caribbean, today’s most popular cruise destination. Design/methodology/approach – This study adapts the Hollander et al. (2005) approach and incorporates primary data such as fare lists, advertisements and promotional materials, as well as secondary data from a variety of expert works and government reports. Findings – This study finds that the industry’s marketing history can be divided into six periods or phases: immigration and luxury (mid-nineteenth century to 1914); World War I (1914-1918); tourism, alcohol and luxury (1918-1939); World War II (1939-1946); jet age emergence (1946-1970); and cruising for all (1970 to the present day). Continuing industry growth; increasing focus on new geographic, and every-smaller demographic and psychographic markets; promotional emphasis on cuisine and activities; and positioning as a mass-consumed luxury are trends for the future. Research limitations/implications – Space constraints limit the information mostly to Europe-to-North America sailings of British and German transatlantic lines early in the paper, and to USA-to-Caribbean cruises in later phases. Practical implications – This study illustrates how an industry can completely reinvent all elements of its marketing strategy in response to changing social and technological forces. It adds to a growing body of industry marketing histories. Originality/value – Although much has been written about maritime history, no known work has examined the history of the marketing of the maritime passenger industry. It augments the growing body of industry-specific marketing histories.

The purpose of the article is to determine the change of worldview paradigm from “nationalism” to “transnational rationalism”, which was embodied in the concept of the “Ideal Europe”, on the example of journalism and scientific works of the German philosopher and sociologist Georg Simmel during the First World War (1914–1918). Research methods: idiographic, system-structural, rational reconstruction of the text. Main results. G. Simmel was between two polar camps, which in the conditions of heightened perception of social reality led him to an individual tragedy and demonstrated the difficulty of choosing between two worldview paradigms – “nationalism” and “patriotism”. G. Simmel didn’t escape the general admiration of German intellectuals for the “ideas of 1914” at the initial stage of the war. He supported propaganda slogans in journalism, hoping that the war could unite the German people to a “political nation”, overcome the dichotomy of individual freedom and universalism. Shattered hopes of supporting the international intellectual environment to explain Germany’s position in the war, censorship harassment and accusations of anti-German activities contributed to his more moderate position. Analyzing the problems of the “crisis of culture” and German national consciousness, G. Simmel advocated the synthesis of “nationalism” and “transnationalism”, which he formed in the concept of the “ideal Europe” as a spiritual supranational community. Scientific novelty: for the first time in national historiography, a comprehensive analysis of the works of G. Simmel of the war period is carried out. Type of article: analytical and descriptive.

Abstract Traditionally Canadian and American historians have assumed thai Irish Catholics in urban centres constituted highly resistant subcultures in the face of a dominantProtestant majority. In Canada, scholars have stated that these Irish-Catholic subcultures kept themselves isolated, socially and religiously, from the Anglo- Protestant society around them. Between 1890 and 1918, however, the Irish Catholics of Toronto underwent significant social, ideological, and economic changes that hastened their integration into Toronto society. By World War One, Irish Catholics were dispersed in all of Toronto's neighbourhoods; they permeated the city's occupational structure at all levels; and they intermarried with Protestants at an unprecedented rate. These changes were greatly influenced by Canadian-born generations of Irish-Catholic clergy and laity. This paper argues that these social, ideological, and emotional realignments were confirmed and articulated most clearly in the city's Catholic press. Editors drew up new lines of loyally for Catholics and embraced the notion of an autonomous Canadian nation within the British Empire. What developed was a sense of English-speaking Catholic Canadian identity which included a love of the British Crown, allegiance to the Empire, and a duty to participate in Canadian nation-building. In the process, a sense of Irish identity declined as new generations of Catholics chose to contextualize their Catholicism in a Canadian cultural milieu. The press expressed a variant of the imperial-nationalist theme, which blended devout Catholicism with a theory of imperial “interdependence.” This maturation of a new identity facilitated Catholic participation in the First World War and underscored an English-speaking Catholic effort to evangelize and anglicize “new” Catholic Canadians. By the end of the war, Toronto's Irish Catholics were imbued with zealous Canadian patriotism, complemented, in part, by their greater social integration into the city's mainstream.

The outbreak of war in August 1914 brought to a halt the activities of both militant and constitutional suffragists in their efforts to gain votes for women. By that time, the suffrage campaign had attained the size and status of a mass movement, commanding the time, energies, and resources of thousands of men and women and riveting the attention of the British public. In early 1918, in what it defined as a gesture of recognition for women's contribution to the war effort, Parliament granted the vote to women over the age of thirty. This measure, while welcome to feminists as a symbol of the fall of the sex barrier, failed to enfranchise some five million out of eleven million adult women. When war ended, feminists continued to agitate for votes for women on the same terms as they had been granted to men, but organized feminism, despite the fact that almost half of the potential female electorate remained disenfranchised, never regained its prewar status as a mass movement. By the end of the 1920s, feminism as a distinct political and social movement no longer existed. This was due to the impact of the war on cultural perceptions of gender. Feminists' understandings of masculinity and femininity became transformed during the war and in the immediate postwar period, until they were virtually indistinguishable from those of antifeminists.As I have argued elsewhere, prewar British feminists regarded their movement as an attack on separate-sphere ideology and its constructions of masculinity and femininity.

This article focuses on the Chinese woman writer Lü Bicheng 呂碧城 (1883–1943) and her relationship with the worldwide movement for the revival of Buddhism in the early twentieth century. Lü rose up in the context of the “new woman” ideal and transcended that ideal as she rejected the dualistic thinking that was prevalent in her time. She embraced both reason and religion, as well as both modern and traditional ideas. Her story demonstrates that religion and the creation of the “new woman” were not mutually exclusive in her life. In the 1920s and 1930s, Lü traveled extensively in the United States and Europe and eventually converted to Buddhism after she witnessed its popularity in the West. During this period, she successfully created a social space for herself by utilizing Buddhist sources to engage in intellectual dialogues on paranormal phenomena and animal protection. At the same time, she carved out a place for Buddhism in the discourse on the convergence and divergence of science and religion after the First World War (1914–1918).

The article analyzes the problems and prospects of using written sources of World War I period for a gender studies approach to Russia’s past, in line with the history of emotions in cultural-historical anthropology. The terms “emotions” and “feelings” are viewed as synonyms. The article states that what the historian encounters in the sources is mostly an emotional state or mood (personal or collective) as well as experiences, passions or sensations, rather than “pure” emotions and feelings. The corpus of “gender-marked” written sources of the 1914-1918 period is huge and varied, and includes materials from archives, collections of party commissions, published memoirs, letters, diaries, the women’s press, as well as profile documents (“self-census”) of female students. However, these sources unevenly reflect the feelings and the emotional background of the era. Following the conceptual framework developed by Barbara Rosenwein, we can speak of several emotional communities defined by the social affiliation and the “audibility” of the particular voices in history, i.e. the representativeness of the sources. The first category of emotional communities comprises the women of the Romanov family and noblewomen more broadly. Russian and foreign archives boast extensive collections of their personal documents. The second category includes “frontovichky” - frontline women-soldiers. Urban women belong to a third category, and are represented by memory-based stories, the women’s press, female students’ profiles, and documents from regional archives. From the point of view of emotions, the biggest yet least represented community were peasant women. While their everyday life and values have been well researched, only very few notes and diaries from their hands have survived. Letters to the front were partially preserved (esp. those intercepted by the authorities) and are now stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation). For the identification of the psychological matrix of the era it is crucial to use the full set of these sources.

We systematically study the practice of social protection of children with hearing and vision disabilities, as well as other categories of “physically defective” children and adolescents in the Tambov Governorate in the first third of the 20th century. On the basis of a wide range of primary materials, first of all, periodicals, archival sources, memories, statistical data, various little-known aspects of the claimed scientific problem were studied. We summarize the domestic and foreign experience of studying the social security system of “special” children in provincial Russia. The variants of social care for children with disabilities, including in the context of charitable activities, have been clarified. The legal aspects of the regulation of physical and social defectiveness during the Soviet period are specially considered. The main stages of the charitable and public initiative to support children with disabilities are identified. Attention is drawn to the impact of the First World War of 1914–1918, revolutionary upheavals, Civil War, regional specificity and the specific historical manifestations of the care of these “special” children at the level of a particular region – Tambov Governorate. The influence of regional trends on education and training, as well as the subsequent socialization of children with hearing and vision disabilities is clarified. It is proved that the new economic policy has had a powerful negative impact on the entire system of social security of orphans, children’s homes, in fact eliminating all the positive developments and experience that has developed in the Tambov Governorate.

We begin publishing the most important documents characterizing the state and progress of the Ukrainian case in the view of the numerous scientific discussions and, in some cases, the frank ideological manipulations that dominated in Soviet period and pursued the purpose of discrediting the Ukrainian national movement and Ukrainian statehood in general. We begin with the first book of the 4-volume edition of document, published by the efforts of one of the founders of the Vyacheslav Lypynskyʼs Institute in the USA, professor of the University of Vienna Teofil Gornykevich. We have selected 12 documents that chronologically cover the period from August 15, 1914 to March 25, 1918, and reproduce the vision of the Ukrainian problem by the ruling circles of Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany, as well as the efforts of Ukrainian public-political figures aimed at the election of Ukraine's independence. In particular, the visions of the Ukrainian spiritual, secular and military circles of the problems that confronted them during the First World War are revealed; reports on the economic and political situation in Ukraine; the relationship between the Ukrainian national and various social forces with the Bolsheviks; plans of Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany about Ukraine. Whereas we have selected documents from different parts of the book, we stored their serial numbers. Page numbers are shown in square brackets after the text. The language, style of the headings and captions, cursive and text selection are all preserved. Also, for convenience of possible use by interested persons, we submit to them a list of abbreviations in the original. Keywords: Austro-Hungarian Empire, Galicia, Germany, Ukraine, Ukrainian state, The Ukrainian People's Republic, Ukrainian national movement, Ukrainians.

ResumoO objetivo do artigo é analisar, a partir de uma breve descrição das disputas políticas e das mudanças de governo que marcaram o processo da Revolução Mexicana entre 1911 e 1917, o entrelaçamento entre dinâmicas locais e internacionais, em que se destaca a projeção de interesses das principais potências da época, cuja agenda no México incorpora determinantes impostas pela guerra mundial de 1914-1918.Para tratar da temática proposta, serão contemplados dois níveis de análise: 1) contextualização histórica da chamada “Era dos Impérios”, entre o último quartel do século XIX e o final da Primeira Guerra, situando as posturas de Estados Unidos e Alemanha com relação ao México; 2) dimensionamento da Revolução Mexicana no debate de esquerda da época sobre a caracterização e impacto do imperialismo nas relações internacionais e nas dinâmicas revolucionarias de países de capitalismo atrasado, retomando abordagens nacionalistas cuja influência em processos políticos posteriores na América Latina nos parece significativa, apesar do reconhecimento pouco destacado como fonte de pesquisa sobre o período.Palavras-chaves: Imperialismo – Questão nacional – Revolução Mexicana – Pensamento social latino-americano Expansionismo de las grandes potencias y cuestión nacional. La revolución mexicana en la era de los imperiosResumenEl objetivo del artículo es analizar, a partir de una breve descripción de las disputas políticas y los cambios de gobierno que marcaron el proceso de la Revolución Mexicana entre 1911 y 1917, el entramado entre las dinámicas locales e internacionales, en que se destaca la proyección de intereses de las principales potencias de la época, cuya agenda en México incorpora determinantes impuestos por la guerra mundial de 1914-1918.Para tratar de la temática propuesta, serán contemplados dos niveles de análisis: 1) contextualización histórica de la llamada “Era de los Imperios”, entre el último cuartel del siglo XIX y el final de la Primera Guerra, situando las posturas de Estados Unidos y Alemania con relación a México; 2) dimensionamiento de la Revolución Mexicana en el debate de izquierda de la época sobre la caracterización e impacto del imperialismo en las relaciones internacionales y en las dinámicas revolucionarias de países de capitalismo atrasado, retomando abordajes nacionalistas cuya influencia en procesos políticos posteriores en América Latina nos parece significativo, aunque de reconocimiento poco destacado como fuente de investigación sobre ese período.Palabras-clave: Imperialismo – Cuestión nacional – Revolución Mexicana – Pensamiento social latino-americano Great powers expansionism and national question. The Mexican revolution in the age of empiresAbstractThe objective of the article is to analyze, from a brief description of the political disputes and the changes of government that marked the process of the Mexican Revolution between 1911 and 1917, the network between local and international dynamics, emphasizing the projection of interests of the major powers at the time, whose agenda in Mexico incorporates determinants imposed by world war 1914-1918.To discuss the proposed theme they will be referred to two levels of analysis: 1) historical contextualization of the “Age of Empires” between the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the end of the First World War, bringing the positions of the US and Germany with regard to Mexico; 2) sizing of the Mexican Revolution in the debate on the left at the time on the characterization and impact of imperialism in international relations and in the revolutionary dynamics of late capitalism countries, taking back nationalists approaches whose influence on later political processes in Latin America seems significant, despite the lack of recognition as a source of research on the period.Keywords: Imperialism – National question – Mexican revolution – Latin American social thought

What kind of country are we talking about when we speak of Poland from the perspective of the organized Jewish political leadership in Poland? What should the scope and characteristics of the new Polish state in their view be? What kind of relations should Poland have with neighbouring states, as well as within, among its various populations and societies? The paper explores the changing answers given by different political Jewish leadership in a period of liminality – the interval between two stages and two distinct situations: the imperial order (Austrian and Russian) and the Polish national state. It examines Galicia and the Congress Poland from 1914 to 1918 when the territory was disputed among different empires and nations and its fate was far from clear. The article claims that the different visions of Poland presented by the Jewish leadership were grounded in two assumptions. The first was that the Jews as an integral part of society were legitimately entitled to express their own vision of the future state, the second – that the Jews, as an integral part of society, were entitled to equality on all levels of social life. That is the reason, the article claims, behind the demands for a fair distribution of the state’s resources regardless the mother tongue, religion, or ethno-national identification. The efforts the leaders of the Polish Jewry made to include the Jews as a minority group equal to others in the Polish state took place in the framework of the ethno-national ethos as the constitutive principle of state-building. The changing political circumstances and the growing hegemonic discourse based on the nation and nationality brought, claims the article, to the raising of a new Jewish national leadership during World War I. This leadership became convinced that, in the light of the discriminatory policies and growing anti-Jewish violence, only a mechanism of minority rights could guarantee Jewish existence in Poland.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to introduce the idea of the “knowledge front” alongside ideas of “home” and “war” front as a way of understanding the expertise of university-educated women in an examination of the First World War and its aftermath. The paper explores the professional lives of two women, the medical researcher, Elsie Dalyell, and the teacher, feminist and unionist, Lucy Woodcock. The paper examines their professional lives and acquisition and use of university expertise both on the war and home fronts, and shows how women’s intellectual and scientific activity established during the war continued long after as a way to repair what many believed to be a society damaged by war. It argues that the idea of “knowledge front” reveals a continuity of intellectual and scientific activity from war to peace, and offers “space” to examine the professional lives of university-educated women in this period. Design/methodology/approach The paper is structured as an analytical narrative interweaving the professional lives of two women, medical researcher Elsie Dalyell and teacher/unionist Lucy Woodcock to illuminate the contributions of university-educated women’s expertise from 1914 to the outbreak of the Second World War. Findings The emergence of university-educated women in the First World War and the interwar years participated in the civic structure of Australian society in innovative and important ways that challenged the “soldier citizen” ethos of this era. The paper offers a way to examine university-educated women’s professional lives as they unfolded during the course of war and peace that focuses on what they did with their expertise. Thus, the “knowledge front” provides more ways to examine these lives than the more narrowly articulated ideas of “home” and “war” front. Research limitations/implications The idea of the “knowledge front” applied to women in this paper also has implications for how to analyse the meaning of the First World War-focused university expertise more generally both during war and peace. Practical implications The usual view of women’s participation in war is as nurses in field hospitals. This paper broadens the notion of war to see war as having many interconnected fronts including the battle front and home front (Beaumont, 2013). By doing so, not only can we see a much larger involvement of women in the war, but we also see the involvement of university-educated women. Social implications The paper shows that while the guns may have ceased on 11 November 1918, women’s lives continued as they grappled with their war experience and aimed to reassert their professional lives in Australian society in the 1920s and 1930s. Originality/value The paper contains original biographical research of the lives of two women. It also conceptualises the idea of “knowledge front” in terms of war/home front to examine how the expertise of university-educated career women contributed to the social fabric of a nation recovering from war.

Tasks of public administration in the field of providing help to homeless people in the Second Polish RepublicThe article describes the legal aspects of providing help to homeless people by public administration in the Second Polish Republic. Homelessness in the interwar period in Poland had taken on particularly worrying dimensions and was not only the result of war damages from the years 1914‒1918, but also of many social problems which had been accumulating throughout the whole interwar period. Despite all these difficulties, the Polish state made a great effort in order to establish the legal system of social assistance which focused on helping the homeless. However, the Social Assistance Act of August 16, 1923, differentiated homeless people into two categories. In the first category were homeless who deserved help from the state and its administration. In the second group were those named “beggars” and “vagrants” who, as it was thought, didn’t deserve help and in respect of whom repressive measures were taken. Despite many shortcomings of the social assistance system of that time, it was based on the principle of subsidiarity which is worth mentioning here. The basic subject obliged to provide help to the homeless in the Second Republic of Poland was a commune. It was also noticed then that poor housing conditions result in homelessness. The continuity of the system of social assistance from the interwar period was interrupted when World War II broke out. It was then thwarted in the People’s Republic of Poland which was a time when the problem of homeless was hidden and state administration was not concerned with it.

RESUMEN:El objetivo del artículo es aproximarnos a la controvertida biografía del comisario Manuel Brabo Portillo. El trabajo está basado en fuentes primarias y secundarias. El método utilizado es empírico. En el imaginario del mundo sindicalista revolucionario, Brabo Portillo era el policía más odiado, la reencarnación de la cara más turbia del Estado. Fue, así mismo, un espía alemán relacionado con el hundimiento de barcos españoles, el asesinato del empresario e ingeniero Barret y el primer jefe de los terroristas vinculados a la patronal barcelonesa. La conflictividad que afectó a España en el período de la Primera Guerra Mundial es fundamental para entender los orígenes del terrorismo vinculado al pistolerismo, que marcó la historia político social española del primer tercio del siglo XX.PALABRAS CLAVE: Brabo Portillo, pistolerismo, espionaje, sindicalismo, Primera Guerra Mundial.ABSTRACT:The objective of the article is an approach to the controversial biography of Police Chief Manuel Brabo Portillo. The work is based on primary and secondary sources. The method used is empirical. In the imagery of the revolutionary syndicalist world, Brabo Portillo was the most hated policeman, the reincarnation of the murkiest face of the state. He was also a German spy connected with the sinking of Spanish ships, the murder of businessman and engineer Josep Barret and the first head of the terrorists linked to Barcelona employers. 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O presente artigo trabalha a questão do fenômeno religioso no início do século XX, mostrando sua realidade e apontando-lhe caminhos para os dias atuais. O século XX, logo em seu início, levantou questionamentos no campo antropológico devido a fatos, que, como o da Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918), modificaram a humanidade como um todo. O fenômeno religioso também sofreu questionamentos, pois, apesar de ser, naquele contexto, uma realidade essencialmente cristã, não conseguiu livrar o Continente europeu do caos. Karl Barth (1886-1968), teólogo alemão, foi um daqueles que ajudou a pensar a questão religiosa neste período histórico, possibilitando que uma de suas obras, a Carta aos romanos (1918), além de abordar aspectos culturais, políticos e sociais, centrasse sua atenção em aspectos religiosos. A manifestação religiosa do homem aparece mesmo como característica essencial, e, contando com a graça divina, o reestabelecimento da ordem e da ligação entre criatura e criador seria então novamente possível. Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) também oferece contribuições para esta análise. Ele estrutura uma preleção – Introdução à fenomenologia da religião – em que lança mão do conceito de experiência fática da vida. Ora, tudo isso contribui para a autenticidade do fenômeno religioso e para justificar a existência humana, mesmo porque ele é parte integrante dela.Abstract: The present article deals with the issue of the religious phenomenon in the early twentieth century, showing its reality and pointing to the paths it should follow in the present day. From its early days, the twentieth century raised questions in the anthropological field because of facts, such as the First World War (1914-1918) that brought changes to the whole of humankind. It also questioned the religious phenomenon because, although it was, in that context, an essentially Christian reality, it had not been able to save the European continent from chaos. Karl Barth, (1886-1968), a German theologian, was one of those who helped to think out the religious issue in this historical period since, in one of his works, Letter to the Romans (1918) besides addressing cultural, political and social aspects, he also focused his attention on religious issues. He presents the human being’s religious manifestation as an essential trait, and with the help of the divine grace, the reestablishment of the order and of the connection between creature and Creator would be possible once more. Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) also contributes towards this analysis. He structures a lecture – Introduction to the Phenomenology of Religion – in which he makes use of the concept of the factual experience of life. Now, all this contributes towards the authenticity of the religious phenomenon and to justify human existence, not least because that phenomenon is an integral part of this existence.Keywords: Religious phenomenon. Letter to the Romans. Factual experience. Karl Barth. Martin Heidegger.