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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989)"

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Ventevogel, Peter, Ruhullah Nassery, Sayed Azimi und Hafizullah Faiz. „Psychiatry in Afghanistan“. International Psychiatry 3, Nr. 2 (April 2006): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600001594.

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Afghanistan's historic strategic position between the great civilisations of India, Persia and Central Asia has made it from the very beginning both a crossroads for trade and cultural exchange and an almost continuous battlefield. In the years since the Soviet invasion in 1979 the country has become the stage of an ongoing complex humanitarian emergency. The period of Soviet occupation was characterised by massive human rights violations. The Soviet army and its allies were involved in indiscriminate bombardments and targeted executions, while the mujahedeen were involved in guerrilla warfare. The USSR was forced to withdraw in 1989 and the remnants of Afghanistan's communist regime were defeated in 1992.
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AL-MUGHAIRI, Alghalia Salim. „POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOVIET UNION AND AFGHANISTAN SOVIET OCCUPATION OF AFGHANISTAN 1979-1989 AD AS A MODEL“. RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, Nr. 07 (01.09.2021): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.7-3.19.

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The research deals with the study of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan during the period from 1979 to 1989 as an example of the political relations between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan, where the world witnessed the outbreak of the Cold War between the two poles: the Soviet Union and the United States of America after the end of World War II in 1945 AD, and both of these two great powers were keen to highlight Its dominance in various aspects, especially the military, and this war received strong and strict international reactions, and the United States of America was one of the most prominent countries that condemned this war and demanded the withdrawal of the Soviet Union. The research aims to shed light on the roots of the interest of Russia and then the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and focus on the reasons that prompted the Soviet Union to launch war on Afghanistan and follow the events of the war and its escalation between 1979 and 1989 and focus on some international attitudes towards the war, especially the United States of America, and also clarify the reasons for the withdrawal of forces The Soviet Union of Afghanistan and its consequences. The research adopts the descriptive historical method, which was employed in deriving historical facts and talking about all aspects covered by the study, and the analytical method that was used in analyzing the information of documents and texts, and comparing them to reach information related to the subject of the study.
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Kovalkov, Oleksandr Leonidovych. „Institute of the Soviet Advisors in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan“. Dnipropetrovsk University Bulletin. History & Archaeology series 25, Nr. 1 (02.06.2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/261715.

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А role and place of soldiery and civil advisers as an important instrument of soviet politics in the Democratic republic of Afghanistan are investigated in the article. It is well-proven that on a quantity, scales of activity and sphere of plenary powers the institute of soviet advisers in Afghanistan did not have analogues in history of the "cold war". The attempt of determination of degree of efficiency of realization of orders of soviet guidance by advisers is realizable. Factors that influenced on their activity are found out. Question about responsibility of soviet advisers for the failure of socialistic experiment in the Democratic republic of Afghanistan discussed in the article. Also heaved up the problem of interpretation of institute of the soviet advisers as an important instrument of the soviet occupation Afghanistan in 1979–1989. The researches based foremost on the memoirs of the soviet advisers. Like research is at first carried out in Ukrainian historiography.
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Baha, Soraya. „Saga of Love under the Hail of Fire“. Feminist Dissent, Nr. 7 (25.03.2024): 200–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n7.2023.1512.

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This short story is excerpted from a memoir entitled Raha Dar Bad (Los Angeles: Ketab Corp., 2012), written by Soraya Baha. Ms. Baha was the sister-in-law of Mohammad Najibullah (1947–1996) who served as president of Afghanistan from 1986–1992. Najibullah became head of the secret police when the Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan in the December 1979. He was infamous for his brutality and ruthlessness. He became president of the country when the Soviet forces withdrew in 1989, and his widely despised government was considered a puppet regime of the Soviets. Ms. Baha was against the Soviet occupation, as well as the dictatorship of Najibullah. She ran away with her husband and their two children, Khaled, and Roya, and joined the war front in northern Afghanistan (Panjshir), where the famous partisan commander Ahmad-Shah Masoud had stationed his mujahedin forces. Masoud was fighting the Russians and led the largest war front in the mountains and valleys of Panjshir. Soraya Baha stayed there for some time in a small cabin with her two children. She later wrote her memoir and included this experience. The excerpted story below is based on true events that the author personally witnessed while in Panjshir.
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Ashraf, Ammad, Muhammad Saad Arshad und Aneela Kiran. „Strategic Dynamics: An Analysis of the US War in Afghanistan“. Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review IX, Nr. I (30.04.2023): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2024(ix-i).07.

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Afghanistan has been in a state of perpetual civil war since the late 1970s, marked by foreign occupation in the form of two invasions: the Soviet invasion in 1979 and the US-led invasion in 2001 that overthrew the Taliban administration. Afghanistan's ability to affect neighboring countries' politics and societies has increased its significance. This study uses information gathered from secondary sources to examine the causes of the US war on terror in Afghanistan and how it has affected Pakistan.
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Payind, Alam. „Soviet – Afghan Relations From Cooperation to Occupation“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, Nr. 1 (Februar 1989): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380003213x.

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In the field of international relations, the 1979 Soviet occupation of Afghanistan has raised major issues concerning regional security and superpower relations. By introducing Soviet military forces in a traditionally nonaligned country, the Kremlin initiated a more aggressive pattern in its foreign policies. This occupation was the Soviet Union's first territorial expansion by direct use of military power since World War II.
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Naazer, Manzoor Ahmad. „Determinants Of Pakistan’s Policy towards Soviet Intervention in Afghanistan“. Journal of South Asian Studies 10, Nr. 2 (30.08.2022): 283–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.010.02.4264.

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Pakistan’s Afghan policy after Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in December 1979 was not a simple reaction to that event. Soviet action had far reaching repercussions for Pakistan as well as for the region as a whole. Nor Pakistan’s reply to Soviet occupation of Afghanistan neither Soviet decision to send its troops in small neighborly country could be seen while separating it from changing regional as well as international scenario. It also could not be seen without taking into consideration the historical background of the events that had led to the destabilization of Southwest Asia.
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Milani, Mohsen M. „Iran's Policy Towards Afghanistan“. Middle East Journal 60, Nr. 2 (01.04.2006): 235–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.2.12.

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Since 1979, Iran's objectives in Afghanistan have changed as Afghanistan's domestic landscape changed. Still, Iran has consistently sought to see a stable and independent Afghanistan, with Herat as a buffer zone and with a Tehran-friendly government in Kabul, a government that reflects the rich ethnic diversity of the country. Toward those and other goals, Iran has created “spheres of influence” inside Afghanistan. During the Soviet occupation (1979-88), Iran created an “ideological sphere of influence” by empowering the Shi'ites. Iran then created a “political sphere of influence” by unifying the Dari/Persian-speaking minorities, who ascended to power. Iranian policies added fuel to the ferocious civil war in the 1990s. Astonishingly slow to recognize the threat posed by the Taliban, Iran helped create a “sphere of resistance” to counter the “Kabul-Islamabad-Riyadh” axis by supporting the Northern Alliance. Since the liberation of Afghanistan, Iran has also established an “economic sphere of influence” by engaging in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Today, Iran's goals are to pressure the Afghan government to distance itself from Washington, and for Iran to become the hub for the transit of goods and services between the Persian Gulf and Afghanistan, Central Asia, India, and China. While Iran has been guilty of extremism and adventurism in some critical aspects of its foreign policy, its overall Afghan policy has contributed more to moderation and stability than to extremism and instability.
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Hartung, Jan-Peter. „“He’s Just a Man!”: Pashtun Salafists and the Representation of the Prophet“. Die Welt des Islams 60, Nr. 2-3 (27.05.2020): 170–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-06023p02.

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Abstract Against the widespread understanding that Salafism in Pashtun religious circles owes its establishment to the close interaction with Arab representatives of that current since the resistance to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan between 1979 and 1990, a theologically quite radical form had indigenously emerged already in the late 1940s. This current, originating in the small town of Panjpīr in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, stands out by a rigid Salafī epistemology.
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Oghli, Sardar Mohammad Rahman. „Strengthening of Friendship between Ukraine and Afghanistan“. Diplomatic Ukraine, Nr. XIX (2018): 250–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-14.

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The interview is dedicated to the life and work of Sardar Mohammad Rahman Oghli, the Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to Ukraine. It mentions the countries, in which the Ambassador served before his appointment to Ukraine, as well as the difficulties he had to deal with. The article provides an insight on the current state of cooperation between Ukraine and Afghanistan, identifies the priorities for the Embassy team, outlines the most promising areas of cooperation. The historical question of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979–1989 was discussed, and a parallel was drawn with the present-day war between Ukraine and Russia in the Donbass, as well as the occupation of Crimea. A lot of attention was paid to his years of study at the Vinnytsia Polytechnic Institute and experience gained during the student years, which helps him in his today’s work in Ukraine. According to the Ambassador, the Ukrainian people have great human capital and potential, particularly in scientific and technical field. The Ambassador sincerely wishes to strengthen friendship between the peoples of Ukraine and Afghanistan. After the establishment of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in Ukraine, the two states began to cooperate in the areas of politics, trade, economy, higher education, technical and military fields, consular assistance. Kabul and Kyiv have signed agreements on cooperation and exchange of scientific information between polytechnic universities, on transit, agreement between the Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the one of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Regarding the priorities, the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan strives to intensify bilateral political relations, develop and strengthen trade cooperation, achieve simplification of investment conditions for Ukrainian entrepreneurs in Kabul. All of this indicates that the relations between the two countries are at a high level. Keywords. Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Ukraine, Kabul, cooperation, high level of relations, Vinnytsia Polytechnic Institute.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989)"

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Uslubas, Fevzi. „L'intervention soviétique en Afghanistan et l'Islam en URSS“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213230.

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Rollins, Joel D. (Joel David). „An Analysis of Propaganda in the Yellow Rain Controversy“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500599/.

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The use of arguments containing increasingly technical materials has grown significantly in the recent years. Specifically, arguments that are used to justify military expenditures or to allege violations of international agreements are becoming more sophisticated. This study examines the dissemination and use of technical argument in claims made by the United States government that the Soviet Union violated chemical and biological treaties in Southeast Asia and Afghanistan. This study employs the Jowett-O'Donnell method for analyzing propaganda to determine the extent and effectiveness of the government's claims. The study concludes that propaganda was used extensively by the government in order to justify new weapons programs and that the propaganda campaign was effective because of the technological orientation of its claims.
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Rodriguez, Jose L. „The Soviet - Afghan War, 1979-1989 failures in irregular warfare /“. Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491229.

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Strid, Jim. „Sovjetiska blockeringsoperationer i modern kontext“. Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-818.

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1979 till 1989 pågick en sovjetisk militär insats i Afghanistan vars syfte var att bedriva upprorsbekämpning för att stödja den afghanska marionettregeringen. Efter 9/11 2001 blev Afghanistan återigen ett insatsområde för en amerikanskledd koalition vars syfte var att störta talibanerna och sätta en ny regering till makten. Som en följd av detta genomfördes flera markoperationer för att rensa upp de sista talibanska fästena. En av dessa operationer var Operation Anaconda. Men fanns och finns det fortfarande erfarenheter som från Sovjets insatser som kunde haft en effekt på denna operation samt liknande operationer? Syftet med denna uppsats är att utgå från de sovjetiska operationer Afghanistan 1979-1989 och påvisa framgångsfaktorer som kan användas på markoperationer inom ramen för upprorsbekämpning. Uppsatsen slutsatser pekar på att det finns framgångsfaktorer att dra av de sovjetiska erfarenheterna i områdena: Indirekt eld, den afghanska terrängen och lokalt understödjande förband, ledning, operationssäkerhet och principen för överraskning.


Between 1979 and 1989 there was an on going soviet military intervention which purpose was to battle insurgents in favour of the, by the Soviets, supported puppet government. After 9/11 2001 Afghanistan was once again a stage, bur for an American led coalition which purpose was to over throw the Taliban regime and install a new government. Because of this, several ground operations were conducted to clear out the last of the Taliban remnants. One of these operations was Operation Anaconda. But were there any experiences from the soviets operations that could have an effect on this and other operations? The purpose of this essay is to start from Soviet operations from 1979-1989 in Afghanistan and point out criteria’s of success that could be used on ground based operations within the context of counterinsurgency. The result of the essay points out that there is criteria’s of success to be found in the experiences from the Soviets operations in the fields of: Artillery, Afghan terrain and local supportive units, command and control, operational security and the principle of surprise.

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„Faktore wat gelei het tot die Sowjet inval in Afghanistan, 1973-1979“. Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/12636.

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Wesa, Tooryalai. „The Afghan agricultural extension system : impact of the Soviet occupation and prospects for the future“. Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/13579.

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The Soviet Union occupied her southern neighbor Afghanistan on Thursday, December 27, 1979. Soon after the occupation, significant impacts were felt on agriculture and other sectors of the economy. Agriculture was affected in many ways from the integrity of irrigation systems to the cultivation of opium poppies. Agricultural extension, as the main department within the Ministry of Agriculture, was severely affected in terms of programs, organization, personnel, budget, methods, relations with farmers, and transfer of improved technologies. This study was designed to assess the impacts of the occupation and identify recommendations for the future development of the system. A survey design was used. Sixty-two Afghans with detailed knowledge about the Soviet occupation and agriculture participated in the study. The survey included 34 mostly open-ended questions, covering three areas: demographic characteristics of respondents, impacts of the occupation, and prospects for the future of the Agricultural Extension System of Afghanistan. The majority of participants were highly educated and lived in North America after departing Afghanistan. The results also showed that during the occupation many participants were assigned to passive positions or lost their jobs. The occupation affected the attitudes of the farmers, reduced the cultivation of agricultural land, destroyed the infrastructure for delivering agricultural services, altered the types of crops grown and reduced the number of people working in agriculture. Millions of landmines remain a serious threat to those who return to farming. Recommendations are made for the Government, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Higher and Vocational Education, Agricultural Extension System, Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs), and International Aid Agencies. Agricultural extension rehabilitation should be given high priority to meet the emerging challenges of increasing agricultural production by adopting modern technology, generating suitable marketing channels for surplus agricultural products, providing equal development and working opportunities for Afghan women, protecting natural resources, utilizing professional returnees, and replacing poppy cultivation with regular food crops. Perceptual and structural obstacles may militate against providing proper support for agricultural development in Afghanistan. The overall reconstruction and development of the Afghan Agricultural Extension System is a prerequisite for the future development of the Afghan agriculture sector. Establishing a stable Afghan government and support from the international coalition are essential to rebuilding this important sector of the economy.
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„The role of varying perceptions and bargaining strategies in the formation and dissipation of an international crisis: The Soviet intervention and withdrawal from Afghanistan (1979-1989)“. Tulane University, 1995.

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How is an international crisis created? And once in existence what determines the outcome, viz., escalation into open conflict or de-escalation of an international crisis? These questions are explored by looking at a crisis situation through the perceptual lenses of the crisis actors involved and the subsequent bargaining strategies executed by them in the international sphere. The clue to understanding the dynamics of an international crisis, it is contended, lies in discovering the connection between the perceptual process and the bargaining strategy adopted by each crisis actor. The outcome of an international crisis is decided by the bargaining position taken by the crisis actors within an interdependent setting. The international crisis precipitated by the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan (1979-1989) is analyzed by making the crisis actors (the Soviet Union, U.S., Pakistan, India, China and Iran) the focal point of inquiry. The perception and the bargaining strategies of each of the aforementioned crisis actors is investigated at the time of crisis initiation (1980-1981) and crisis dissipation (1987-1988) to discern shifts in their respective positions, It is argued that this shift was the catalytic factor in propelling the Afghanistan crisis towards de-escalation. The overarching purpose of this study is to draw theoretical inferences that may be applied to examine the phenomena of international crises
acase@tulane.edu
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Bücher zum Thema "Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989)"

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Urban, Mark. War in Afghanistan. 2. Aufl. London: Macmillan, 1990.

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Urban, Mark L. War in Afghanistan. 2. Aufl. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990.

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John, Boaz, Hrsg. Afghanistan. San Diego: Greenhaven Press/Thomson Gale, 2004.

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Hyman, Anthony. Afghanistan under Soviet domination, 1964-91. 3. Aufl. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Academic and Professional, 1992.

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Tom, Rogers. The Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan: Analysis and chronology. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1992.

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Maley, William. The Afghanistan wars. 2. Aufl. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Dorronsoro, Gilles. Revolution unending: Afghanistan : 1979 to the present. New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2005.

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Dorronsoro, Gilles. Revolution unending: Afghanistan, 1979 to the present. London: C. Hurst, 2005.

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Hyman, Anthony. Afghanistan underSoviet domination, 1964-91. 3. Aufl. Basingstoke: Macmillan Academic and Professional, 1992.

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Kakar, M. Hassan. Afghanistan: The Soviet invasion andthe Afghan response, 1979-1982. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989)"

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Byman, Daniel. „History“. In Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Global Jihadist Movement. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190217259.003.0001.

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What Was the Impact of the Anti-Soviet Jihad on the Jihadist Movement? When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, it set in motion a chain of events that would eventually lead to the creation of Al Qaeda. The Soviet occupation of, and eventual...
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Harrison, Selig S. „Making The Russians Bleed“. In Out Of Afghanistan, 91–108. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062946.003.0005.

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Abstract Moscow made its first serious attempt to find a way out of the Afghan quagmire during the fifteen-month tenure of Yuri Andropov, from November 1982 until his death in February 1984. Andropov no longer displayed the ambivalence that had marked his attitude toward the 1979 decision to intervene. In internal Communist party debates he became increasingly critical of the occupation as a serious blunder likely to entail growing economic, social, and diplomatic costs for the Soviet Union. Many of his close associates cite persuasive evidence that Andropov was prepared to withdraw Soviet forces under the aegis of the United Nations despite opposition from the armed forces and from more orthodox Communist leaders. By all accounts, however, he envisaged a withdrawal on terms considerably more favorable to the Soviet Union than those that Mikhail Gorbachev accepted five years later. Precisely what type of settlement he was ready to accept was never tested because Pakistan and the United States were in no mood to bargain. With the Cold War at full tilt, the dominant power groups in Islamabad and Washington deeply distrusted Soviet motives in the U.N. negotiations and regarded it as desirable, in any case, to keep Soviet forces pinned down in a now in commitment.
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Monzali, Luciano. „Italy, King Zahir and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, 1979–89“. In Italy and the Middle East. I.B. TAURIS, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781838606947.ch-014.

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Orlov, Igor, und Mikhail Mironyuk. „5 Soviet Propaganda in the War in Afghanistan, 1979–1989“. In Info Ops, 91–116. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781955055000-006.

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DZIWISZ, MARCIN. „Synkretyzm kulturowy w oryginale i przekładzie utworu Żmija Andrzeja Sapkowskiego“. In Tradycja i nowoczesność. Z zagadnień języka i literatury Słowian Wschodnich 2, 219–30. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego w Krakowie, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/9788380845282.18.

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This text is focusing on the issue of war in Afghanistan from 1979–1989 and its realities. The lexicon associated with everyday life of Afghanistan civilians and Soviet soldiers was analyzed. Observations made has led us to the conclusion that additional information appears more often in the translated text, which makes it much more transparent for the final recipient. This fact was confirmed by the statistical data: only one footnote can be found in the Polish text, and 173 in the Russian text.
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Christine, C. „What is the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba?*“. In The Literature of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, 19–30. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198883937.003.0002.

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Abstract This chapter provides a detailed history of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) beginning with its establishment in Afghanistan at the very end of the war to oust the Soviet Union from Afghanistan (1979–1989) up to and including the organization’s contemporary role in Pakistan’s domestic security and in prosecuting its revisionist agenda in Afghanistan, Kashmir, and elsewhere in India. While the exact year in which LeT (Army of the Righteous) coalesced is unknown, scholars tend to agree that it began to take form when Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi gathered several Pakistani Ahl-e-Hadees adherents to wage jihad against the Soviets in Afghanistan at the very end of that conflict (1979–1989). Around 1985, Hafiz Muhammad Saeed and Zafar Iqbal founded Jamaat ud Dawah (JuD, Organization for Proselytization) with the intent of promulgating the Ahl-e-Hadees creed. A year later, Lakhvi’s LeT amalgamated with Saeed and Iqbal’s JuD to form the Markaz-ud-Dawah-wal-Irshad (MDI, Centre for Preaching and Guidance), which had three preoccupations: jihad, proselytization of the Ahl-e-Hadees maslak, and the creation of a new generation of Muslims committed to their ideology. After providing a history of the organization, this chapter also explains what makes LeT different from the many other groups operating in and from Pakistan, and the unique support it enjoys from Pakistan’s security establishment. It also details the various other front organizations that LeT spawned to subvert sanction regimes.
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Searle, Mike. „North-West Frontier: Kohistan, Hindu Kush, Pamirs“. In Colliding Continents. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199653003.003.0011.

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The Hindu Kush Mountains run along the Afghan border with the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan. Following the First Anglo-Afghan war of 1839– 42 the British government in Simla decided that the North-West Frontier of British India had to have an accurate delineation. Sir Mortimer Durand mapped the border between what is now Pakistan and Afghanistan in 1893 and this frontier is known as the Durand Line. Unfortunately it is a political frontier and one that splits the Pathan or Pushtun-speaking lands into two, with the North-West Frontier Province and Waziristan in Pakistan to the east and the Afghan provinces of Kunar, Nangahar, Khost, Paktiya, and Kandahar to the west. The border regions north of Baluchistan in Quetta and Waziristan are strong tribal areas and ones that have never come under the direct rule of the Pakistani government. Warlords run their drug and arms businesses from well-fortified mud-walled hilltop fortresses. During the period that Lord Curzon was Viceroy of India from 1899 to 1905 the entire border regions of British India were mapped out along the Karakoram, Kashmir, Ladakh, and south Tibetan Ranges. During Partition, in 1947, once again an artificial border was established separating mostly Muslim Pakistan from India. Lord Mountbatten, the last Viceroy, gave Sir Cyril Radcliffe the invidious task of delineating the border in haste to avoid a civil war that would surely have come, and on 17 August 1947 Pakistan inherited all the territory between the Durand Line and the new Indian frontier, the Radcliffe Line. In the north, the disputed Kashmir region still remained unresolved and the northern boundary of Pakistan ran north to the main watershed along the Hindu Kush, Hindu Raj, and Karakoram Ranges. To the west, Afghanistan was a completely artificial country created by the amalgamation of the Pathans of the east, Hazaras of the central region, the Uzbeks in the Mazar-i-Sharif area, and the Tadjiks of the Panjshir Valley along the border with Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province. The British lost three wars trying to invade this mountainous land between 1839 and 1919, and the Soviet Union which occupied Afghanistan for ten years from 1979 also withdrew across the Oxus River in failure in February 1989.
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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989)"

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Stillwell, Douglas M. From Successful Invasion to Failed War: An Analysis of Soviet Military Strategy in Afghanistan 1979-1989. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, Januar 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada441526.

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2

Matthews, Matt M. We Have Not Learned How to Wage War There: The Soviet Approach in Afghanistan 1979-1989 Occasional Paper, Number 36. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, Juli 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada547558.

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3

Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.

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Annotation:
This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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