Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „St. Domingue“

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "St. Domingue"

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Edmondson, Philip. „“To Plead Our Own Cause”: The St. Domingue Legacy and the Rise of the Black Press“. Prospects 29 (Oktober 2005): 121–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036123330000171x.

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From the 1820s to the 1850s, the black press, with early support from white abolitionists, published historical essays on the St. Domingue slave rebellion for new generations of readers. The purpose was to exhort free black readers to emulate the vigor of the St. Dominguan rebels in taking control of their communities and personal lives. In this essay, I address how antebellum black activist writers formulated a St. Domingue legacy to unite free black communities, to promote literacy education, and to build firm moral character.
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Gailus, Andreas. „Language Unmoored: On Kleist'sThe Betrothal in St. Domingue“. Germanic Review: Literature, Culture, Theory 85, Nr. 1 (29.01.2010): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00168890903446633.

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Neidenbach, Elizabeth C. „“Refugee from St. Domingue Living in This City”“. Journal of Urban History 42, Nr. 5 (September 2016): 841–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216665304.

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Piquet, Jean-Daniel. „Le Créole Patriote, apôtre de l'insurrection de St-Domingue“. Annales historiques de la Révolution française 293, Nr. 1 (1993): 519–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahrf.1993.1591.

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Geggus, David. „The naming of Haiti“. New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, Nr. 1-2 (01.01.1997): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002615.

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When St. Domingue declared its independence it was renamed Haiti, an Amerindian name. Author explores what the founding fathers of Haitian independence might have known about the Amerindian past in the Caribbean and in South America. He also raises questions about ethnicity and identity in 19th-c. Haiti.
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Munford, Clarence J., und Michael Zeuske. „Black Slavery, Class Struggle, Fear and Revolution in St. Domingue and Cuba, 1785-1795“. Journal of Negro History 73, Nr. 1-4 (Januar 1988): 12–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jnhv73n1-4p12.

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Reinhardt, Catherine A. „Forgotten Claims to Liberty: Free Coloreds in St. Domingue on the Eve of the First Abolition of Slavery“. Colonial Latin American Review 10, Nr. 1 (Juni 2001): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609160120049362.

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Bourke, Thomas E. „Toussaint l'ouverture and the black revolution of St. Domingue as reflected in German literature from Kleist to Buch“. History of European Ideas 11, Nr. 1-6 (Januar 1989): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(89)90202-7.

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Palmié, Stephan. „Adjusting lenses: discourse, power, and identity, at home and abroad“. New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 68, Nr. 1-2 (01.01.1994): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002662.

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[First paragraph]Schwarze Freiheit lm Dialog: Saint-Domingue 1791 - Haiti 1991. C. Herrmann Middelanis (ed.). Bielefeld: Hans Koek, 1992. 62 pp. (Paper n.p.)Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn. Karen McCarthy Brown. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. x + 405 pp. (Cloth US$ 24.00, Paper US$ 13.00)Caribbean New York: Black Immigrants and the Politics of Race. Philip Kasinitz. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992. xv + 280 pp. (Cloth US$ 39.95, Paper US$ 13.95)Ever since the first truly free nation of the Americas emerged from the agony of the Haitian Revolution, the western part of Hispaniola has been subject to torturous exertions of the European and American imagination. If, by reappropriating their own persons, the Haitians withheld a prime object of capitalist desire, their defiance was answered, in part, by the symbolic objectification of Haiti - this time not by merchants and empire-builders, but by philosophes, literati, and artists "organic" to various European and American regimes, anciens as well as nouveaux. Part of this was pragmatically motivated. The mere existence of Haiti spelled an immediate threat to the stability of New World polities predicated on the exploitation of unfree black labor. If slave revolts were endemic to the region, the events after 1791 seemed to exemplify the pandemic potential of black insurrection in its most virulent forms. Moreover, though direct connections to the events in St. Domingue could rarely be substantiated, the outbreaks of violence in Grenada, Demerara, Louisiana, St. Vincent, and Jamaica in the mid-1790s, and the subsequent proliferation (of real as well as imagined) plots in Cuba, Virginia, and Trinidad lent additional weight to fears aboutthe contagious nature of libertarian ideas (cf. Genovese 1979 and Geggus 1989 for rather different assessments of the reality behind such perceptions). Hence the frantic attempts to establish a cordon sanitaire between the source of revolutionary disease and those slave populations still uncontaminated - a course of action which may well represent one of the first instances of genuinely international information control. Yet slaveholders' recensions of the Haitian Revolution as symptomatic of a morbid process in need of containment did not exhaust its semantic potential.
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Accilien, Cécile. „Secret History: or, The Horrors of St. Domingo in a Series of Letters … (Philadelphia, 1808): Saint-Domingue through the Lens of an American Woman on the Eve of Haitian Independence“. Journal of Haitian Studies 25, Nr. 1 (2019): 66–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhs.2019.0002.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "St. Domingue"

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Shoecraft, Ashleigh P. „"A Single Finger Can't Eat Okra": The Importance of Remembering the Haitian Revolution in United States History“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/126.

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This thesis discusses the impact of the Haitian Revolution on the United States as a lens through which to view the transnational nature of American exceptionalism. It concludes with an articulation of the necessity of incorporating this relational nature of United States identity development into high school coursework, and advocates for teaching about the Haitian Revolution as an effective means through which to do this.
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Castrillon, Susanne Maria Lima. „O romance O Escravo (1856), de José Evaristo de Almeida no sistema literário português“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8156/tde-19092011-135151/.

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Com sua ação passada em Cabo Verde, o romance O escravo (1856) de José Evaristo de Almeida está vinculado à história da literatura caboverdiana, sendo considerado por alguns críticos como o primeiro romance nativista daquela literatura. O enfoque aqui proposto procura refletir sobre o seu lugar no âmbito da Literatura Portuguesa, demonstrando que, apesar de ocupar um espaço marginal no sistema literário português, esse romance dialoga, tematicamente, com a literatura européia, na sua relação intertextual com os romances Die Verloburg In St Domingo (O noivado em São Domingos), de Bernd Henrich Von Kleist e Bug- Jargal, de Victor Hugo.
With your action passed in Cabo Verde, The movel the Slave (1856), de José Evaristo de Almeida in entailed at history of the caboverdian literature,considery for any critiques what one nativism movel from that literature. The way of focusing the question there do seek reflected with your position this ambit of Portuguese literature, showing that, althought the occupy one marginal place in this Portuguese literary system, in this movel it dialogue, thematically, with European literary, in its intertextual act of reporting on the movel Die Verloburg In St Domingo (The married in St. Domingo), in Bernd Henrich Von Kleist and Bug-Jargal, in Victor Hugo.
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Binder, Barbara. „Heinrich von Kleists "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo" : entkörperte Seele und inszenierter Körper /“. kostenfrei, 2009. http://othes.univie.ac.at/3873/.

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Catatão, Maria dos Anjos Pecena Gonçalves. „Testamentos, doações e espiritualidade do Mosteiro de S. Domingos de Évora no período de 1440 a 1520“. Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/12071.

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O estudo apresentado consiste numa análise sobre testamentos e doações feitas ao mosteiro de S. Domingos, no período de 1440 a 1520, através da fonte que serviu de suporte a este trabalho, o Tombo do Convento de S. Domingos de Évora. A partir do século XIII o mosteiro estava em íntima relação com a cidade, porque os dominicanos, além de serem mais ligados ao ensino e à pregação popular, à cultura e às elites urbanas, privilegiavam as cidades mais importantes. Como espaço de implantação dos seus conventos, a crescente importância de Évora no final da Idade Média explica a instalação relativamente precoce desta Ordem e o engrandecimento deste mosteiro. Vários membros da nobreza escolheram este mosteiro dominicano para apoio espiritual ao qual acabaram por deixar em testamento, herdades, casas e outros bens em troca de favores espirituais dos frades como forma de alcançarem o céu; ### ABSTRACT: Testaments, donations and spirituality of St. Dominic’s Monastery of Évora in the period between 1440 and 1520 The present study consists of an analysis of testaments and donations to St. Dominic’s Monastery in the period between 1440 and 1520 according to the source used for this work, the Cartulary of St. Dominic’s Monastery of Évora. From the 13th century onwards the monastery was in close relationship with the city, since the Dominicans, besides being more attached to teaching and to popular preaching as well as to culture and the urban elite also favoured the most important cities. Known as a space of implantation of its convents, the growing importance of Évora at the end of the Middle Ages explains the relatively precocious installation of this Order here and the elevation of this particular monastery. Several members of the nobility chose the Dominican monastery as the place for seeking spiritual support and thus leaving it, by will, properties, houses and other valuable assets in exchange for the spiritual favours of its monks as a means to reach eternal life.
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Gribnitz, Barbara. „Schwarzes Mädchen, weißer Fremder : Studien zur Konstruktion von 'Rasse' und Geschlecht in Heinrich von Kleists Erzählung "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo" /“. Würzburg : Königshausen & Neumann, 2002. http://www.gbv.de/dms/bs/toc/348870310.pdf.

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Irep, Virgile. „Eco Tourisme et développement durable : l'éco Tourisme, atouts et limites du tourisme durable dans la caraïbe-micro insulaire : la Guadeloupe, St john et la Dominique“. Antilles-Guyane, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007AGUY0180.

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Depuis environ trois décennies, diverses formes de tourisme se développent dans la Caraïbe micro-insulaire, proposant des solutions dedéveloppement durable aux populations, En Guadeloupe, à la Dominique ou à St John, nous avons prélevé des exemples concrets dans le but d'étudier la capacité réelle du nouveau concept de tourisme durable à apporter un développement par le biais de l'éco tourisme. Après caractérisation des milieux insulaires de la Caraïbe et des Petites Antilles par la présentation globale des facteurs physiques et humains, notre démarche nous a d'abord permis d'établir une typologie des centres d'intérêt mettant en lumière la valeur réelle des site dans chacune des unités insulaires. Puis, s'agissant de l'emploi, l'accent est mis sur les potentialités de retombées durables. L'étude est menée de telle façon que la premiére étape abordée dans la partie générale situe la Caraïbe au plan mondial dans le cadre du tourisme global en mettant en relief ses effets de dégradation de l 'environnement. Ensuite, l'approche du tourisme dans les Petites Antilles nous permet de faire un bilan et d'envisager les perspectives de tourisme durable et équitable en Guadeloupe. Nous terminons enfin par les deux Petites Antilles étrangères proches de la Guadeloupe: la Dominique et Saint-John
Different forms of tourism have been growing in the micro Caribbean islands for about three decades now, offering long-term development options to its populations. Ln Guadeloupe, Dominica or Saint-John - one of the American Virgin Islands- we have singled out sorne tangible examples in order to study the true capacity of this new sustainable tourism concept of ensuring development through ecotourism. After identifying the island environment in the Caribbean and the Lesser Antilles through a global presentation of both the physical and human factors, we first managed to draw up a typology of the main interests, revealing the real value of the sites of the sites for each of the chosen settings. Then, as far as employment is concerned, we have put the emphasis on any potential long-term effects. The study has been carried out in such a way that the first stage tackled in the study's general section places the Caribbean on a worldwide level in global tourisrn, by accentuating its damaging consequence' on the environment. Furthermore, the tourism approach in the Lesser Antilles allows us to assess the 'given situation and consider the prospects of a sustainable and fair trade tourism in Guadeloupe. The last section concerns two islands close to Guadeloupe in the Lesser Antilles: Saint- John, the National Park land and Dominica, which is still characterized by its wild and untamed nature
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Chi, Young-hae. „By what right do we own things? : a justification of property ownership from an Augustinian tradition“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5555bb1d-9d5c-4260-b2bc-3c04c61ecb31.

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The justification of property ownership based on individual subjective rights is tightly bound to humanist moral perspectives. God is left out as irrelevant to the just grounds of ownership, which is established primarily on the basis of human self-referential, moral capacity. This thesis aims at developing an alternative justification, both for property as an institution and as a private holding, with a view to bringing God back into the centre stage and thereby placing property ownership on the objective concept of right. A tradition hitherto generally left unnoticed, yet uncovered here as the source of inspiration, vests the whole project with a moral-teleological tone. The tradition, enunciated by St. Augustine and developed by St. Bonaventure and John Wyclif, invites us to see property from the perspective of a moral end: it ought to be used for the love of God and neighbours, and as such it can be owned only by the just. In spite of important insights into the moral nature of property, the Augustinian thesis not only fails to spell out what ‘use for love’ means but also suffers from elitism. Nor does it offer an adequate justification of private property. Such weaknesses call for revision. When we reinterpret the Augustinian thesis through the concept of the divine imperative of service coupled with a proper understanding of human work, property acquires a distinctive justification. Property, as an institution, is justified as a requisite for carrying out God’s redemptive work towards the world. From this general justification ensues the particular justification. We hold property as specifically ‘mine,’ since each person’s ordained mission to participate in God’s work requires a uniquely personal material means, although the recognition and fulfilment of individual mission still demands communal efforts. The duty to carry out the God-commanded mission at first allows us to possess private property only in a non-proprietorial and non-exclusive manner. Yet in the prevailing condition of economic scarcity and human greed, civil jurisdiction must provide a structure of rights to enforce property institution. As God’s invitation for the transformation of the world is a universal command, everybody should have a minimum of property, and yet in differentiation of the scope and kinds commensurate with the particularities of individual mission.
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Oberlin, Gerhard. „Modernität und Bewusstsein : die letzten Erzählungen Heinrich von Kleists /“. Giessen : Psychosozial-Verl, 2007. http://d-nb.info/986530158/04.

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Bücher zum Thema "St. Domingue"

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Ville, Winston De. St. Domingue, census records and military lists, 1688-1720. Ville Platte, La: W. De Ville, 1988.

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Augustin, Marie-Joséphine. Le macandal: Episode de l'insurrection des noirs a St-Domingue, 1793. Shreveport, LA: Les Cahiers du Tintamarre, 2010.

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Augustin, Marie-Joséphine. Le macandal: Episode de l'insurrection des noirs a St-Domingue, 1793. Shreveport, LA: Les Cahiers du Tintamarre, 2010.

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Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo. Social control in slave plantation societies: A comparison of St. Domingue and Cuba. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996.

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Celma, Cécile. Guide des sources disponibles sur la Révolution de St Domingue en Guadeloupe, Guyane, Haïti, Martinique. Fort de France, Martinique: Association des archivistes, bibliothécaires [et] documentalistes francophones de la Caraïbe, 1985.

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Dorigny, Marcel. Des constitutions à la description de Saint-Domingue: La colonie française en Haïti vue par Moreau de St-Méry. [Fort-de-France]: Archives départementales de la Martinique, 2004.

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Latortue, François. Haiti (ex-St.-Domingue) and Louisiana: Their past relationships and the true reasons for the selling of the vast territory. New York: Vantage Press, 2004.

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Lützeler, Paul Michael. Napoleons Kolonialtraum und Kleists „Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01782-0.

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Guillemette, Thérèse. Paroisse Saint-Dominique Timmins, Ontario: Cinquante ans d'histoire, 1947-1997. Timmins, Ont: [s.l.], 1998.

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Laliberté, Michel. Baptêmes et sépultures de St-Dominique de Bagot, 1837 à 1865. Montréal: L'Arbre Généalogique Enr., 1999.

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Buchteile zum Thema "St. Domingue"

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Ruppert-Tribian, Helga. „Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“. In Ein Traum, was sonst?, 161–70. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03375-8_16.

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Lützeler, Paul Michael. „Napoleon und Santo Domingo“. In Napoleons Kolonialtraum und Kleists „Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“, 10–17. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01782-0_2.

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Heimböckel, Dieter. „Kleist, Heinrich von: Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“. In Kindlers Literatur Lexikon (KLL), 1–2. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05728-0_22846-1.

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Brittnacher, Hans Richard. „Rasse und Geschlecht in Kleists ›Verlobung in St. Domingo‹“. In Kleist-Jahrbuch 2003, 321–24. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-02897-6_25.

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Lützeler, Paul Michael. „Kleist als Dichter des Widerstands“. In Napoleons Kolonialtraum und Kleists „Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“, 7–10. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01782-0_1.

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Lützeler, Paul Michael. „Binnenerzählungen von der Französischen Revolution“. In Napoleons Kolonialtraum und Kleists „Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“, 17–21. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01782-0_3.

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Lützeler, Paul Michael. „Exempla: Binnenerzählungen des missionierenden Kolonialismus“. In Napoleons Kolonialtraum und Kleists „Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“, 22–29. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01782-0_4.

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Lützeler, Paul Michael. „Grundmuster kolonialer Erzählungen“. In Napoleons Kolonialtraum und Kleists „Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“, 29–32. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01782-0_5.

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Williams, Roger L. „Letters thirty-one to forty-eight were addressed to Monsieur Villars, Docteur en Médecine in Le Noyer, but sometimes in nearby St.-Bonnet. They cover the months after the publication of his prospectus in April of 1779 until his departure in late 1781 to assume a new post in Grenoble. In 1780, his stipend was doubled to 1000 livres by the intendant, no doubt in compensation for a new course in botany that villars would inaugurate in March of 1780. That he left his wife and children in Le Noyer at the end of 1781, returning for visits on holidays, may mean that he did not anticipate a lengthy tenure in Grenoble.[1779–1781]“. In The Letters of Dominique Chaix, Botanist-Curé, 58–87. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-5490-1_4.

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Weigel, Sigrid. „Der Körper am Kreuzpunkt von Liebesgeschichte und Rassendiskurs in Heinrich von Kleists Erzählung >Die Verlobung in St. Domingo<“. In Kleist-Jahrbuch 1991, 202–17. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03367-3_17.

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