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Thematische Bibliographien / Tibet (China) Foreign relations / Zeitschriftenartikel

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Tibet (China) Foreign relations“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 30. Januar 2023

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1

Verisova, Anna D. "The Tibet Issue in China–United States Relations, 2009−2012." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences 22, no. 5 (December 15, 2022): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v221.

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The paper analyses the Sino-American contacts of 2009–2012 on the Tibet issue, which had occupied an important place in China–US relations since the 1980s. With Barack Obama moving into the White House, the US adopted a softer policy aimed at strengthening the relations with China. However, the Tibet issue remained a source of conflict and disagreement between Beijing and Washington. US leaders believed that China was pursuing a tough policy towards the peoples of Tibet and suggested some ways to settle the issue. Beijing, in its turn, saw this as an interference in China’s internal affairs. H

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2

Thejalhoukho. "The Sikkim–Tibet Convention of 1890 and the Younghusband Mission of 1904." China Report 57, no. 4 (October 14, 2021): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211047078.

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The controversy surrounding the Simla Conference of 1913–1914 and the legality of the McMahon line, which was produced by the Conference, has been at the centre of the boundary dispute between India and China. Amidst the diverging opinions amongst scholars and political commentators, the main issue rest on the unresolved question of Tibet’s political status. Was Lhasa authorised to sign treaties for Tibet? Was China the sovereign over Tibet? The answers to such questions are murky and complicated, made more so by the politics and conflicts in the post colonial period. This study attempts to hi

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3

Mahmudur, Mahmudur. "India-Bhutan Relations: A Small State’s Quest for Freedom." Research in Economics and Management 7, no. 2 (June 18, 2022): p29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v7n2p29.

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Bhutan is located on the eastern ridges of the Himalayas between the Assam-Bengal Plain of India to the south and the Plateau of Tibet of southwestern China to the north. In British India the colonial administration established a classical hegemonic relationship with the remote kingdom. In the Treaty of Punakha (1910) the sovereignty of the Bhutanese Royal government was recognized in exchange for submitting control of foreign relations to the British. In independent India, the Himalayan Kingdoms were sandwiched between India and China, facing an uncertain future about their political sovereig

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Kohli, Manorama. "Bhutan's Strategic Environment: Changing Perceptions." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 2 (January 1986): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200203.

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For about a decade now one has been noticing some changes and shifts in the land-locked dragon kingdom of Bhutan's perceptions of its strategic neighbourhood—India and China. The two Asian giants situated in the south and north of Bhutan are so vital in geo-political terms that their attitudes towards this buffer state as also their relative capability distribution in the Himalayan region and in South Asia will always determine practically all foreign policy considerations of Bhutan. It need hardly be stressed that Bhutan is strategically important for both its big neighbours because of its lo

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Drifte, Reinhard. "Der Aufstieg Ostasiens in der Weltpolitik 1840–2000 (The Rise of East Asia in World Politics, 1840–2000). By Gottfried-Karl Kindermann. [Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001. €44.99. 727 pp. ISBN 3-421-05174-7.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1097–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003280632.

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This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including

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Fravel, M. Taylor. "Regime Insecurity and International Cooperation: Explaining China's Compromises in Territorial Disputes." International Security 30, no. 2 (October 2005): 46–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124534.

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Since the 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis, scholars and policymakers have become increasingly concerned about China's territorial ambitions. Yet China has also used peaceful means to manage conficts, settling seventeen of its twenty-three territorial disputes, often with substantial compromises. This article develops a counterintuitive argument about the effects of domestic confict on foreign policy to explain China's behavior. Contrary to the diversionary war hypothesis, this argument posits that state leaders are more likely to compromise in territorial disputes when confronting internal threat

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7

Kumar, Pranav. "Sino-Bhutanese Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600306.

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Historically the interaction between Bhutan and China was through Tibet. The annexation of Tibet by China and the later uprising in Tibet instilled a sense of fear in Bhutan causing it to close its northern border in 1960. However, Bhutan adopted a more open policy in the 1970s gradually increasing the contacts between the two neighbours. Border talks which started in 1984 resulted in an agreement in 1998 on maintaining peace and tranquility along border areas. While China and Bhutan neither have diplomatic relations nor any legal trade, growing Chinese interests in South Asia encompass Bhutan

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8

McGranahan, Carole, and Elliot Sperling. "Introduction: Tibet, India, and China." India Review 7, no. 3 (August 29, 2008): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480802261368.

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9

Zhai, Qiang. "Tibet and Chinese-British-American Relations in the Early 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.34.

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The leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) who seized power in Beijing in 1949 viewed Tibet as Chinese territory. In this respect, they were no different from previous rulers of China. The chairman of the CCP, Mao Zedong, carefully devised a plan to re-annex Tibet, which had been effectively independent of China since 1911. The CCP's recent victory in the Chinese civil war gave Mao high confidence that he could reclaim Tibet without provoking outside intervention. Such a move not only would bring international political benefits but would also carry a symbolic meaning at home and thereby

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10

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges

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Baginda, Abdul Razak, and Mustafa Izzuddin. "China-Malaysia Relations and Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-1k.

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12

Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.

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Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a g

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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.

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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the f

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14

Yang, Yun-yuan. "Controversies over Tibet: China versus India,1947-49." China Quarterly 111 (September 1987): 407–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050979.

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To the present Beijing Government, Tibet constitutes an integral part of China, officially known as the Tibetan Autonomous Region. The 20th anniversary of its founding was celebrated on 1 September 1985. However, to the 14th Dalai Lama (the former spiritual and temporal leader of Tibet), who has been living in exile in India since 1959, and to thousands of Tibetans living as refugees in India and other parts of the world, the current status of Tibet is open to contention, and as such remains an unresolved issue.

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15

Mehra, Parshotam. "The Elusive Triangle: Tibet in India-China Relations—A Brief Conspectus." China Report 26, no. 2 (May 1990): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559002600203.

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16

Dong-Ryul Lee. "Effects of Chinese nationalism in foreign relations andKorea-China Relations." 중소연구 35, no. 4 (February 2012): 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21196/aprc.35.4.201202.002.

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17

McMahon, Robert J. "U.S. Policy toward South Asia and Tibet during the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.131.

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Events in South Asia in the 1950s and early 1960s had a long-term impact on the Cold War and on relations among the countries involved—China, India, Pakistan, the United States, and the Soviet Union. This article provides an overview of U.S. relations with South Asian countries during the early Cold War. It highlights the connections between U.S. policy priorities and commitments in South Asia on the one hand and developments in Tibet on the other. The article considers how U.S. policy priorities and actions in South Asia shaped, and were shaped by, China's reassertion of control over Tibet in

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PYAKUREL, UDDHAB PRASAD. "The BRI, Nepal’s Expectations, and Limitations on Nepal–China Border Relations." Issues & Studies 55, no. 03 (September 2019): 1940006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325111940006x.

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Many Nepalese perceive China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a useful means for the India-locked country to connect to other countries. However, this paper analyzes the weakening connectivity within the border areas of Nepal and Tibet since falling under Chinese control, concluding that China is unready to increase cross-border movement and trade facilities with Nepal due to perceived security concerns.

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Topgyal, Tsering. "Charting the Tibet Issue in the Sino–Indian Border Dispute." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700205.

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In official quarters in Beijing and New Delhi, the Tibet issue figures only as a bargaining chip to ‘regulate’ their bilateral relations, not as an issue that has an independent bearing on the intractability or resolution of the Sino–Indian border dispute. Scholars of the Sino–Indian border dispute either dismiss the relevance of the Tibet issue or treat it as only a prop in their framing of the dispute in terms of security, nationalism and great power rivalry. This article argues that the Tibet issue is more central to the border dispute than official and scholarly circles have recognised so

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Ghoble, T. R. "Foreign Relations of the People's Republic of China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 50, no. 1-2 (January 1994): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849405000110.

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21

YUAN, Jingdong. "The China Factor in South Korea's Foreign Relations." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000131.

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South Korea's foreign relations under President Park are characterised by a carefully crafted and balanced approach in both strengthening the traditional alliance with the United States and promoting a strategic partnership with China. The latter in particular is driven by the need to further expand economic ties and the hope that Beijing can help rein in Pyongyang's behaviours. North Korea's latest provocations threaten to unravel the premise of this approach.

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22

Bo, Čen. "The foreign policy of China." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001009b.

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This paper presents a brief outline of the foreign policy aims of the People's Republic of China. Brought into focus is the principle of multilateralism, the basic guiding principle of China, which is aware of the effects of globalization. The principle needs to be applied to the response to the COVID-19 epidemic. Stressed in the paper are the principles that China follows in its relations with the USA, the EU and Serbia, and the importance of the Belt and Road initiative and Cooperation 17+1. The paper states that the question of Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved within the framework of

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23

Hwang, Jaeho. "Evaluation of Korea-China Relations and Korea's Foreign Policy toward China." KRINS QUARTERLY 2, no. 3 (November 30, 2017): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46322/krinsq.2.3.3.

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24

Zhang, Kevin H. "Foreign direct investment in China." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 13, no. 2 (January 2006): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2006.9673427.

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25

Koirala, Bhaskar. "Sino-Nepalese Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600305.

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This article argues that the intensity of Sino-Nepal relations over the past decade has witnessed a lack of consistency, attributable to shifting political conditions in Nepal. From 2000 to 2010, Nepal has experienced different political systems such as constitutional monarchy, absolute monarchy and currently a republican framework. However, Nepal’s espousal of the ‘one China’ policy, particularly as it concerns Tibet, has been steady and enduring, as has the logic that Sino-Nepal relations are not strictly ‘bilateral’ in nature but also potentially serve as a channel for Nepal to connect to a

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Kocsi, János Gyula, and Ferenc Vukics. "Internal Security Challenges in China." Hadtudományi Szemle 14, no. 3 (December 14, 2021): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32563/hsz.2021.3.6.

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Our series of studies would like to draw attention to the fact that China, which has so far had considerable foreign policy experience, is also forging serious capital from dealing with its own internal conflicts. A diverse, high-spread country is testing the effectiveness of ‘soft power’ in its provinces. Without foreign policy adventures, these locations provided the Chinese Communist Party with adequate experience in resolving certain types of conflicts. Uyghur, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, Macao embody archetypes of problems that pose a direct threat to the Chinese state. In addition

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27

Hoffmann, Steven A. "Rethinking the Linkage between Tibet and the China-India Border Conflict: A Realist Approach." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.165.

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This article assesses the dynamic political and military relationships among Tibet, China, and India in the late 1950s and early 1960s. By examining the three governments' calculations and security interests, the article shows that the relationships among the three are best understood from a realist perspective. The focus in the article is on the Sino-Indian dispute over the territory known as “Assam Himalaya,” located on the far eastern end of the Sino-Indian border, between southeastern Tibet and northeast India. The article covers a relatively lengthy period, from 1913 to 1962, but in doing

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Cooper, Richard N., Feng Li, Jing Li, and Daniel H. Rosen. "Foreign Investment in China." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 6 (1999): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049558.

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29

Jian, Chen. "The Tibetan Rebellion of 1959 and China's Changing Relations with India and the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 54–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.54.

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Tibet, which had enjoyed de facto independence from 1911 to 1950, was resubordinated to China in late 1950 and 1951 through a combination of political pressure and military force. On 10 March 1959 a mass revolt broke out in Lhasa, the capital of Tibet. Amid growing turmoil, the 14th Dalai Lama fled the capital. After Chinese troops moved into Lhasa on 20 March to crush the rebellion, the Tibetan leader took refuge in neighboring India. The Chinese People's Liberation Army quelled the unrest and disbanded the local government. This article looks back at those events in order to determine how th

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Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.

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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrain

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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.

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Li, Sun, Luo, Kang, and Jia. "Foreign Trade Structure, Opening Degree and Economic Growth in Western China." Economies 7, no. 2 (June 17, 2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies7020056.

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This paper presents an interactive study on the relationship between the foreign trade structure, opening degree and economic growth of the provinces in western China (except Tibet). It shows that the export of primary products and labor-intensive products has a positive impact on the external development of the western region, while the export of capital and technology-intensive products has a smaller inhibitory effect on it. At the same time, the system GMM model shows that the opening degree of the western region has a positive effect on economic growth. After including the foreign trade st

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Lau, Hon-Shiang. "The Political Status of Tibet During the Ming Dynasty: An Analysis of Some Historical Evidence." China Report 55, no. 2 (May 2019): 154–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519834701.

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This study analyses two authoritative texts and a map from the Ming and Qing eras to examine the political relationship between China and Tibet in the Ming period. It finds that in these documents Tibet was not classified as being a part of the realm governed by the Ming Empire. This casts doubt on the claim advanced by the People’s Republic of China that Tibet has been a part of China ‘since antiquity’. An important conclusion of this study is that, when taking recourse to historical texts to justify or refute territorial claims, the structure and content of the text as a whole, and not just

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34

Murton, Galen. "Roads to China and infrastructural relations in Nepal." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 5 (August 2020): 840–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654420911410g.

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Across the Himalaya region, infrastructure development constitutes an array of material practices that produce space for both Nepali and Chinese state making efforts in historically roadless places. In northern Nepal, the production of large-scale transportation infrastructure has reached unprecedented levels, and Chinese interventions under the Belt and Road Initiative continue to fuel Kathmandu’s development imaginary. Examining the anticipation, articulation and implementation of road networks between northern Nepal and Chinese Tibet, I analyse the incorporation of a small development proje

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Nick Pay, Vahid, and Piotr Buszta. "China in the UK’s Foreign Policy." European Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (October 27, 2022): 372–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-02103004.

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Abstract In the post-Brexit environment, at a time when the United Kingdom is looking to redefine its international positioning under the ‘Global Britain’ policy, one of the most urgent priorities for London proves to be to restructure its relations with key global players like China. The objective of this study is to examine factors influencing the development of London’s policy towards Beijing in the period 2015–2022 and to verify whether the growing salience of a progressive liberal posture in the UK’s foreign policy vis-à-vis China could account for the deterioration of bilateral relations

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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.

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Nambiar, Vijay. "Book review: A S Bhasin, Nehru Tibet and China." China Report 58, no. 1 (February 2022): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074298.

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Zhang, Shiyu. "Diversification propaganda work with foreign audiences." Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, no. 4(13) (September 30, 2020): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com44(13)4.

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Over the past decade, bilateral relations between China and Russia have attracted the attention of the whole world. As neighbors and rapidly developing countries, China and Russia are becoming increasingly important in the international arena. The strategic partnership and interaction between China and Russia occupy a significant place in the politics of both countries. Cooperation is developing dynamically in various fields, primarily in politics. After 2012, a change of government took place in China and Russia, which brought new changes to international relations. Studying the involvement o

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Zhang, Shiyu. "Diversification propaganda work with foreign audiences." Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, no. 4(13) (September 30, 2020): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com44(13)4.

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Over the past decade, bilateral relations between China and Russia have attracted the attention of the whole world. As neighbors and rapidly developing countries, China and Russia are becoming increasingly important in the international arena. The strategic partnership and interaction between China and Russia occupy a significant place in the politics of both countries. Cooperation is developing dynamically in various fields, primarily in politics. After 2012, a change of government took place in China and Russia, which brought new changes to international relations. Studying the involvement o

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Amin, Julius A. "Sino-Cameroon Relations: A Foreign Policy of Pragmatism." African Studies Review 58, no. 3 (November 23, 2015): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.72.

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Abstract:Based on primary sources, including documents obtained from Cameroon’s Ministry of External Relations, oral interviews conducted in Cameroon, and local newspapers, and a variety of secondary sources, this article examines Cameroon’s foreign policy and economic relations with China. It argues that Cameroon’s engagement with China has resulted in short-term benefits for consumers but undermined long-term, sustainable economic development. The article concludes that unless China genuinely pursues its promised policies of “mutual respect” and “win–win gain,” voices of protest will only gr

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Portyakov, V. Ya. "Foreign Economic Relations of the People’s Republic of China." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 90, no. 6 (November 2020): 670–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331620060076.

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Vladimir PORTYAKOV. "Foreign Economic Relations of the People's Republic of China." Far Eastern Affairs 47, no. 004 (December 31, 2019): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/fea.56992456.

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Yahuda, Michael B. "The People's Republic of China at 40: Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 119 (September 1989): 519–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100002292x.

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In its 40th year the People's Republic of China has achieved a position in its foreign relations to which its leaders had long aspired. For the first time they can now claim to operate in a relatively peaceful international environment that is conducive to the attainment of their domestic goals of economic development.

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Crowe, David M. "The “Tibet question”: Tibetan, Chinese and Western perspectives." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 1100–1135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801946.

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The historical conflict between Tibet and China goes back almost a thousand years. Both sides use history to argue their point about the core issues in this dispute – Tibet's claim of independence and autonomy, and China's of suzerainty. This article looks at the historical roots of this conflict, particularly since 1949, when China began its gradual takeover of Tibet. Chinese policies toward Tibet, which have been driven by a desire to communize and sinicize Tibet, has been met by stiff resistance from the Tibetans, who see Han Chinese dominance as a force that will, over time, destroy Tibet'

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QINGSONG, TIAN, and IRINA ZELENEVA. "JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA (2001-2006)." Sociopolitical Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-105-112.

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The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s eco

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Jha, Prem Shankar. "China–India Relations under Modi." China Report 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517696630.

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The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi’s government in India reflect several departures from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non alignment that was designed to steer India clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social consolidation into militarisation and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved, reflecting the rise of India’s soft power. These shifts have ramifications on b

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Sheng, Michael M. "Mao, Tibet, and the Korean War." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.15.

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In October 1950 the Chinese leader Mao Zedong embarked on a two-front war. He sent troops to Korea and invaded Tibet at a time when the People's Republic of China was burdened with many domestic problems. The logic behind Mao's risky policy has baffled historians ever since. By drawing on newly available Chinese and Western documents and memoirs, this article explains what happened in October 1950 and why Mao acted as he did. The release of key documents such as telegrams between Mao and his subordinates enables scholars to understand Chinese policymaking vis-à-vis Tibet much more fully than i

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Soyibova, Dilovar. "GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF FOREIGN ECONOMIC ACTIVITYOF CHINA." GEOGRAPHY: NATURE AND SOCIETY 1, no. 4 (April 30, 2020): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-0834-2020-4-8.

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This article describes the geographical features of the foreign economic activityof the People’s Republic of China. Among the important areas of foreign economic relations are the importance of foreign trade and investment in country’s economy

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Yan, Hu. "Chinese Sources on the 1903–04 British Military Expedition to Tibet." Inner Asia 14, no. 1 (2012): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-990123781.

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AbstractChinese sources, especially first-hand materials such as archive collections, field-work reports and Amban Youtai?s diary, have been little considered or consulted in the international debate on issues of modern Tibetan history. Although these Chinese sources would make their studies more balanced, Western scholars who do not understand Chinese characters tend to rely English sources only, with very few of them using Tibetan sources as well. However, just as it has become more and more common in academic circles in China for Chinese scholars to use English or other foreign-language sou

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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013024.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

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