Bibliografías temáticas / Albanian Foreign public opinion

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Albanian Foreign public opinion"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 4 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Albanian Foreign public opinion"

GOLDSMITH, BENJAMIN E. "Regime Type, Post-Materialism, and International Public Opinion about US Foreign Policy: The Afghan and Iraqi Wars". Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, n.º 1 (31 de marzo de 2006): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905002033.

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Previous research (e.g., Horiuchi, Goldsmith, and Inoguchi, 2005) has shown some intriguing patterns of effects of several variables on international public opinion about US foreign policy. But results for the theoretically appealing effects of regime type and post-materialist values have been weak or inconsistent. This paper takes a closer look at the relationship between these two variables and international public opinion about US foreign policy. In particular, international reaction to the wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) are examined using two major multinational surveys. The conclusions of previous research are largely reinforced: neither regime type nor post-materialist values appears to robustly influence global opinion on these events. Rather, some central interests, including levels of trade with the US and NATO membership, and key socialized factors, including a Muslim population, experience with terrorism, and the exceptional experiences of two states (Israel, Albania) emerge as the most important factors in the models. There is also a consistent backlash effect of security cooperation with the US outside of NATO. A discussion of these preliminary results points to their theoretical implications and their significance for further investigation into the transnational dynamics of public opinion and foreign policy.

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Stawowy-Kawka, Irena. "Macedonia – nowe wyzwania i trudne kompromisy (2016−2019)". Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.015.13808.

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Macedonia – New Challenges and Difficult Compromises (2016−2019) After the SDSM (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija – Social Democratic Union of Macedonia) took over the government in 2017, the party proposed reforms which, although fundamental for the future of the country, were difficult to accept by the majority of Macedonian society. Nevertheless, SDSM’s policy, approved and monitored by the European Union and the US, was to lead to Macedonia joining NATO and EU structures in the near future. It should also be noted that both the US and the EU are strategic partners of the Republic, which actively support the processes taking place there. Having signed the agreement with Greece, on 17 June 2018 the Republic of Macedonia changed its official name. After the entry into force of the amendments to the Constitution and ratification of the Greek-Macedonian bilateral agreement by both parties, the country adopted the name of the Republic of North Macedonia (mac. Република Серверна Македонија). In February 2019, just after the parliaments of North Macedonia and Greece ratified the Prespa Agreement, the accession process of North Macedonia to NATO began. The condition for accession was the consent of the parliaments of all members of the Alliance for enlargement. Immediately after such approval, on 27 March 2020, the decision on membership was announced in Brussels by its chairman, Jens Stoltenberg. Macedonia’s relations with Bulgaria and Serbia have also changed, and the Albanians have been granted further privileges and rights in this country – in the opinion of the Macedonians it is very difficult to accept and implement. The escalation of nationalist sentiment in the country’s internal relations is important, caused not only by foreign policy but also by concessions to the Albanians. The Law on the Use of Languages, also known as the ‘language law’, criticized not only by the Macedonian scientific elite, but also by the Venice Commission, which sees certain threats to Macedonia in granting such extensive rights to the Albanian population, strengthens the opposition. On 26 March 2020, the EU gave its consent to start accession negotiations with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Negotiations with Bulgaria are ongoing and it will be difficult to find a compromise. The biggest challenge for the government will be to convince the public that it is in the interest of its citizens to make compromises with both Greeks and Albanians and in the future with Bulgarians. In this case, the EU position will be very important, both in relation to the Albanian and Bulgarian demands.

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TOMZ, MICHAEL y JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention". American Political Science Review 114, n.º 3 (14 de abril de 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.

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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.

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Kapur, Devesh. "Public Opinion and Indian Foreign Policy". India Review 8, n.º 3 (6 de agosto de 2009): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480903116818.

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Soroka, Stuart N. "Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy". Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, n.º 1 (enero de 2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02238783.

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Walter, Aaron T. "Foreign Policy: Public Opinion and Political Legacy". Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2015): 202–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0009.

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Abstract To the degree that public opinion, as domestic variable, influences a leaders decision-making in the area of foreign affairs is significant. Political leaders use public opinion polling to support government position or in attempts to mold policy position(s) in the affirmative. The following article investigates how public opinion affects U.S. presidential foreign policy decisions and to the degree those decisions are the base for political legacy. The theoretical argument is that domestic variables and leaders decisions often act in mutual support of each others in complementary interests and when not the case, it is the leader whose agenda setting or creating a frame impacts public opinion.

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Goldsmith, Benjamin E. y Yusaku Horiuchi. "Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion". Journal of Politics 71, n.º 3 (julio de 2009): 863–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381609090768.

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Zelikow, Philip y Douglas C. Foyle. "Counting the Public in: Presidents, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy". Foreign Affairs 79, n.º 2 (2000): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049656.

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Fyodorov, Valery y Dmitry Polikanov. "Public opinion and foreign policy of modern Russia". Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 36, n.º 1 (2005): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2005-36-1-22-39.

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Powlick, Philip J. y Andrew Z. Katz. "Defining the American Public Opinion/Foreign Policy Nexus". Mershon International Studies Review 42, n.º 1 (mayo de 1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/254443.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Albanian Foreign public opinion"

Akor, Ambrose. "The media, public opinion and British foreign policy". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.

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Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.

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Mouron, Fernando. "Public opinion and foreign policy revisited: a Latin American perspective". Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.

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This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.
Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.

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Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.

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Yehia, Hanan. "I don't want to pay for that! Representation and the public opinion - foreign policy dynamic: public opinion on U.S. foreign aid spending from 1973 to 2005 /". CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/7001.

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Saksena, Mita. "Framing Infectious Diseases and U.S. Public Opinion". FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/516.

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The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames. The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion. Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.

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Li, Gao Sheng. "Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America". Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.

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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.

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LeMaitre, Alfred. "British apologists for Franco, 1936-1939". Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63832.

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Callister, Graeme. "Public opinion and foreign policy : British and French relations with the Netherlands, 1785-1815". Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5304/.

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This thesis examines the interplay of public opinion, national identity and foreign policy during the period 1785-1815, focusing on three consistently interconnected countries: the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. The Netherlands provides the centrepiece to the study, which considers how the Dutch were perceived as a nation, a people and as a political entity, at both governmental and popular levels, in the three countries throughout the period. Public opinion is theorised as a two-part phenomenon. Active public opinion represents the collated thoughts and responses of a certain public to an event or set of circumstances. Latent public opinion represents the sum of generally-accepted underlying social norms, stereotypes or preconceptions; the perceptions and representations latently present in unconscious mentalités. The thesis examines how perceptions and representations of the Netherlands in all three countries fed into public opinion and, ultimately, into national identity either of the self or the ‘other’. It then investigates the extent to which the triangular policies of Britain, France and the various incarnations of the Dutch state were shaped by popular perceptions, identities and opinion. While active opinion is shown to have generally been of negligible importance to the policy-making process, it is argued that the underlying themes of latent opinion often provided the conceptual background that politicians from all three countries used to make policy. The influence of latent opinion was often as much unconscious as deliberate. Latent opinion was rarely the inspiration for foreign policy, but it frequently provided the boundaries of expectation within which policy was formed.

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Odams, Helen Jean Rachel. "British perceptions of the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1908". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e71bd343-edf5-419f-b769-65460065d044.

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The title of this thesis is 'British Perceptions of the Ottoman Empire (1876-1908). The thesis explores the 'cultural dimension1 of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Britain in this period, involving an examination of ideas about and representations of Ottoman society and its peoples. The overall aim is to stress the importance of these representations in in influencing and affecting relations between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. Nineteenth-century writings about the Ottoman Empire produce strong images of Ottoman society and steroetypes of the Turkish and Christian populations. These images are reconstructed and their significance examined. The approach is contextual and perceptions are analysed in the historical, material and cultural framework of late Victorian Britain. Descriptions of Ottoman society are treated as representations of that complex reality, with varying degrees of accuracy and inaccuracy, reflecting or distorting conditions in the Empire. In addition the relationship between older ideas and ideas developing at a new historical conjuncture of late nineteenth-century imperialism are considered important factors in determining the overall image of the Ottoman Empire in the late Victorian mind. In these ways the conclusion stresses the importance of, and the relationship between ideas about the Ottoman Empire, and the concrete factors of inter-state relations of which they are part. As such the subject contributes to an understanding of the multi-dimensional nature of nineteenth-century relations between a weak and strong state in the International system, and the degree to which culture and ideas are informed by these relationships of power. The study contributes to a greater understanding of the Eastern question and sheds light on many of the ideas that have come to influence modern historiography about the Ottoman past and the appreciation of Ottoman and European diplomatic history.

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Libros sobre el tema "Albanian Foreign public opinion"

Xoxi, Koli. Revolucioni Francez dhe mendimtarët shqiptarë. Tiranë: Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, 1990.

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Arapi, Lindita. Wie Albanien albanisch wurde: Rekonstruktion eines Albanienbildes. Marburg: Tectum, 2005.

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Bashkurti, Lisen. Identiteti, imazhi, diplomacia: Rasti i Shqipërisë dhe i shqiptarëve. Tiranë: Geer, 2004.

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Brahimi, Maliç. Dekada e sakrificave: (çështja e Kosovës në diplomacinë franceze). Prishtinë, Kosovë: Ndërmarrja Botuese "Gjon Buzuku", 2005.

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Albanski nacionalni pokret u bosanskohercegovačkoj štampi. Sarajevo: Bosanska knj., 1995.

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Culaj, Lush. Shqiptarët në gjysmën e parë të shekullit XX. Prishtinë: Instituti Albanologjik i Prishtinës, 2005.

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Public opinion and American foreign policy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.

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Public opinion and American foreign policy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004.

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Shtypi i Austrisë për demonstratat e shqiptarëve të Kosovës më 1968, 1981 dhe 1989. Prishtinë: Shtëpia Botuese "Faik Konica", 2011.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Albanian Foreign public opinion"

Clements, Ben. "Religion and Foreign Policy". En Religion and Public Opinion in Britain, 197–232. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137313591_7.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. "Defence, Foreign Affairs and Public Opinion". En Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 1–15. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_1.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. "Confidence in Defence and Foreign Policy". En Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 17–41. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_2.

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Holsti, Ole R. "American Public Opinion and Foreign Policy after September 11: The Iraq War". En Public Participation in Foreign Policy, 41–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230367180_3.

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Callister, Graeme. "Introduction: Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, 1785–1815". En War, Public Opinion and Policy in Britain, France and the Netherlands, 1785-1815, 1–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49589-7_1.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. "The Alliance with the United States". En Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 43–76. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_3.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. "Forward Defence: Korea, Malaya and Vietnam". En Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 77–97. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_4.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. "Overseas Deployments After Vietnam: East Timor and Iraq". En Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 99–120. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_5.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. "Trade and Relations with Asia". En Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 121–49. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_6.

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Chubb, Danielle y Ian McAllister. "Terrorism and Security". En Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 151–74. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_7.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Albanian Foreign public opinion"

Li, Chunfang, Mengqi Liu y Ke Li. "The Public Opinion Analysis of Chinese and Foreign Remake Movies". En 2019 IEEE/ACIS 18th International Conference on Computer and Information Science (ICIS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icis46139.2019.8940344.

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Salsabila, Sandrina y Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. "German Foreign Policy on Russia: Analysis of Public Opinion and Media on Crimean Annexation Sanctions". En Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280405680574.

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Informes sobre el tema "Albanian Foreign public opinion"

Bourbeau, Elizabeth A. Public Opinion: The Neglected Instrument of U.S. Foreign Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, marzo de 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394013.

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, marzo de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.

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The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.

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