Bibliografías temáticas / Alt-Right

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Alt-Right"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 25 de enero de 2023

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Alt-Right"

Strick, Simon. "ALT-RIGHT-AFFEKTE". Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft 10, n.º 19-2 (1 de septiembre de 2018): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/zfmw-2018-100228.

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Jasser, Greta y Agnes Wankmüller. "Alt-Right, Alt-Tech, Alt-Internet? Rechte Online Plattformen und ihre Funktion". Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen 33, n.º 2 (11 de septiembre de 2020): 506–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fjsb-2020-0042.

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Nefedov, Rodion. "Triumphs of 2016: Alt-Right". nauka.me, n.º 1 (2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s111111110000024-9.

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The article studies the movement of alt-rignt, its main principles. The author considers the cooperation of the representatives of this movement with the elected President D. Trump, and the prospects for the development of this movement in Russia.

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Salter, Anastasia y Bridget Blodgett. "Alt-Right: Ctrl+A; Del". Persona Studies 3, n.º 1 (13 de junio de 2017): 76–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/ps2017vol3no1art656.

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Built as a hypertext work of electronic literature, “Alt-Right: Ctrl+A; Del” explores the social media fatigue experienced by a woman operating in online spaces. The work takes place from November 9 2016 to January 20 2017, during the pivotal moments of transition prior to Donald Trump’s inauguration. It is heavily influenced by the ongoing challenges faced by participants in social media discourse who are identifiable (or labeled) as other than white, heterosexual, cisgender men (Marciano, 2014). The fictionalised narrative of the work is presented alongside a day-by-day evolving timeline of tweets drawn from real social media discourse. The reader-player experiences both the mundane and the politically momentous, the true and the “fake” news sensations, while navigating through the daily pressures of life which present their own source of exhaustion and challenges. Ultimately, the reader-player must decide to what extent it is worth engaging with the incendiary discourse, and these decisions shape the reputation of the character’s online persona. The choice to engage in political discourse will inevitably result in eventually catching the attention of a horde of procedurally-generated trolls (Phillips 2015), while refraining from participating will leave the character relatively invisible and disengaged from both the media platform and source of social connection. The reader-player must balance the demands of social media to present an active persona to their followers with the personal needs of a human who must cope with the results of harassment from a faceless flood.This work serves both as fictional response and real collection of social media moments from a pivotal period in US political history, inviting the reader-player to think about the apparent “post-truth” state (Suiter 2016) and the ensuing challenges it presents to would-be participants who occupy activist personas in tense and dangerous networked spaces. As an archive, it attempts to capture something that is inherently ephemeral: the in-the-moment experience of the timeline (Zhao et al. 2013). Drawn from the authors’ own social networks, these juxtapositions are difficult to reconstruct with existing social media tools, as Twitter resists the backwards-seeking gaze directly and requires APIs and directed searches to observe past tweets (Burgess & Bruns 2012). The central mechanic of consequences for speech is directly inspired by targeted harassment campaigns in recent social media history. The misogynist, word-focused hunting of Gamergate, which demonstrated the effectiveness of hashtag-driven mobbing at silencing discourse, is the inspiration for the procedural trolling model encountered as endgame (Chess & Shaw 2015). These tactics have been on display across the political spectrum during the election, as demonstrated by the attacks of “Bernie Bros”, or automated chatbots labeled as such, on Hillary Clinton supporters (Wilz 2016). The game invites both active political participants online and those who refrain to consider their position and motivations, and particularly how the specter of online harassment haunts the decision-making process of constructing a social media persona.

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Futrell, Robert y Pete Simi. "The [Un]Surprising Alt-Right". Contexts 16, n.º 2 (mayo de 2017): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504217714269.

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Rai, Tage S. "The psychology of the alt-right". Science 367, n.º 6484 (19 de marzo de 2020): 1337.5–1338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.367.6484.1337-e.

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Forscher, Patrick S. y Nour S. Kteily. "A Psychological Profile of the Alt-Right". Perspectives on Psychological Science 15, n.º 1 (20 de noviembre de 2019): 90–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691619868208.

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The 2016 U.S. presidential election coincided with the rise of the “alternative right,” or alt-right. Alt-right associates have wielded considerable influence on the current administration and on social discourse, but the movement’s loose organizational structure has led to disparate portrayals of its members’ psychology and made it difficult to decipher its aims and reach. To systematically explore the alt-right’s psychology, we recruited two U.S. samples: An exploratory sample through Amazon’s Mechanical Turk ( N = 827, alt-right n = 447) and a larger, nationally representative sample through the National Opinion Research Center’s Amerispeak panel ( N = 1,283, alt-right n = 71–160, depending on the definition). We estimate that 6% of the U.S. population and 10% of Trump voters identify as alt-right. Alt-right adherents reported a psychological profile more reflective of the desire for group-based dominance than economic anxiety. Although both the alt-right and non-alt-right Trump voters differed substantially from non-alt-right, non-Trump voters, the alt-right and Trump voters were quite similar, differing mainly in the alt-right’s especially high enthusiasm for Trump, suspicion of mainstream media, trust in alternative media, and desire for collective action on behalf of Whites. We argue for renewed consideration of overt forms of bias in contemporary intergroup research.

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Brigley Thompson, Zoë. "The (Alt)right to rape: violated white masculinities in the Alt-right, and the filmNocturnal Animals". Feminist Media Studies 20, n.º 1 (6 de diciembre de 2018): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2018.1550432.

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Boehme, Hunter M. y Deena A. Isom Scott. "Alt-White? A Gendered Look at “Victim” Ideology and the Alt-Right". Victims & Offenders 15, n.º 2 (24 de octubre de 2019): 174–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15564886.2019.1679308.

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Vandiver, Josh. "Alt-Virilities: Masculinism, Rhizomatics, and the Contradictions of the American Alt-Right". Politics, Religion & Ideology 21, n.º 2 (2 de abril de 2020): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2020.1763319.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Alt-Right"

Eriksson, Elin. "Perceptions of Women in the Far-Right : A Comparative Ideology Analysis of Far-Right Perceptions of Women". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444733.

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This bachelor’s thesis aspires to contribute to the field of research concerning women and far-right extremism. Scholars have during recent years called attention to the surge of far-right extremism and female participation in jihadi terrorism. However, when these fields of research meet, various knowledge gaps are distinguishable. The explicit research gap that this thesis aims to fill concerns a lack of comparative research on how men and women in the extreme-right perceive women. To fill this gap, this thesis aspires to describe how women are perceived, on a sex-disaggregated basis, in the far-right extremist movement by answering the research question: How do the female far-right extremists in Proud Girls and the male far-right extremists in Proud Boys' perception of women differ? Using the gender-separated US extreme-right group Proud Boys/Proud Girls as a typical case, the study performs an ideology analysis to distinguish how the groups perceive women. Thus, this study contributes to the field by presenting a comparative analysis of how extreme right perceives women. The results of the study suggest a difference in how Proud Boys and Proud Girls perceive women as the former conveys a more misogynist perception whereas the latter adheres to a more empowering view of women.

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Perez, Alyssa Cathryn. "“Make America Great Again”: Political Rhetoric of the American Alt-Right Movement". Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21128.

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On November 8th, 2016, Republican nominee Donald Trump was elected President of the United States of America. On November 9th, 2016, Twitter was flooded with messages hashtagged #TrumpsAmerica which narrated various ways that marginalized groups were being attacked, verbally or physically, by self-proclaimed Trump supporters whose inappropriate actions had been legitimized by Trump’s election into office. Many Americans were in shock upon receiving the news of the new President Elect. Jon Ronson, journalist and author of The Elephant in the Room: A Journey into the Trump Campaign and the Alt-Right, stated in the closing remarks of his book that “the alt-right’s small gains in popularity will not be enough to win Trump the election […] but if some disaster unfolds […] and Trump gets elected […] that is terrifying” (2016: 793). Ronson’s book was published before the election had concluded, and his closing remarks haunt many Americans who are now just that—terrified. Still others ponder at how the country transitioned from the progressive era of the Obama administration to the election of a man who helped inspire the 2016 word of the year, “post-truth”. What many believed was a joke in the Republican primaries has suddenly evolved into a Presidency that is all too real. Many Americans believed Trump appeared out of nowhere, ran his mouth carelessly during his campaign, and was elected by the racist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, and homophobic population of America, more specifically known as the Alternative Right Movement. Matthew Lyons, author of “Ctrl, Alt, Delete: The Origins and Ideology of the Alternative Right”, defines the Alt-Right movement as “a loosely organized far-right movement that shares a contempt for both liberal multiculturalism and mainstream conservatism [which] combines White nationalism, misogyny, anti-Semitism, and authoritarianism in various forms and in political styles ranging from intellectual argument to violent invective” (2017: 2). He continues to note the Alt-Right maintains, “a belief that some people are inherently superior to others; a strong internet presence and embrace of specific elements of online culture; and a self-presentation as being new, hip, and irreverent” (Lyons 2017: 2). However, this alt-right rhetoric which Trump stands for has always been a counter-narrative throughout American political history, quietly lingering in the shadows until the moment it could finally reveal itself. My paper will be focusing specifically on this counter-narrative that has pervaded throughout American political history and how the alt-right has evolved and harnessed this rhetorical narrative to create an environment that has lent itself to the election of a man such as Donald Trump. By first establishing the necessity of using a rhetorical lens with which to evaluate the 2016 American Presidential election, I will then trace the rhetorical genealogy in order to show the gradual ascension of alt-right rhetoric through American political history, concluding with the election of Trump.

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Johnson, Natalie Marguerite. "Making America White Again: Twitter, the Alt-Right, and Colorblindness in Trump America". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1144.

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This project investigates the Alternative Right's racial discourse on Twitter. It examines to what extent the Alt-Right indicates a fundamental break from "colorblind racism", the United State's dominant racial discourse. Does the Alt-Right's ascendency and project signify a new period of racial formation? Analyzing tweets from three celebrity Alt-Right figures, Richard Spencer, David Duke, and Jared Taylor, this project finds that the Alt-Right does not indicate a new period of racial formation. Rather, they demonstrate an extremist development to that rhetoric.

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Stigermark, Anton. "Alt-Modernism : Challenging the idea of postmodernism as a left-wing movement". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324280.

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In this thesis, I’m working from the premise that postmodernism hitherto has been associated with the left. The next line of argument is, however, that this relation is contingent and that there is no necessity in postmodernisms association with left-wing ideas and political ambitions. To challenge this assumption, I intend to demonstrate that the Alt-Right, a far-right movement, at least in some respects can be considered as postmodern. If there is indeed cause to think of the Alt-Right as postmodern, then we would have to rethink postmodernisms political inclination. I intend to operationalize this by looking at the Alt-Right’s views on the changeability of politics and the social world, and pop culture, through the lens of a set of postmodern ideas. In particular, postmodern ideas concerning language, discourse and culture, and in doing so get a grip on whether it is correct to view the Alt-Right as postmodern or not. If a connection between the Alt-Right and postmodernism indeed exists, then we would have to rethink the necessity in the left-wing nature of postmodernism.

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Statham, Shelby. ""Keep it in the Closet and Welcome to the Movement": Storying Gay Men Among the Alt-Right". Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7954.

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The fundamental questions this project aims to answer are 1) how the alt-right engages in storying the sexual, specifically the “homosexual” character 2) the ways that broadly circulating ideas about masculinity shape movement boundary work processes, and 3) the work that this storying is doing for the alt-right in the context of American white patriarchy. Broadly, two characters were storied on r/altright: The Degenerate and the Substandard Ally. First, the Degenerate is a pedophile, a diseased sexual hedonist, and a Jewish-led weapon set on destroying the white race. The image of the Degenerate is produced through the mobilization of anti-Semitic tropes, conservative Christian doctrine, and (pseudo)scientific rhetoric. This narrative presents homosexuality as a contagious risk to all people. The second character, the Substandard Ally, is constructed as a foil to the Degenerate. The Substandard Ally can be a member of the movement because they have no control over their sexuality and are adequately masculine. The strategies used to justify the Substandard Ally’s inclusion in the alt-right are to deploy the (il)logic of the closet and redraw the line between good/bad sex. I argue that the sexual storying of the alt-right ultimately functions to maintain white patriarchy by reinforcing the sexual value system, obscuring the workings of patriarchy by presenting a hybrid hegemonic masculinity, reconceptualizing the “good” sexual citizen, and deploying homonationalist discourses.

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Zein, Ramona. "En revolution eller en rasistisk rörelse? : En narrativ analys av två nyhetssajters beskrivning av alt-rightrörelsen". Thesis, Teologiska högskolan Stockholm, Avdelningen för mänskliga rättigheter, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ths:diva-70.

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This thesis examines the alt-right movement through two conservative American news sites. The sites that were looked at were Breitbart and National Review. Five articles that discussed the alt-right movement were chosen from each news site. The articles that were chosen had all been written under 2016. This specific year was chosen due to the presidential election that was held that year. It is also because of the increased media coverage that the alt-right movement was receiving due to their connection to then candidate Donald Trump. The purpose of this thesis is to examine if there is a difference in the way the alt-right movement is described by the two new sites. To examine this, three factors were chosen as a foundation for the thesis. The factors dealt with the description of the members of the alt-right, racism and western values. The result showed a significant difference in how the alt-right movement was being portrayed by the articles form Breitbart and National Review. The articles from Breitbart showcased a positive description by sympathizing with their fight against the conservative establishment. The articles from National Review had a complete different outlook on the movement and deemed it as racist and threatening to the foundation of conservatism in the United States.

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Garpvall, Jessica. ""I’m tired of being sh-t on for being white” : Collective identity construction in the Alt-Right movement". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6830.

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This thesis examines collective identity construction within the extreme right movement Alt-Right that gained public recognition during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Despite it being an increasingly stigmatized practice to openly articulate racist ideas in contemporary society, the Alt-Right movement managed to gain a following by doing just that. As collective identity funds collective action, a discourse analysis in line with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s strand of discourse theory was conducted to understand what encourages and facilitates participation in the movement’s activities. The material consisted of articles connected to three different factions of the Alt-Right published online and the subsequent comments generated by these. The findings indicate that the collective identity constructed in the Alt-Right is white, masculine and heterosexual. This identity is constructed and reified through contrasting themselves against racialized and gendered Others. It is also reinforced by signs of intelligence, enlightenment, bravery and a sense of rebelliousness and fun linked to the collective identity. The Others are primarily constructed as the Jewish community, non-white groups, women and the LGBTQ community. The use of new information and communications technology facilitated the construction, in allowing participants to create virtual communities online where the collective identity was constructed and reified.

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Wiklund, Maria. "The misogyny within the manosphere. A discourse analysis in a Swedish context". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-24615.

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Existing research about the manosphere and the subculture of Incels is primarily focused on the discourse on the American online discussion forums. After several high-profile attacks performed by Incels, resulting in severe casualties, the phenomenon of Incels has reached the mainstream media as well as public interest in the forums where members of the manosphere communicate. The discourse displays a highly misogynistic worldview, where the belief in a hegemonic patriarchy is oozing with toxic masculinity. The shared misogyny has also led to discursive interactions between Incels and the alt-right movement. Men are considered to be entitled to women, and a rejection is an excuse for violence. This study aims to investigate if the of misogynistic discourse expressed in the American manosphere as well as in the alt-right has gained hold in a Swedish context. Mainstream media, as well as alternative media, have been investigated and analysed with discourse theory. In discourse theory, language plays an active role in constructing the social world and discourse creates a world that looks real or true for the writer. The Swedish online discussion forum Flashback is where most of the communication seems to take place for groups within the manosphere as well as the alt-right and where most of the misogynistic context can be identified. Themes and concepts from the American misogynistic manosphere can be recognised and has gained a strong hold in the alternative media as well as mainstream media in Sweden. The strong hold of the misogyny in a Swedish context may display a risk for future violent actions.

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Wallin, Axel. "Antisemitism i Sverige : Hur kommer antisemitismen till uttryck inom alternativhögern i nutida Sverige?" Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Religionsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-29229.

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Antisemitism is a word connected with the rise of the Third Reich during the 30s and 40s in Europe. But it is still very relevant today with alt-right movements growing and becoming stronger. This essay aims to show how the growing alt-right movements in Sweden expresses their antisemitic ideologies. Studies has shown that antisemitism has become stronger and more spread across Europe and Sweden. This essay will explain different scenarios from the past two years, which are connected to antisemitism in Sweden. These scenarios will later be analysed through different methods. Examples from alt-right websites and twitter accounts will also be presented to contribute to a thorough analysis. Later a parallel will be drawn between the scenarios and the ideologies of the Third Reich.

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Larsson, Oskar. "Appropriating Gaming - A Quantitative Content Analysis and Issue Mapping of the Online Campaign #NotMyBattlefield". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21377.

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This thesis aims to examine how online engagement in the #NotMyBattlefield campaign can be understood as an online harassment campaign and a continuation of the Gamergate controversy. Research has shown that Gamergate was appropriated by external political groups, such as the Alt-Right. The Alt-Right is known to be highly adept in media manipulation, executing deliberate framing strategies as a means to push political agendas and gain influence online (Blodgett, 2020, p. 187; O’Donnell, 2019, p. 10). The group's appropriation of Gamergate and gaming culture is highly indicative of the politicisation of gaming culture. The aim of this research is twofold. First, an overarching content analysis seeks to analyse the rhetoric arguments and thematic patterns found in conjunction with the hashtag #NotMyBattlefield on Twitter. Secondly, this thesis employs an adapted version of Burgess and Matamoros-Fernández (2016) method of issue mapping. The purpose of this mapping is to analyse the campaign’s relationship to prominent actors within online media, as well as to examine the structure and patterns the campaign followed. The combined results of the content analysis and issue mapping reveal how the #NotMyBattlefield can be understood as a continuation of Gamergate, influenced by Alt-Right ideologies. They bare similarities in the way feminism and political correctness are painted out to be instigators of an attack on gaming culture.Furthermore, the results also reveal how such campaigns are primarily reactionary - only showing increased levels of activity in response to external factors and events. At no point in time did the campaign show any indications of self-sustained motivation or engagement. The results of this thesis further signify the politicisation of gaming culture. The influence of external forces, such as the Alt-Right, signifies a need for further research in order to gain a better understanding of how to circumvent and prevent the radicalisation of gaming.

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Libros sobre el tema "Alt-Right"

Battista, Christine M. y Melissa R. Sande, eds. Critical Theory and the Humanities in the Age of the Alt-Right. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18753-8.

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Hawley, George. The Alt-Right. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190905194.001.0001.

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In recent years, the so-called Alt-Right, a white nationalist movement, has grown at an alarming rate. Taking advantage of high levels of racial polarization, the Alt-Right seeks to normalize explicit white identity politics. Growing from a marginalized and disorganized group of Internet trolls and propagandists, the Alt-Right became one of the major news stories of the 2016 presidential election. Discussions of the Alt-Right are now a regular part of political discourse in the United States and beyond. In The Alt-Right: What Everyone Needs to Know® , George Hawley, one of the world's leading experts on the conservative movement and right-wing radicalism, provides a clear explanation of the ideas, tactics, history, and prominent figures of one of the most disturbing movements in America today. Although it presents itself as a new phenomenon, the Alt-Right is just the latest iteration of a longstanding radical right-wing political tradition. The Alt-Right represents a genuine challenge to pluralistic liberal democracy, but its size and influence are often exaggerated. Whether intentionally or not, President Donald Trump energized the Alt-Right in 2016, yet conflating Trump's variety of right-wing politics with the Alt-Right causes many observers to both overestimate the Alt-Right's size and downplay its radicalism. Hawley provides a tour of the contemporary radical right, and explains how it differs from more mainstream varieties of conservatism. In dispassionate and accessible language, he orients readers to this disruptive and potentially dangerous political moment.

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Reid, Shannon E. y Matthew Valasik. Alt-Right Gangs. University of California Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520971844.

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Hermansson, Patrik, David Lawrence, Joe Mulhall y Simon Murdoch. The International Alt-Right. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429032486.

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Travers, Martin. Kids Are Alt Right. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2019.

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Spring, Joel. Alt-Right: The Novel. Independently Published, 2019.

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Berry, Damon T. Christianity and the Alt-Right. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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Berry, Damon T. Christianity and the Alt-Right. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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Main, Thomas J. Rise of the Alt-Right. Brookings Institution Press, 2018.

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Stone, Mike. It's Okay to Be White: Alt-Right Is Alt-White. Independently Published, 2017.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Alt-Right"

Berry, Damon T. "Debating the “Alt-Right”". En Christianity and the Alt-Right, 85–107. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429323690-4.

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Berry, Damon T. "Understanding Alt-Right Christianities". En Christianity and the Alt-Right, 39–59. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429323690-2.

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Hawley, George. "Religion and the Alt-Right". En The Routledge Handbook of Religion, Politics and Ideology, 164–76. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367816230-15.

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Spring, Joel. "Alt-Right and Anti-Globalization". En Global Impacts of the Western School Model, 87–106. New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351002745-5.

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Berry, Damon T. "Conclusion". En Christianity and the Alt-Right, 108–12. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429323690-102.

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Berry, Damon T. "Introduction". En Christianity and the Alt-Right, 1–16. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429323690-101.

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Berry, Damon T. "Understanding religious diversity among the Alt-Right". En Christianity and the Alt-Right, 17–38. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429323690-1.

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Berry, Damon T. "Evangelical Protestants and the Alt-Right". En Christianity and the Alt-Right, 60–84. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429323690-3.

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Llanera, Tracy. "Women and the alt-right movement". En The Routledge Handbook of Feminist Bioethics, 511–21. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003016885-44.

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Bauer, A. J. "The Alternative Historiography of the Alt-Right". En Far-Right Revisionism and the End of History, 120–37. New York : Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, [2020] |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003026433-7.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Alt-Right"

Morstatter, Fred, Yunqiu Shao, Aram Galstyan y Shanika Karunasekera. "FromAlt-Right to Alt-Rechts". En Companion of the The Web Conference 2018. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3184558.3188733.

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Bevensee, Emmi y Alexander Reid Ross. "The Alt-Right and Global Information Warfare". En 2018 IEEE International Conference on Big Data (Big Data). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bigdata.2018.8622270.

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Ruhm, Filiz. "ALT-RIGHT ACTIVISM, ALTERNATIVE FACTS AND PERSECUTION OF REFUGEES IN THE UNITED STATES". En 43rd International Academic Conference, Lisbon. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2018.043.038.

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Shahin, Saif y Yee Man Margaret Ng. "White Twitter: Tracing the Evolution of the alt-right in Retweets, 2009-2016". En Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24251/hicss.2020.296.

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Tuters, Stephanie. "Addressing Alt-Right Challenges While Teaching and Leading for Social Justice in Faculties of Education". En 2020 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1583658.

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García Parreño, Enrique. "La caricatura política norteamericana de derechas en Internet: repercusión y difusión digital de la obra de Ben Garrison." En IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10513.

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El presente trabajo trata de mostrar la repercusión y difusión de las ilustraciones políticas del caricaturista norteamericano Ben Garrison en Internet como ejemplo de un activismo de derechas realizado desde una técnica tradicional, la caricatura editorial, en un medio actual, Internet. Con todo esto, el objetivo es demostrar, desde este caso concreto, los beneficios y perjuicios de la libertad de expresión en la red, así como el poder de la metaforización de las emociones para construir comunidades virtuales. A la hora de abordar este trabajo, en primer lugar, se explican las motivaciones de su inicio como caricaturista político independiente durante la crisis económica de 2008. Es a partir de su frustración ante el rescate financiero del Congreso a los grandes bancos cuando decide publicar, en su blog personal, dibujos que denuncian la corrupción de la Reserva Federal por parte de una élite mundial. En segundo lugar, se establecen las razones de la viralización de su obra: la controversia de sus imágenes contra lo «políticamente correcto», el poder de difusión en Internet y su libertad de expresión frente a la limitaciones materiales e ideológicas de la prensa escrita. Finalmente, se compara la recepción de su obra desde dos flancos. Por una parte, la reproducción y admiración de su obra desde el movimiento «alt-right» en redes sociales y periódicos digitales. Sus dibujos, que incitan al odio contra lo «políticamente correcto» y el miedo hacia el poder de una supuesta élite mundial, han ayudado a consolidar el imaginario político de la «alt-right» mediante la metaforización de dichas emociones. Por otra parte, lo «políticamente incorrecto» de su obra es criticado y rechazado por los sectores progresistas norteamericanos; además, sus dibujos son manipulados anónimamente desde, principalmente, los foros «4chan» y «8chan» en pro del racismo para perjudicar la imagen del caricaturista y reforzar los discursos ultraderechistas norteamericanos. Como consecuencia de esta situación, Ben Garrison ha declarado pública y reiteradamente ser un liberal conservador, alejado de cualquier ideología extremista, y seguidor de Donald Trump; comparándose con él por ir en contra del «establishment» y de la «corrección política», luego, apoyándole y estilizando su figura de líder carismático en sus dibujos.

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Informes sobre el tema "Alt-Right"

Kenes, Bulent. Richard B. Spencer: The founder of alt-right presents racism in a chic new outfit. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), junio de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0010.

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Richard Bertrand Spencer is a well-groomed, well-educated advocate for the creation of a “white ethno-state” in North America for a “dispossessed white race.” He has also called for “peaceful ethnic cleansing” to halt the “deconstruction” of what he describes as “white culture” and to achieve a “white homeland.” Spencer has become the most recognizable public face of the white supremacist and nationalist movements. As an ardent white supremacist and ethnonationalist, Spencer says America belongs to white people, who he claims have higher average IQs than Hispanics and African Americans, and that the latter are genetically predisposed to crime. In Spencer’s “America,” Asians, Muslims, and Jews don’t qualify as “white” either.

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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, octubre de 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).

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