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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 3 de marzo de 2023

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)"

1

Reed, Steven R. "Elections: Still Demanding a Change: Elections in Japan in 2002". Japanese Journal of Political Science 3, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2002): 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109902002098.

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One year ago I entitled my review of Japanese elections ‘Time for a Change?’. Candidates running against the establishment were defeating candidates who had until recently appeared unbeatable. Most notably, outsider candidates were defeating ainori (supported by all major parties) candidates in gubernatorial elections. A prime example of an outsider candidate defeating the establishment was Prime Minister Koizumi, who defeated the LDP establishment to win the leadership of the LDP. Koizumi's election and subsequent popularity appears to have dampened the trend. Most notably, a well-qualified challenger failed to unseat the incumbent in the Shizuoka gubernatorial election. Once Koizumi's popularity faded, however, the trend in favour of outsiders reappeared. Given an attractive alternative, establishment candidates continue to find themselves in trouble. The clearest recent example comes from the Yokohama mayoral election.

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2

Amalia, Luky Sandra, Aisah Putri Budiatri, Mouliza KD Sweinstani, Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas y Esty Ekawati. "Simultaneous Elections and the Rise of Female Representation in Indonesia". Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, n.º 1 (abril de 2021): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989716.

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In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.

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3

Barhamudin, Barhamudin. "PEMILIHAN UMUM SERENTAK DAPAT MEMPERKUAT SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL". Solusi 16, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2018): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36546/solusi.v16i3.118.

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The purpose of this research is to find out whether general elections simultaneously have an influence on strengthening presidential systems. To find out the implications of simultaneous elections on elections in Indonesia. The research method in this study uses a normative juridical approach used to study or analyze secondary data in the form of legal materials, especially primary legal materials and secondary legal materials. Primary legal material is the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14 / PUU-XI / 2013 etc. Secondary legal materials are those that provide explanations and interpretations of sources of primary legal materials such as law books, legal journals, and others. Tertiary legal materials are legal materials that provide guidance or explanation of primary and secondary legal materials such as legal dictionaries, encyclopedias, and related documents. The results of the study were argued that the holding of elections simultaneously with the plurality system itself actually tended to produce few presidential candidates. When presidential elections the supporters of candidates in this system tend to ignore candidates who are not competitive (non-viable) so they can focus on the top two candidates. This encouraged a coalition process between parties from the start because there was only one election round. The party that should submit its own candidate but the candidate is less competitive tends to drop the candidate and endorse one of the two most competitive candidates. The plurality system, if implemented separately from the legislative elections, the parties in the legislative elections do not need to think about the influence of the presidential election. This plurality mechanism affects parties when carried out simultaneously with legislative elections. The parties tend to nominate one of the two most competitive candidates, and lead to gathering support for the legislative parties in the two candidates. When one of the candidates wins the presidential election, then support for the president in the legislature tends to be the majority or close to the majority. The combination of the presidential plurality election system carried out simultaneously with legislative elections is the most likely to help strengthen multi-party presidential systems. Thus the simultaneous implementation of elections will strengthen the presidential system in which the President and Vice-President are elected to gain strong legitimacy from the people, in order to realize the effectiveness of government and also the support base of the DPR.

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4

V. Roehling, Patricia, Mark V. Roehling, Ashli Brennan, Ashley R. Drew, Abbey J. Johnston, Regina G. Guerra, Ivy R. Keen, Camerra P. Lightbourn y Alexis H. Sears. "Weight bias in US candidate selection and election". Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 33, n.º 4 (13 de mayo de 2014): 334–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-10-2013-0081.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to use data from the 2008 and 2012 US Senate elections to examine the relationship between candidate size (obese, overweight, normal weight) and candidate selection and election outcomes. Design/methodology/approach – Using pictures captured from candidate web sites, participants rated the size of candidates in the primary and general US Senate elections. χ2 analyses, t-tests and hierarchical multiple regressions were used to test for evidence of bias against overweight and obese candidates and whether gender and election information moderate that relationship. Findings – Obese candidates were largely absent from the pool of candidates in both the primary and general elections. Overweight women, but not overweight men, were also underrepresented. Supporting our hypothesis that there is bias against overweight candidates, heavier candidates tended to receive lower vote share than their thinner counterparts, and the larger the size difference between the candidates, the larger the vote share discrepancy. The paper did not find a moderating effect for gender or high-information high vs low-information elections on the relationship between candidate size and vote share. Research limitations/implications – Further research is needed to understand the process by which obese candidates are culled from the candidate pool and the cognitions underlying the biases against overweight candidates. Social implications – Because of the bias against obese political candidates, as much as one-third of the adult US population are likely to be excluded or being elected to a major political office. Originality value – This study is the first to use election data to examine whether bias based on size extends to the electoral process.

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5

Lev-On, Azi y Israel Waismel-Manor. "Looks That Matter". American Behavioral Scientist 60, n.º 14 (diciembre de 2016): 1756–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764216676249.

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Research demonstrates that good looks matter in politics. The global trend today is toward more visual ballots, which include candidates’ photographs. Because voters are exposed to a candidate’s appearance right before they vote, physical attractiveness may be a significant contributor to electoral success. But does appearance matter equally in high-information elections, where all candidates are well known to voters, and low-information elections, where voters have little or no knowledge of who the candidates are? How does enhancing the photos of candidates through software programs affect their electability? To our knowledge, this article is the first to examine the impact of candidates’ appearance in high- and low-information elections in the field using two experiments involving the manipulation of their appearance. Data for the first study were collected in a low-information election in which a student population was asked to select from a list of fictitious candidates for city council. In this study, we found that the candidates’ looks had an impact on the votes they received. Data for the second study were collected right before a high-information election: A straw poll that took place immediately before the primaries for a major political party in Israel, involving party members selecting from a list of real candidates. Here the candidates’ appearance had no impact on the votes they received, even for the lesser known candidates on the list. The results indicate that the impact of visual manipulation of candidate images does influence voters, but is limited by the informational context of the elections.

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6

Asano, Masahiko y Dennis P. Patterson. "Smiles, turnout, candidates, and the winning of district seats". Politics and the Life Sciences 37, n.º 1 (2018): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.12.

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Research has shown that a candidate’s appearance affects the support he or she receives in elections. We extend this research in this article in three ways. First, we examine this relationship further in a non-Western context using 2015 local elections in Japan. Next, we show that this positive relationship is more complicated depending on the characteristics of the election under consideration. Specifically, we distinguished election contests by levels of turnout and found that despite a positive relationship between turnout and the extent to which smiling increases a candidate’s support levels, the marginal increase in support declined as turnout increased and, in fact, became negative when some high-turnout threshold was crossed. Finally, we show that the number of candidates competing in an election is negatively related to the impact of a candidate smiling, confirming research conducted by the Dartmouth Group.

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7

Ondercin, Heather L. "Is it a Chasm? Is it a Canyon? No, it is the Gender Gap". Forum 16, n.º 4 (19 de diciembre de 2018): 611–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0040.

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Abstract Many speculated that we would observe a gender gap in vote choice of historic proportions in the 2018 midterm elections. However, the 2018 gender gap was similar to gender gaps in previous elections. I argue that the gender gap is not about a specific candidate or election but is driven by gender differences in partisan attachments. Variation in the gender gap in Senate and gubernatorial elections highlight that the gender gap does not advantage a particular candidate or party and that women candidates do not increase the size of the gender gap. Race and class intersect with gender to shape the partisan attachments and vote choice of men and women. Finally, while the candidates and events surrounding the 2018 election likely did not impact the gender gap in 2018, I discuss how the 2018 election will shape the gender gap in future elections.

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8

Pastory, Parestico. "OPPOSITION CANDIDACY AND ELECTORAL POLITICS IN TANZANIA: THE CASE OF ZITTO ZUBERI KABWE". Journal of African Politics 1, n.º 1 (29 de octubre de 2021): 106–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.58548/2021jap101.106135.

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In an electoral environment where the playing field is highly contested, it is pertinent to learn how opposition candidates win elections. This narrative case study draws from observation of parliamentary elections in Kigoma North and Kigoma Urban constituencies in Tanzania to demonstrate how the opposition candidate maneuvered to outcompete candidates of the ruling party. It reveals that winning elections involves preparations for real or perceived electoral fraud. The paper uncovers practical strategies that opposition candidates’ in Tanzania use to counter election fraud and the challenges they are likely to face. These findings reinforce existing research on electoral integrity.

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9

Nazriyah, R. "Calon Tunggal dalam Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2015 terhadap Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No 100/PUU-XIII/2015". Jurnal Konstitusi 13, n.º 2 (27 de agosto de 2016): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1327.

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The phenomenon of a pair-single candidate threatens delays in the implementation of simultaneous Regional Head Elections in some districts until 2017. Although the Commission extends the registration period of candidates to avoid the delay of elections simultaneously, there are still some districts that have a single candidate. The law on elections has not set the provisions definitely regarding what should be done if there is the phenomenon of a single candidate. Finally the parties who feel aggrieved the rights had filed a judicial election law to the Constitutional Court (MK) to find solutions to these issues. In its decision, the Court considered that the Act mandates the election as the executor of the sovereignty of the people to elect regional heads directly and democratically. Thus, the local elections should ensure the realization of the highest power in the hands of the people. In addition, the Court also considers the formulation of norms of Law No. 8 of 2015, which requires the presence of more than one pair of candidates does not provide a solution, which led to the legal vacuum. This can result in absent of holding the elections. Local elections which are only followed by a single pair of candidates, the mechanism selection is to determine whether the “Agree” or “Disagree” with the prospective partner. If it turns out the people’s voice is more to select “Agree” then the candidate is designated as regional head and deputy head of the selected district. Conversely, if it turns out the people’s voice is more to select “Disagree” then in such circumstances the election is postponed until the next local elections simultaneously.

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10

Rusnaedy, Zaldi, Fatma Fatma y Almuhajir Haris. "Political Dynasty and Single Candidate in Indonesian Local Elections: Where Are The Parties?" Journal of Governance and Local Politics (JGLP) 3, n.º 2 (15 de noviembre de 2021): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47650/jglp.v3i2.297.

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The pragmatism of political parties is one of the causes for the proliferation of political dynasties and the massive number of single candidates in several electoral politics periods at the local level. The implementation of the 2020 local election simultaneously gave birth to many candidates who have a kinship with political officials both at the central and regional levels, both currently or who have served. Apart from the practice of dynastic politics, a single candidate's presence also adds to the problems in the democratic process at the local level. A single candidate is present as a consequence of implementing the local election system simultaneously, which opens wide the opportunity for the local election to be held even though only one pair of regional head candidates are joined, as a consequence, the empty column is presented as the opponent of the match. This article collects data through a literature study. To answer these two phenomena, the author examines them during the local election implementation. This study indicates that these two phenomena co-opt local democracy and clog the circulation of the leadership elite. Both political dynasty candidates and single candidates have enormous potential to win elections. Both phenomena are caused by poor internal recruitment and candidate selection processes.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)"

1

Burden, Barry C. "Candidates' positions in congressional elections /". The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487951214940721.

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2

Brown, Adam Robert. "Strategic politicians in gubernatorial elections". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3311418.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Aug. 1, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 130-137).

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3

Murakami, Go. "Candidates' ethnic backgrounds and voter choice in elections". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/50203.

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Do candidates' ethnic backgrounds matter in elections? More precisely, do they change voters' perceptions about the candidates, and ultimately change their vote choice? If so, in what way and how much? And perhaps more importantly, why? This doctoral thesis attempts to answer these questions using experimental and observational election surveys in Japan and Canada. In the experiments, I aim to estimate causal effects of candidates' ethnic minority status on vote choice, test three relevant theories by examining three moderated effects, and propose two causal mechanisms. With a Canadian Federal election survey merged with candidate background data, I examine whether the findings in the experiments hold in real electoral contexts. This research points to three major findings. First, the estimated average causal effects of candidates' ethnic minority backgrounds were negative. The experiments suggest an approximately 6 percentage point drop when the ethnicity of the target candidate changes from majority to minority backgrounds. Second, two important voter heterogeneities for this effect are repeatedly found. As implied by the two relevant theories, voters who have negative affect and attitudes towards ethnic minorities, and those who oppose ethnically relevant policies that benefit ethnic minority groups, were much less likely to vote for an ethnic minority candidate. Third, in the experiments, some evidence for a trait or affect-driven mechanism was found, while more consistent support for a relevant policy preference cue mechanism was observed in both countries. The former mechanism highlights the importance of multiple candidate contests in the experiments, as voters improved their candidate impressions and affective reactions to the opponent(s) rather than devaluing the ethnic minority candidate. The latter mechanism identifies specifically what the candidates' ethnic minority status means to voters. It suggests that some voters do not vote for an ethnic minority candidate because they use ethnicity to estimate the policy preference of the candidate on the ethnically relevant policy dimension. Thus overall, candidates' ethnicity influences vote choice at a modest level, but its effect size varies across voters with different affective orientations and attitudes, and so the process is more complex than straightforward.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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4

Pensute, Chanintorn. "Candidates, vote-canvassers, and voters in Thai Provincial Administrative Organisation elections". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9299/.

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This thesis focuses on the study of the provincial elections in Thailand in which direct elections of the head of Provincial Administrative Organisations (PAO) have emerged since 2004. This thesis uses participant observation and in-depth interviews to explore the practices of political campaigning, the candidate selection process, the work of vote canvassers during the election cycle, money politics and provincial voters’ behaviour during the PAO head elections in the Dao and Noraburi provinces during the 2012 and 2013 elections. The aim of this thesis is to understand the changing trends of provincial elections following the rise of colour-coded politics in Thailand since 2006 due to the conflicts between supporters of Thaksin Shinawatra (red shirts) and the anti-Thaksin factions (yellow shirts). This thesis shows that, since the emergence of colour-coded politics, national politics has played a crucial role in provincial elections, from the processes of candidate selection to political campaigning. After 2006, the majority of provincial voters vote for candidates because of the influential roles of political parties, rather than candidates’ personal characteristics and qualifications. The core chapters of this thesis reveal that candidates who receive an official endorsement from national level political parties have a greater chance of winning elections than candidates without such support. Vote canvassers have also adapted their roles after the emergence of colour-coded politics by inviting MPs and other public figures to attend mass gatherings to attract more voters to vote for the endorsed candidate. This thesis also examines how money politics has not diminished in Thailand and shows that, in fact, the contrary is true. Money politics has worsened in recent years and has spread to provincial and local elections. Vote canvassers often use disguised forms of vote-buying in order to avoid being caught by the authorities. Finally, the perceptions of voters have changed. After the emergence of colour-coded politics, voters vote for candidates mainly because of the national political party that each candidate represents.

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5

Lacerda, Fábio. "Pentecostalismo, eleições e representação política no Brasil contemporâneo". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02062017-103551/.

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Esta tese investiga a recente mobilização política dos evangélicos no Brasil. Seu objetivo é analisar certas suposições encontradas na literatura sobre o crescimento evangélico (sobretudo pentecostal) e seu impacto político na América Latina e, em particular, no Brasil. Essas suposições dizem respeito à relação estabelecida entre político evangélico e eleitor; ao crescimento da presença evangélica nos legislativos brasileiros; à «força» eleitoral dos candidatos evangélicos e das igrejas pentecostais; e ao apoio de eleitores evangélicos a candidatos que sinalizam a mesma religião. Para realizar esse objetivo, a tese se apoia em revisão da literatura relevante, na construção de um novo banco de dados de candidaturas evangélicas para o legislativo no Brasil (1998-2014) e na realização de um experimento de survey com estudantes universitários da cidade de São Paulo. Os dados são analisados por meio de estatística descritiva, modelos de regressão OLS e logística. Os resultados revelam um quadro mais complexo sobre a atuação política evangélica do que a literatura costuma supor. As afirmações sobre a suposta atuação clientelista dos deputados evangélicos, conquanto não necessariamente equivocadas, não encontram apoio na produção de leis do estado de São Paulo. Entre 1998 e 2014, o número de candidaturas evangélicas para a Câmara dos Deputados e para as Assembleias Legislativas aumentou em termos absolutos, mas se manteve estável em termos relativos. O número de evangélicos eleitos aumentou no período, mas permanece inferior à proporção de evangélicos na população brasileira. Os deputados evangélicos são, cada vez mais, provenientes de igrejas pentecostais que adotam o modelo de representação corporativa. O apoio dessas igrejas a seus «candidatos oficiais» produz um efeito positivo sobre seu desempenho eleitoral mesmo controlando por fatores como gasto de campanha, incumbência, partido, entre outros. Porém, a despeito das suposições de apoio irrestrito dos fiéis a candidatos de suas igrejas, o sucesso eleitoral das igrejas pentecostais é menor do que se assevera. Por fim, o uso de pistas religiosas por parte de candidatos evangélicos só tem efeito positivo sobre os eleitores evangélicos condicionado ao tamanho da oferta de candidatos. Por outro lado, tem efeito negativo sobre outros grupos religiosos, sobretudo num cenário com apenas dois candidatos.
This thesis investigates the recent political-electoral mobilization of Evangelicals in Brazil. Its aim is to analyze certain assumptions found in the literature on Evangelical (and specially Pentecostal) growth and its political impact in Brazil and Latin America. These assumptions concern the relationship established between Evangelical politicians and voters; the growth of Evangelical presence in Brazilian legislatures; the electoral «force» of Evangelical candidates and Pentecostal churches; and the support of Evangelical voters to candidates who signal the same religion. In order to achieve this objective, the thesis is based on a review of the relevant literature, the construction of a new database of Evangelical candidacies for the Brazilian legislatures (1998-2014) and the conducting of a survey experiment with undergraduate students from the city of São Paulo. The data are analyzed through descriptive statistics, OLS regression models and logistic regression models. The results reveal a more complex picture of Evangelical political activity than the literature usually presumes. The statements about the supposed clientelistic performance of Evangelical legislators, if not necessarily mistaken, do not find support in the law making of the state of São Paulo. Between 1998 and 2014, the number of Evangelical candidates to the Chamber of Deputies and to the Legislative Assemblies increased in absolute terms, but remained relatively stable. The number of elected Evangelicals has increased in the period, but remains below the proportion of Evangelicals in the Brazilian population. Evangelical deputies are increasingly coming from Pentecostal churches that adopt the model of corporate representation. The support of these churches to their \"official candidates\" has a positive effect on their electoral performance even if controlling for factors such as campaign spending, incumbency, party, among others. However, despite assumptions of unrestricted support from the faithful to candidates from their churches, the electoral success of Pentecostal churches is lesser than what is asserted. Finally, the use of religious cues by Evangelical candidates only has a positive effect on Evangelical voters conditioned by the size of the candidates\' offer. On the other hand, it has a negative effect on other religious groups, especially in a scenario with only two candidates.

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6

Johnson, Joel W. "Electoral systems and campaign finance in legislative elections". Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3371953.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 13, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

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7

Aldao, Sharlin. "Women candidates and television advertising : an examination of the 2006 mid-term elections /". View online, 2008. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131464733.pdf.

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Campbell, Kristin Lynn. "Struggling to set the campaign agenda: candidates, the media, and interest groups in elections". Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1547.

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Democracy is best described as a struggle over competing ideals and values. One of the most important places where this struggle takes place is in the electoral arena. My dissertation examines the struggle between candidates and their respective messages in this arena. Focusing on fourteen Senate races from 1998 and 2000, I examine, in depth, how the struggle over competing ideals takes place (or in some cases, does not take place) and whether some candidates are more successful than others at navigating their message through the political environment to voters. This study examines the impact of candidate skills and resources as well as state characteristics on the strategies candidates employ when emphasizing campaign issues. In addition, my dissertation focuses on the impact interest group advertising has on the candidates campaign dialogue and analyzes media coverage in Senate races by comparing each candidates core message to the campaign information transmitted by the media to voters. The analysis presented here reveals that candidates employ both multi-dimensional and unidimensional strategies. State party competition appears to offer the most plausible explanation for the variation in strategy across the states. Competition, rather than encouraging a multi-dimensional campaign strategy, appears to promote convergence towards the median voter and a unidimensional strategy. Furthermore, this study suggests that candidates face a number of obstacles in trying to transmit their campaign message to voters. In addition to struggling against their opponent, candidates have to struggle against both interest groups and the media to get their message to the electorate. Just under one-half of the advertisements interest groups ran were successful at interjecting issues into the campaign debate. Furthermore, in over seventy percent of the Senate races included in this study, the media emphasized issues other than what the candidates were focusing on. While this may have the positive benefit of infusing more issues into the debate, it may also blur the lines of accountabilityparticularly if candidates have no intention of acting on issues emphasized exclusively by the media.

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Miller, Paige Thomason. "Live From New York and Straight to Washington: an Explorative Study of Internet Audience Perceptions of the Portrayals and Appearances of Presidential Candidates on Saturday Night Live". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc115121/.

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This thesis examines if and how the Internet viewers of Saturday Night Live skits were influenced by the video skits. the viewers’ online comments were read, categorized and analyzed for content to explore and discuss how the viewers “read” the text of the online video skits. Each video in which candidates John McCain, Sarah Palin, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama appeared is summarized and analyzed through viewers’ comments. a sample of skits including actors’ portrayals of McCain, Palin, Clinton, Obama and Joe Biden is also summarized and analyzed to find and discuss how the viewers’ perceptions were influenced by the portrayals.

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Feldner, Melissa L. "An examination of how gender stereotypes affect voters' perceptions of state Supreme Court candidates". Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1131735219.

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Más fuentes

Libros sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)"

1

Pilihanraya, Malaysia Suruhanjaya. Handbook for candidates. Kuala Lumpur: Election Commission, Malaysia, 2007.

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2

Groshev, Igor', Yuliya Davydova y Anton Gorbenko. Psychology of regional elections: candidates and voters. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1163948.

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The monograph is devoted to the study of the socio-psychological features of regional elections that influence the socio-political behavior of the electorate. The authors propose a new understanding of the psychological nature of the processes of forming the voting choice, which brings us closer to a more correct understanding of the complex political and psychological mechanisms of the strategy and tactics of regional election campaigns. The identified individual and personal indicators of the influence of the electoral characteristics of candidates on the voting of various categories of voters were developed and tested at the regional level. A number of practical recommendations on the organization of election campaigns, designed to take into account the psychological specifics of the behavior of the electorate in the framework of regional elections (elections with weak content), are empirically proved. It is intended for managers and specialists of regional election commissions, political scientists and psychologists who study issues related to the patterns of electoral behavior, graduate students and undergraduates engaged in research in the field of political psychology, as well as political strategists who ensure the effectiveness of election campaigns.

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3

Association, Bristol Conservative. Candidates Nominated List: City Council Elections. Bristol: Bristol Conservative Association, 1987.

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Self-financed candidates in congressional elections. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006.

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Party, New Zealand National. 1996 parliamentary candidates. Wellington, N.Z: The Party, 1996.

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Commission, Liberia Special Elections, ed. Elections 1985: Lists of presidential and vice presidential candidates by political party, county maps, senatorial candidates by county and political party, representative candidates by county and political party, polling centers by constituency and county. Monrovia, Liberia: Republic of Liberia, Special Elections Commission, 1986.

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Caucus of Development NGO Networks. Senatorial candidates' matrices: Philippine election. Quezon City]: Caucus of Development NGO Networks, 2010.

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C, Kimberling William y National Clearinghouse on Election Administration (U.S.), eds. Ballot access 3: For Presidential candidates. Washington, D.C: National Clearinghouse on Election Administration, Federal Election Commission, 1995.

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1948-, Johnson Mary Oates, ed. Candidates, campaigns, & elections: Projects, activities, literature links. New York: Scholastic Professional Books, 1996.

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Elections, Botswana Supervisor of, ed. Parliamentary elections, 1994: A guide to candidates. [Gaborone]: The Republic, Supervisor of Elections, 1994.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)"

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Leonard, Dick y Roger Mortimore. "Candidates". En Elections in Britain, 83–103. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230629639_7.

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Leonard, Dick y Roger Mortimore. "Candidates". En Elections in Britain, 83–103. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230511514_7.

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Leonard, Dick. "Candidates". En Elections in Britain Today, 79–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21445-7_7.

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Leonard, Dick. "Candidates". En Elections in Britain Today, 87–108. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25112-4_7.

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Medvic, Stephen K. "Candidates and Campaign Organizations". En Campaigns and Elections, 98–125. Third Edition. | New York: Routledge, 2018. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315164274-4.

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Medvic, Stephen K. "Candidates and Campaign Organizations". En Campaigns and Elections, 251–80. 4^a ed. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003125099-8.

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Yang, Keming. "Capitalist Candidates in Local Elections". En Capitalists in Communist China, 112–31. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137291691_6.

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Avelino, George y Arthur Fisch. "Money, Elections, and Candidates 1". En Routledge Handbook of Brazilian Politics, 161–74. New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315543871-10.

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Dahmen, Nicole Smith. "Picturing the Senate Candidates: Image Building in the Twitterverse". En Communication and Midterm Elections, 169–90. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137488015_10.

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Lawrence, Regina G., Shannon C. McGregor, Arielle Cardona y Rachel R. Mourão. "Personalization and Gender: 2014 Gubernatorial Candidates on Social Media". En Communication and Midterm Elections, 191–206. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137488015_11.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)"

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Wu, Junlin, Andrew Estornell, Lecheng Kong y Yevgeniy Vorobeychik. "Manipulating Elections by Changing Voter Perceptions". En Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/79.

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The integrity of elections is central to democratic systems. However, a myriad of malicious actors aspire to influence election outcomes for financial or political benefit. A common means to such ends is by manipulating perceptions of the voting public about select candidates, for example, through misinformation. We present a formal model of the impact of perception manipulation on election outcomes in the framework of spatial voting theory, in which the preferences of voters over candidates are generated based on their relative distance in the space of issues. We show that controlling elections in this model is, in general, NP-hard, whether issues are binary or real-valued. However, we demonstrate that critical to intractability is the diversity of opinions on issues exhibited by the voting public. When voter views lack diversity, and we can instead group them into a small number of categories---for example, as a result of political polarization---the election control problem can be solved in polynomial time in the number of issues and candidates for arbitrary scoring rules.

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Do, Virginie, Matthieu Hervouin, Jérôme Lang y Piotr Skowron. "Online Approval Committee Elections". En Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/36.

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Assume k candidates need to be selected. The candidates appear over time. Each time one appears, it must be immediately selected or rejected---a decision that is made by a group of individuals through voting. Assume the voters use approval ballots, i.e., for each candidate they only specify whether they consider it acceptable or not. This setting can be seen as a voting variant of choosing k secretaries. Our contribution is twofold. (1) We assess to what extent the committees that are computed online can proportionally represent the voters. (2) If a prior probability over candidate approvals is available, we show how to compute committees with maximal expected score.

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Constantinescu, Andrei y Roger Wattenhofer. "Voting in Two-Crossing Elections". En Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/30.

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We introduce two-crossing elections as a generalization of single-crossing elections, showing a number of new results. First, we show that two-crossing elections can be recognized in polynomial time, by reduction to the well-studied consecutive ones problem. Single-crossing elections exhibit a transitive majority relation, from which many important results follow. On the other hand, we show that the classical Debord-McGarvey theorem can still be proven two-crossing, implying that any weighted majority tournament is inducible by a two-crossing election. This shows that many voting rules are NP-hard under two-crossing elections, including Kemeny and Slater. This is in contrast to the single-crossing case and outlines an important complexity boundary between single- and two-crossing. Subsequently, we show that for two-crossing elections the Young scores of all candidates can be computed in polynomial time, by formulating a totally unimodular linear program. Finally, we consider the Chamberlin-Courant rule with arbitrary disutilities and show that a winning committee can be computed in polynomial time, using an approach based on dynamic programming.

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Hidayat, Billy, Sri Chairiyah y Dewi Anggraini. "Female Candidates Efforts in Winning Legislative Elections: Case Padang City Candidates". En Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Gender, Culture and Society, ICGCS 2021, 30-31 August 2021, Padang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-8-2021.2316419.

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Pierczyński, Grzegorz y Piotr Skowron. "Approval-Based Elections and Distortion of Voting Rules". En Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/77.

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We consider elections where both voters and candidates can be associated with points in a metric space and voters prefer candidates that are closer to those that are farther away. It is often assumed that the optimal candidate is the one that minimizes the total distance to the voters. Yet, the voting rules often do not have access to the metric space M and only see preference rankings induced by M. Consequently, they often are incapable of selecting the optimal candidate. The distortion of a voting rule measures the worst-case loss of the quality being the result of having access only to preference rankings. We extend the idea of distortion to approval-based preferences. First, we compute the distortion of Approval Voting. Second, we introduce the concept of acceptability-based distortion---the main idea behind is that the optimal candidate is the one that is acceptable to most voters. We determine acceptability-distortion for a number of rules, including Plurality, Borda, k-Approval, Veto, Copeland, Ranked Pairs, the Schulze's method, and STV.

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Relia, Kunal. "DiRe Committee : Diversity and Representation Constraints in Multiwinner Elections". En Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/714.

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The study of fairness in multiwinner elections focuses on settings where candidates have attributes. However, voters may also be divided into predefined populations under one or more attributes. The models that focus on candidate attributes alone may systematically under-represent smaller voter populations. Hence, we develop a model, DiRe Committee Winner Determination (DRCWD), which delineates candidate and voter attributes to select a committee by specifying diversity and representation constraints and a voting rule. We analyze its computational complexity and develop a heuristic algorithm, which finds the winning DiRe committee in under two minutes on 63% of the instances of synthetic datasets and on 100% of instances of real-world datasets. We also present an empirical analysis of feasibility and utility traded-off. Moreover, even when the attributes of candidates and voters coincide, it is important to treat them separately as diversity does not imply representation and vice versa. This is to say that having a female candidate on the committee, for example, is different from having a candidate on the committee who is preferred by the female voters, and who themselves may or may not be female.

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Bredereck, Robert, Andrzej Kaczmarczyk y Rolf Niedermeier. "On Coalitional Manipulation for Multiwinner Elections: Shortlisting". En Twenty-Sixth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2017/123.

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Shortlisting of candidates—selecting a group of “best” candidates—is a special case of multiwinner elections. We provide the first in-depth study of the computational complexity of strategic voting for shortlisting based on the most natural and simple voting rule in this scenario, l-Bloc (every voter approves l candidates). In particular, we investigate the influence of several tie-breaking mechanisms (e.g. pessimistic versus optimistic) and group evaluation functions (e.g. egalitarian versus utilitarian) and conclude that in an egalitarian setting strategic voting may indeed be computationally intractable regardless of the tie-breaking rule. We provide a fairly comprehensive picture of the computational complexity landscape of this neglected scenario.

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Sonar, Chinmay, Subhash Suri y Jie Xue. "Multiwinner Elections under Minimax Chamberlin-Courant Rule in Euclidean Space". En Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/68.

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We consider multiwinner elections in Euclidean space using the minimax Chamberlin-Courant rule. In this setting, voters and candidates are embedded in a d-dimensional Euclidean space, and the goal is to choose a committee of k candidates so that the rank of any voter's most preferred candidate in the committee is minimized. (The problem is also equivalent to the ordinal version of the classical k-center problem.) We show that the problem is NP-hard in any dimension d >= 2, and also provably hard to approximate. Our main results are three polynomial-time approximation schemes, each of which finds a committee with provably good minimax score. In all cases, we show that our approximation bounds are tight or close to tight. We mainly focus on the 1-Borda rule but some of our results also hold for the more general r-Borda.

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Korneeva, Alina y Alla Skaretskaya. "ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF UKRAINE". En Current problems of jurisprudence. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02032-6/125-129.

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The article discusses the general characteristics of the electoral system of Ukraine, the rights of candidates and voters. The procedure for the election of the President of Ukraine and other representative bodies is presented. Extraordinary elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the IX convocation are considered, their features are indicated. Also noted are the problems of the electoral process and their results. Measures are proposed to increase the effectiveness of mechanisms to ensure the legitimacy of the electoral process and its results.

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Passi, Kalpdrum y Rakshit Sorathiya. "Political Analytics on Election Candidates and Their Parties in Context of the US Presidential Elections 2020". En 11th International Conference on Data Science, Technology and Applications. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0011296300003269.

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Informes sobre el tema "Candidates (Elections)"

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Idris, Iffat. Conditions for Elections to Succeed in Reducing Conflict and Instability. Institute of Development Studies, julio de 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.124.

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Post-conflict elections can pave the way for democratisation and peacebuilding, but can also lead to renewed conflict. Minimum conditions for ensuring that elections promote the former and reduce conflict and instability include: peace and demilitarisation; international involvement; not holding post-conflict elections too early; holding national and local elections separately – ideally, local before national; election systems (notably proportional representation) that distribute rather than concentrate power; independent, permanent and well-resourced election management bodies; and media that promote voter education, messaging by parties and candidates, and election transparency. However, it is important to stress that specific criteria needed for successful post-conflict elections will be context-dependent.Post-conflict elections have the potential to establish legitimate government and can pave the way for democratisation and sustained peace. However, because they determine the distribution of power, they can also trigger renewed conflict. The risk of this is exacerbated by the difficult circumstances in which post-conflict elections are typically held (e.g. damaged infrastructure, weak institutions). The challenge is how to achieve the potential benefits while avoiding the risks. What are the conditions or criteria needed to ensure that post-conflict elections do not lead to conflict and instability?This review looks at the conditions needed to ensure that post-conflict election reduce conflict and instability. It draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature. While there was substantial literature on the various criteria, notably international involvement and election administration, it was largely gender-blind, as well as disability-blind.

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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), enero de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.

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This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.

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Jara, R., A. Faure, J. Beltrán y G. Castro. The Political Awareness in the candidates using Twitter. A clusterization exercise for the municipal elections in Chile (2016). Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, julio de 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2017-1193en.

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Ruiz San Miguel, FJ, F. Galindo Arranz y S. Ruiz Blanco. Political and private life in the 2012 Basque parliamentary election. Study of the format “A day with the candidate”. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, diciembre de 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2016-1148en.

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Aruguete, Natalia, Ernesto Calvo, Carlos Scartascini y Tiago Ventura. Trustful Voters, Trustworthy Politicians: A Survey Experiment on the Influence of Social Media in Politics. Inter-American Development Bank, julio de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003389.

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Recent increases in political polarization in social media raise questions about the relationship between negative online messages and the decline in political trust around the world. To evaluate this claim causally, we implement a variant of the well-known trust game in a survey experiment with 4,800 respondents in Brazil and Mexico. Our design allows to test the effect of social media on trust and trustworthiness. Survey respondents alternate as agents (politicians) and principals (voters). Players can cast votes, trust others with their votes, and cast entrusted votes. The players rewards are contingent on their preferred “candidate” winning the election. We measure the extent to which voters place their trust in others and are themselves trustworthy, that is, willing to honor requests that may not benefit them. Treated respondents are exposed to messages from in-group or out-group politicians, and with positive or negative tone. Results provide robust support for a negative effect of uncivil partisan discourse on trust behavior and null results on trustworthiness. The negative effect on trust is considerably greater among randomly treated respondents who engage with social media messages. These results show that engaging with messages on social media can have a deleterious effect on trust, even when those messages are not relevant to the task at hand or not representative of the actions of the individuals involved in the game.

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