Literatura académica sobre el tema "Dominican Identity"

[First paragraph]The Struggle of Democratie Politics in the Dominican Republic. JONATHAN HARTLYN. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998. xxi + 371 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95, Paper US$ 17.95)Holocaust in the Caribbean: The Slaughter of 25,000 Haitians by Trujillo in One Week. MIGUEL AQUINO. Waterbury CT: Emancipation Press, 1997. xxii +184 pp. (Paper n.p.)Race and Politics in the Dominican Republic. ERNESTO SAGAS. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000. xii +161 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95)Azücar, Arabes, cocolos y haitianos. ORLANDO INOA. Santo Domingo: Ed. Cole and FLACSO, 1999. 219 pp. (Paper n.p.)Over the last few years there has been an increase in the publication of books about the Dominican Republic and Dominicans in the United States. This can be partly attributed to the increase of Dominican communities.1 Moreover, Dominican and Dominican-American writers who underscore the trials and tribulations of the immigrant experience are becoming more visible in the mainstream print.2

The ethnolinguistic terms in which the children of Dominican immigrants in Rhode Island think of themselves, i.e. as “Spanish” or “Hispanic,” are frequently at odds with the phenotype-based racial terms “Black” or “African American,” applied to them by others in the United States. Spanish language is central to resisting such phenotype-racial categorization, which denies Dominican Americans their Hispanic ethnicity. Through discourse analysis of naturally occurring peer interaction at a high school, this article shows how a Dominican American who is phenotypically indistinguishable from African Americans uses language, in both intra- and inter-ethnic contexts, to negotiate identity and resist ascription to totalizing phenotype-racial categories. In using language to resist such hegemonic social categorization, the Dominican second generation is contributing to the transformation of existing social categories and the constitution of new ones in the US.

Abstract: for Yuri Lotman, a student of semiotics of culture, the language has two levels, to know, natural and cultural, both of which influence each other. The Dominican Republic, a Caribbean country of spanish colonization and Catholic population, has numerous symbols that preserve this history. In view of this, with the present article, we propose to conceptualize the levels of language from Yuri Lotman's Theory, to analyze the historical symbols and clippings of the constitution of the Dominican Republic, from dispose, to present how the religious language and political language are related in the sense of construction an imaginary fatherland giving meaning to the identity of the Dominican people. Our methodology is based on bibliographical research and content analysis that analysis some symbols and spaces demonstrating the connection between the religious and political spheres. Finally, we think that despite the state's secularity, religious symbols played a fundamental role in the construction of the imaginary country.Cultura, Religión y Estado: el Imaginario Patrio de la República Dominicana y el Lenguaje ReligiosoPara Yuri Lotman, estudioso de la semiótica de la cultura, el lenguaje posee dos niveles; los cuales son natural y cultural, siendo que los dos se influencian. La República Dominicana, país caribeño de colonización española y mayoría católica, tienen innumerables símbolos patrios que conservan esta historia. Delante de esto, con el presente artículo proponemos conceptualizar los niveles de lenguaje a partir de la teoría de Yuri Lotman, analizar los símbolos y recortes históricos de la constitución de la Republica Dominicana y, a partir de este, presentar como el lenguaje religioso y el lenguaje político se relacionan en el sentido de construir un imaginario patrio dándole sentido a la identidad del pueblo dominicano. Nuestra metodología se basa en la investigación bibliográfica y análisis de contenido en el cual analizando algunos símbolos y espacios, demostramos la conexión entre la esfera religiosa y política. En fin, pensamos, que a pesar del secularismo del Estado, los símbolos religiosos han desempeñado un papel fundamental en la construcción do imaginario patrio.Cultura, Religião e Estado: o imaginário pátrio da República Dominicana e a Linguagem ReligiosaResumo: para Yuri Lotman, estudioso da semiótica da cultura, a linguagem possui dois níveis, a saber, natural e cultural, sendo que os dois se influenciam. A República Dominicana, país caribenho de colonização espanhola e maioria católica, possui inúmeros símbolos pátrios que conservam esta história. Diante disto, com o presente artigo, propomos conceituar os níveis de linguagem a partir da teoria de Yuri Lotman, analisar os símbolos e recortes históricos da constituição da Republica Dominicana e, a partir disso, apresentar como a linguagem religiosa e a linguagem política se relacionam no sentido de construir um imaginário pátrio dando sentido à identidade do povo dominicano. A nossa metodologia baseia-se em pesquisa bibliográfica e análise de conteúdo no qual analisando alguns símbolos e espaços demonstremos a ligação entre a esfera religiosa e política. Por fim, pensamos, que apesar da laicidade do Estado, os símbolos religiosos desempenharam um papel fundamental na construção do imaginário pátrio.

Thomas Aquinas (1224/25-1274) joined the Order of Preachers around the year 1244 and became one of the most famous friars of this own time. He died in 1274 at the Cistercian monastery of Fossanova where his remains were venerated for almost a hundred years. The Dominicans, who had desired the return of the body of their beloved brother, finally received it by the order of Pope V in 1368. The Pope also ordered that the relics should have been transported (translatio) to Toulouse, where they arrived on 28 January 1369. In this article, I argue that his joining the Order was considered Thomas's first coming, and the transportation of his relics to Toulouse was his second coming to the Order. I will analyse the Office of Translatio (ca.1371) in the historical contexts of the beginning of the Observant reform of the Dominican Order in a period which was extremely unstable regarding both the papacy itself and politics between France and Italy. I will propose that the Office of Translatio inaugurated Thomas as the leader of a new era and the saviour of good Christians in a Christ-like manner. The liturgy of Translatio appears to offer a new interpretation of new apostles, the Dominicans, and the construction of eschatological self-understanding for the Dominican identity. On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

The integration of immigrants into host societies has been a topic of longstanding interest in the sociology of migration, whereas the study of transnationalism has only emerged in the last few years. Globalization, fueled by the rapid development of transportation and communication technologies, has been one of the principal factors in the rise of transnationalism. The aim of this study is to clarify the links between the immigrants' integration into the host society and the transnational activities in which they get involved.
The initial hypothesis of this study was that immigrants' involvement in narrow transnational activities is linked to their weaker integration into Quebec society. To test this hypothesis, a series of interviews was conducted with members of the Dominican community of Montreal. These Dominicans were involved in varying levels of transnational activities within political, economic, and cultural spheres. The interviews were aimed at determining the integration process experienced by the different interviewees.
The results of this study showed, in contrast to the hypothesized predictions, that involvement in transnational activities was not linked to lesser levels of integration. In fact, the Dominicans involved in the most intensive transnational activities revealed a capacity to integrate into the receiving society as easily as other Dominicans, often showing a greater dynamism in their integration. Involvement in intensive transnational activities seems to show a capacity on the part of some immigrants to grow and develop in two universes at the same time, that of the receiving and that of the sending society.

Latinidad, or the idea of a shared solidarity among Latinxs of all ethnicities in the United States, is as diverse in reality as it is homogenized in mainstream culture. Under the wave of a fairly unidimensional representation of Latinxs lies a vibrant undercurrent of literature and media created by AfroLatinx scholars. “ AfroLatinx” 1 works to challenge the hegemony of Latinidad as a direct acknowledgment of the African diaspora and blackness. Even within the plethora of textual production on AfroLatinxs, there are gaps. Specifically, there appears to be a gap of stories of second and third generation AfroLatinxs who have always lived in the United States and grew up in largely white suburban areas. In an effort to address this gap, I will provide a history of race relations in the Dominican Republic to put my personal positioning in context and celebrate my first chance in academia to learn about my culture, as well as include my own personal narratives of interactions with race as a Dominican American in the United States. Within this thesis, I will challenge the completely unnecessary feeling of dueling I have felt between being black and Latina and explore why blackness and Latinidad should not be mutually exclusive.

In the Dominican Republic, the memory of the Haitian conquest and annexation of the nation from 1822 until independence on February 27, 1844, along with the solidification of the anti-Haitian nationalist rhetoric of the 1920s and 30s, have fueled deep-seated animosity toward Haitians. Many Dominicans continue to hold strong anti-Haitian attitudes, and negative views of blackness pervade much of Dominican popular discourse, as well as ideas of beauty and social propriety. Lamentably, these negative attitudes toward Haitianness, which has become synonymous with blackness and vice versa, have spread far beyond informal conversations in private households, permeating the political realm as well. Anti-Haitian attitudes have long guided government action and unofficial policy in the spheres of immigration, citizenship, and labor. Though the Dominican Constitution, prior to a 2010 reform, explicitly granted citizenship to all persons born on Dominican soil, persons of Haitian descent were routinely denied the right to citizenship, as well as the right to any forms of government-issued identification. As a result, even those born in the Dominican Republic endure the looming threat of being deported to a nation that, in some cases, they have never known. Though the common occurrence of such grave injustice is well-known within the nation, most Dominicans are apathetic. The minority of Dominicans who oppose such immoral treatment are overpowered by the vociferous anti-Haitian majority who argue that those who fail to sympathize with their views are not only un-Dominican but anti-Dominican as well. With the majority of Dominicans holding such strong, vehemently-defended views on Haitian immigration, the minority opposition is often overlooked. In this study, I will analyze information obtained from field observation and interviews with Haitian sugar cane cutters and Dominican intellectuals, as well as citizenship and immigration legislation, to provide readers with a more comprehensive view of the political, economic, and socio-cultural impact of racism and anti-Haitianism. As part of my analysis, I will examine the motivations behind and causes of contradictory citizenship and immigration policy and discriminatory interpretations of the law as it applies to Haitian-descended persons. Through this thesis, I aim to construct a new, more complex analysis of anti-Haitianism and racism to generate a more thorough understanding of contradictory Dominican immigration and citizenship policy and its impact within the Haitian-Dominican community.

Adaptation has increasingly come to be recognised as an urgent and necessary response to climate change. The ability of a system to carryout adaptation is dependent on its adaptive capacity. To date, the majority of research relating to adaptation has focused on the objective and material determinants of a system's capacity to adapt to severe and extreme weather impacts. Whereas the role that subjective factors, such as people's perceptions, beliefs and values play in that same process, has received comparatively less attention. Despite being a global phenomenon, climate change is being experienced and responded to in local places. More than just physical locations, places are often imbued with meaning by the people associated with them. This thesis argues that these meanings have implications for the ways in which people adapt, or fail to adapt, to climate change impacts. It uses the concept 'sense of place', as a means of capturing this place meaning and as a lens for exploring adaptive behaviours in three low-income urban communities in the Dominican Republic. In particular it examines the specific roles of residents' place attachment, dependence and identity in motivating and constraining adaptive behaviours. Based on qualitative research with ethnographic underpinnings, the thesis shows that the urban poor sense of place is shaped by interconnected relationships between residents and; their homes, the physical and social aspects of their communities and a range of non-community actors. These relationships are shaped by physical and social interactions with and within places, but also through the discursive construction of the locations and the inhabitants of them in public opinion. Residents continuously seek out ways to enhance their sense of place, at times as an improvement in the built environment as a means of preventing or ameliorating environmental threats and events. However, often it is enhancement, in an aesthetic sense, which is envisaged as being of equal and sometimes greater importance. Although aesthetic improvements sometimes have the resultant impact of enabling adaptation, this tends to be incidental, rather than purposeful. Despite the importance placed by the urban poor on their sense of place, these subjective determinants and adaptation in the urban environment, remain unrecognised as well as absent from local institutional and policy radars. Overall the research suggests the need for a more comprehensive approach to understanding adaptive capacities. It requires an approach which continues to measure the objective determinants but which also recognises the role of people's relationships to places in converting or failing to convert objective capacity into climate change action and in dictating the type activities that are valued and prioritised by urban poor residents themselves.

La division de l’île d’Hispaniola depuis la colonisation européenne a laissé des traces qui perdurent dans les conflits sociopolitiques, culturels et économiques actuels entre la République d’Haïti et la République Dominicaine. Cette étude qui se fonde notamment sur les théories de l’éducation et une approche décoloniale questionne les contextes historiques, socio-politiques et théoriques des systèmes éducatifs en République d’Haïti et en République Dominicaine en vue de comprendre la construction du rejet de l’Autre haïtien ou de l’Autre dominicain entre ces deux Nations, présentes pourtant sur une seule et même île. Il ressort que les écoles haïtiennes et dominicaines, lieux de socialisation des hommes et des femmes, sont aussi des lieux d’exclusion sociale et de marginalisation.Haïti et la République Dominicaine, « deux sœurs siamoises » ayant au départ une histoire commune, se retrouvent aujourd’hui dos-à-dos en raison de conflits quotidiens depuis l’émergence de leurs identités nationales en 1804 et 1844. C’est pourquoi il est important de mieux comprendre la construction de ces identités et les nationalismes attenants afin d’appréhender le poids de ces conflits identitaires dans les dérapages actuels. Nous avons alors choisi d’analyser en une étude comparative la représentation de l’Autre haïtien et de l’Autre dominicain à partir des manuels scolaires d’Histoire et de Géographie, du collège au lycée, car ces manuels scolaires sont des vecteurs essentiels d’instruction et de socialisation destinés à former les futurs citoyens de l’île.En analysant les programmes officiels depuis 2000 en République d’Haïti et en République Dominicaine, entre orientations officielles et réalités, et en les rapportant aux manuels scolaires d’Histoire et de Géographie du collège au lycée, il s’agit de démontrer combien les objectifs spécifiques des ministères éducatifs haïtien et dominicain pour la formation des hommes et des femmes haïtiens et dominicains d’aujourd’hui demeurent fondés sur un système colonial et sur un choix d’idéologies d’opposition vis-à-vis de l’Autre et au service des idéologies dominantes.Nous notons toutefois une différence d’orientation entre les manuels scolaires d’Histoire et de Géographie d’Haïti et de la République Dominicaine étant donné que les manuels scolaires haïtiens choisissent le silence par rapport à la République Dominicaine et même en ce qui concerne leur histoire récente. Lorsqu’Haïti omet sciemment la République Dominicaine dans ses manuels scolaires, l’Autre dominicain est nié et cela ne peut faciliter un vivre-ensemble.Les manuels dominicains traitent, quant à eux, d’Haïti, mais la représentation de la République d’Haïti dans ces manuels scolaires privilégie les périodes passées et ces représentations tendent parfois à une certaine exagération négative envers l’Autre haïtien.En conséquence, cette étude montre que les États haïtien et dominicain ont fait et continuent de faire des choix de constructions identitaires en opposition l’un par rapport à l’autre rendant ainsi difficile une réunion apaisée sur une seule et même île.Les manuels scolaires ne sont-ils pourtant pas des leviers d’avenir (utopique ?) pour un vivre-ensemble qui permettrait d’aider à dépasser les marginalisations réelles de ces deux pays dont les peuples souffrent de misère économique et souvent intellectuelle du fait d’une École défaillante ?
The division of the island of Hispaniola since European colonization has left traces that persist through the current socio-political, cultural and economic conflicts between the Republic of Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Based particularly on the theories of education and a decolonial approach, this study questions the historical, socio-political and theoretical contexts of the Haitian and Dominican education systems in order to understand the construction of the rejection of the Haitian Other or the Dominican Other between these two Nations, yet present on one and the same island. For, it appears that Haitian and Dominican schools, places of socialization of men and women, are also places of social exclusion and marginalization.Haiti and the Dominican Republic, « two Siamese sisters » having originally a common history, are now back-to-back because of the daily conflicts that have existed since the formation of their respective national identities in 1804 and 1844. This is why it is important to better understand the construction of these identities and the accompanying nationalisms in order to understand the weight of these identity conflicts in current slippages. Thus, we have decided to rely on a comparative study for analyzing the representation of the Haitian Other and the Dominican Other in their respective fundamental level and secondary school ‘s textbooks of History and Geography. For, these textbooks are essential vectors of instruction and socialization intended to train the future citizens of the island.By analyzing the Haitian and Dominican official programs from 2000 on, between official orientations and realities, and relating them to the textbooks of History and Geography used for fundamental level and secondary school, it is a question of demonstrating that for the training of Haitian and Dominican men and women today, how much the objectives of the Haitian and Dominican educational ministries remain based on a colonial system and a choice of opposition ideologies vis-à-vis the Other and at the service of dominant ideologies.However, we have noticed a difference of orientation between Haiti’s History and Geography textbooks and the Dominican Republic’s ones. Those of Haiti are characterized by a silence on issues related to the Dominican Republic, including its recent history. Therefore, when Haiti knowingly omits the Dominican Republic in its textbooks, it implies that the Dominican Other is denied. That does not work in favor of living together. Actually, the Dominican textbooks deal with Haiti. But the presentation they make of the Republic of Haiti and its history sometimes tends to negative exaggeration towards the Haitian Other.As a result, this study shows that the Haitian and Dominican states have made and continue to make choices of identity constructions in opposition to one another, which makes it difficult to have a peaceful reunion on one and the same island. Yet, are textbooks not levers of the future (utopian?) for a living-together which would help overcome the real marginalization of these two countries whose population share suffering from economic and often intellectual misery because of a failing education?
La división de la isla de La Española desde la colonización europea ha dejado huellas que siguen presentes en los actuales conflictos sociopolíticos, culturales y económicos entre la República de Haití y la República Dominicana. Este estudio, que se vale en particular de las teorías de la educación y de un enfoque descolonial, cuestiona los contextos históricos, sociopolíticos y teóricos de los sistemas educativos de la República de Haití y la República Dominicana, con el objetivo de comprender la construcción del rechazo del Otro haitiano o del Otro dominicano entre estados o naciones que comparten una misma isla. Parecen por lo tanto las escuelas haitianas y dominicanas, lugares de socialización de hombres y mujeres, ser también lugares de exclusión social y marginación.Haití y la República Dominicana, « dos hermanas siamesas » que inicialmente tenían una historia común, hoy se dan la espalda debido a los conflictos cotidianos desde la formación de sus identidades nacionales en 1804 y 1844. Por consiguiente, resulta importante comprender mejor la construcción de estas identidades y los nacionalismos para entender el peso de dichos conflictos de identidad en los desaciertos o las incongruencias actuales. Dado que los manuales escolares son vectores esenciales de instrucción y socialización destinados a capacitar a los futuros ciudadanos de dos naciones y por ende de la isla, elegimos analizar, a través de un estudio comparativo, la representación del Otro haitiano y del Otro dominicano en esos libros de Historia y Geografía, desde el nivel fundamental o medio (el colegio) y la enseñanza de secundaria (el liceo).Al analizar los programas oficiales de enseñanza de Historia y Geografía, a partir del año 2000, en ambas naciones, y relacionarlos con los manuales tanto del colegio como del liceo, entre orientaciones oficiales y realidades, se trata de demostrar que en ambos países los objetivos específicos de sus respectivos ministerios de educación, encargados de la formación de hombres y mujeres ciudadanos haitianos y dominicanos de hoy, se fundamentan en un sistema colonial y en la elección de ideologías de oposición respecto al Otro, que están al servicio de las ideologías de la élite.Sin embargo, notamos una diferencia de orientación entre los libros de Historia y Geografía de Haití y los de la República Dominicana. Los manuales haitianos eligen el silencio en cuanto a la República Dominicana e incluso en cuanto a su historia reciente. Cuando Haití omite a sabiendas a la República Dominicana en sus libros de texto, se niega al Otro dominicano, lo que no facilita la convivencia entre ambas naciones. En cuanto a los manuales dominicanos, acerca de la representación de la República de Haití se da prioridad a la enseñanza de períodos históricos pasados en los que muchas veces se tienden a cierta exageración negativa hacia el Otro haitiano.Así pues, este estudio muestra que los estados haitiano y dominicano han tomado y siguen tomando decisiones identitarias que inducen a oponerse entre sí, lo que dificulta la cohabitación pacífica entre ambos estados reunidos en una misma isla.¿No tendrán los manuales escolares que facilitar un futuro (utópico) para una convivencia que permita superar la marginación real de dos naciones cuyos pueblos sufren de miseria económica y a menudo intelectual debido a la existencia de una escuela deficiente?

The identification of all the friars active in Santa Maria Novella on a regular basis or only temporarily is a puzzling issue, due to the high mobility of Dominican friars as well as the complexities of the internal organization of the convent. This contribution offers a schematic chronology of the Florentine Dominican convent of Santa Maria Novella between 1291 and 1319. For each year, the prior, the main lector, the lector of the Sentences, the students, and other friars active in the convent are listed, together with further information about the major events taking place at the convent.

The Dominican Republic is the most-visited country in the Caribbean. The development of tourism is continuous and, in the future, it is still going to be one of the most important sectors that brings significant source of income for the country. The country's dependence on tourism causes and is going to cause problems in economic, social and environmental areas. The aim of this article is to analyze the current situation and to identify problematic aspects of tourism and possibilities of future development based on an interview with the country's leading tourism expert. Among the most critical identified are water management, which overlaps only to tourism, but also to agriculture and the protection of natural resources, ownership of recreational facilities or the security of the country.