Literatura académica sobre el tema "Dominican Mural painting and decoration"

Este estudio muestra mediante técnicas analíticas no invasivas y no destructivas, los materiales de una pintura mural perteneciente al exconvento de Santo Domingo Tehuantepec, Oaxaca, México, construido entre 1544 y 1545, por los frailes dominicos. Este estudio es parte del proyecto de restauración del inmueble y sus acabados decorativos, afectados por el sismo del 7 de septiembre de 2017, se enfocó en la caracterización de la paleta pictórica mediante FRX y microscopia óptica digital, y por medio de colorimetría se registró el color de la pintura mural. Los resultados revelan el uso de pigmentos de costo, calidad y durabilidad muy altos: cinabrio o bermellón, oropimente y negro de hueso, esto demuestra la importancia histórica material de las decoraciones del recinto. _____ The following article discusses the application of non-invasive and non-destructive analytical techniques to study the materials used in a mural painting from the former convent of Santo Domingo Tehuantepec, in Oaxaca, Mexico. The study is part of the restoration project for this heritage site and its ornamental finishes impacted by the earthquake of September 7th, 2017. The study characterizes the pictorial palette of the mural using XRF and digital microscopy and colorimetry to record the colors of the mural painting. The results indicated that very costly pigments with a high level of quality and durability (cinnabar or vermilion, orpiment, and bone black) had been used, which speaks to the historic and material importance of the decorations in the building.

Owing to old photographic plates that recorded those segments of the mural decoration of Davidovica on the Lim which were later destroyed or considerably damaged, it is possible to put forward a more complete reconstruction of its thematic program. The programmatic and iconographic features of both the destroyed frescoes and the surviving ones correspond to the solutions that can be found in Post-Byzantine painting. The palaeographic analysis of inscriptions and the analysis of the style of the murals in the dome, the area under the dome and both chapels in Davidovica clearly indicate that we are dealing with paintings done in the second half of the sixteenth century.

The main churches of three monasteries in Thessalia, Central Greece, were decorated with wall paintings in the post-Byzantine period. The main goal of the present study is to characterize the inorganic and organic materials present in the paint layers of areas that have been gilded. Optical microscopic examination was carried out on samples taken from the gilded decoration of the paintings to view their layer build-up. The combined use of micro Fourier transform infrared (FT-IR) and micro-Raman spectroscopy led to the detection of the pigments and the binding media used. The results from specimens taken from different wall paintings were compared with each other to observe their differences and similarities. The three investigated churches are believed to have been painted by the same iconographer, Tzortzis, who however has only been identified in only one of them. The comparison led to the conclusion that there are many similarities in the painting materials used and the general methodology adopted and, therefore, this study offers support to the belief that the mural paintings of the three monasteries could have been painted by the same iconographer. While not authenticating the two painting as being by Tzortzis, the results provide further critical material that is consistent with this attribution. However, this statement must be carefully considered because the pigments identified have been commonly and diffusely used in historic mural paintings.

This paper presents and interprets the iconographic programme of the frescoes in the lowest register of the sanctuary in the church of St Demetrios at Markov Manastir in the context of the relationship between mural decoration and the contemporary Eucharistic rite. In the first part of the paper special attention is paid to the scene in the north pastophorion, which illustrates the prothesis rite, and the depiction of the Great Entrance, placed in the sanctuary apse. The iconographic and programmatic features of the fresco ensemble, the most pominent place among which is occupied by the representations of the deceased Saviour and Christ the Great Archpriest - are compared to various liturgical sources and visual analogies (monumetal painting and liturgical textiles) in the medieval art of Serbia and Byzantium.

This paper focuses on the presentation of a part of the main thematic data documenting the pathologies and the degradation problems of a contemporary mural painting, which was designed and carried out by the italian artist Giuseppe Capogrossi in 1954. This forgotten masterpiece is developed on the ceilings of the main double stairscase at the entrance of the Airone, an ex-cinema-theatre in Rome (Italy). In time, the original project was completely damaged and now the Airone cinema is abandoned since 1999; the decoration, strictly connected to the function of the original project, has been completely covered by synthetic coatings. The documentation of the observed pathologies and the original materials of the lower ceiling takes place during a restoration project in 2015–2016 and was accomplished by utilizing different technologies in order to facilitate the collecting of the main data within several graphic thematic tables. The challenge of this documentation was to create a contact point, and perhaps also a contamination, between the practices of CAD graphic documentation, restoration and GIS technology.

The purpose of the article is to analyze compositional types, topography, methods, and techniques used in the formal solution of mural compositions in the Catholic churches of Eastern Galicia in the second half of the XVIII century. The methodology lies in the usage of art historical methods of stylistic analysis and generally scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction. The scientific novelty of the research is in the analysis of methods and techniques used by Galician masters in the second half of XVII century for implementation of mural compositions that were interpreted, adapted to local artistic traditions. The research can be used in the attribution of saved samples of the monumental art. Conclusions. The monumental painting in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, in particular in Galicia, developed in the context of artistic trends in West and Central European countries. Chronologically, the development of monumental painting in Galicia ranged from the thirties until the late XVIII century. As for the formal characteristics of monumental art, in the territory of the Commonwealth, the most common were three compositional types of polychrome: local variation of Italian «quadro riportato», illusionistic and panoramic. The basis of the first is the method of placing of the image on the vault area, framed with imitated or sculpted frame, the second is based on the quadrature and other methods and techniques of illusionistic monumental art, the third includes a panoramic image on the vault. In Galicia, the third type of vault decoration has not become widespread. Visiting masters were the bearers of these trends. They implemented the polychrome in local cathedrals, using a wide variety of methods and techniques for the formal solutions of mural compositions, typical for European art schools. Later, local artists adopted this experience, creating polychromes with certain interpretations of compositional types.

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 63, issue 4 (2015). The graphic series dedicated to the Mother of God, defined as Sub tuum praesidium confugimus, by Gottfried Bernhard Göz (1708–1774) was an inspiration for the monumental painting of the Rococo period in Poland in the times of the Saxon kings. The series of engravings with a devotional character made with the stipple engraving technique presents 12 signed Marian scenes: the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Mary’s Birth, the Presentation of Mary, Mary and Joseph’s Matrimony, the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Purification, the images of Our Lady of Sorrows, and the Assumption. Other scenes are connected with Mary’s patronage – as the Queen of the Rosary—and her intercession. The prints, as researchers of Göz’s work assume, prove his mature style that was shaped in the years 1737–1740, when he formed a publishing “company” together with the Klauber brothers, Joseph Sebastian and Johann Baptist. He used the motifs occurring in the series many times e.g. on the vault of the nave in the Dominican nuns’ St Stefan Church in Habsthal (1748; Upper Swabia), in the sketch and painting for the Cistercian monastery in Birnau (1748–1750). These motifs were also found in Bavarian Marian shrines, e.g. Frauenchiemsee, Maria Mitleid Kapelle and Mater Dolorosa Kapelle with paintings by Balthasar Furtner (1761) and in a church in Niederaschau and Kleinmariazell (1763–1765). References to the series may also be found in the area of Slovenia, i.e. on the vault of Grajska Kapela in Novo Celje (1758–1763). The prints were known to the circle of Lviv artists active in the 18th century and they were used as models for numerous figural compositions. First of all the Lviv painter Stanisław Stroiński (1719–1802) used them for the decorations, among others, of the interior of the Franciscan Marian sanctuary in Leżajsk, in the Franciscan Holy Spirit Church in Krystynopol (1756–1759 (now Chervonohrad in Ukraine), and in the decoration of St Anne’s Chapel in the Holy Trinity Benedictine Church in Przemyśl. The series of prints was also used by the painter Gabriel Sławiński in the decoration of the chancel in St Lawrence Parish Church in the village of Żółkiewka and on the vault of the post-Pauline St Louis Church in Włodawa. The engravings are a significant model for Polish painting because of their style, technique and original approach to the conventional religious theme.

The article explains the role of extra-musical factors in the creation of the compositions, caused by the action of the art synthesis as a cross-cutting theme of the composer’s creativity in the European tradition. In the academic art, this phenomenon has acquired the status of the program method, which to some extent has directed the listeners’ perceptions. The actualization of the present topic and its predetermined task is to determine the degree of the correlation of the semantics of a new composition to its artistic original, since it is precisely on the “artistic type translation” that both the programmability and the ways of its implementation by means of the performing interpretation depend. The object of the article is the programmability as a condition of the composer’s idea; the subject is the author’s concept of “The Ancient Kiev Frescoes” by A. Stashevsky for the accordion, implemented in the genre-stylistic system of the individual and national-musical thinking. The purpose of the article is to identify the genre-stylistic factors of the author’s conception of the selected composition, which reflects the sound-poetic ideas about the ancient history of the native land, while forming the national memory of the modern Ukrainian. Analysis of the recent publications on the research topic. Among the fundamental works devoted to programmability, we should point out the works by V. Konen, which trace the tendency to expand the limits of programmability in music at the expense of non-musical influences, as well as those by M. Lobanova, who characterizes the synthetic genres (opera, theatre music, ballet, program symphony) in the historical dimension. G. Khutorskaya owing to the introduction of the category “interspecific translation” into the scientific circulation explains the means of the synthesis of arts in vocal compositions [5]. The interspecific interaction of the theatre, painting, dance, poetry and literature contributes to the reproduction of the complete picture of the world in music. The material for the development of the problem is the composition for the accordion called “The Ancient Kiev Frescoes” by A. Stashevsky, one of the bright representatives of the modern accordion school of Ukraine. Observing the author’s premieres (in particular, the accordion compositions) in the quality of a professional listener, one can state that his creativity has become an important part of the musical culture of the Slobozhanska Ukraine. As a multifaceted personality – an accordion performer, teacher, composer, and scientist – he embodies new ideas, genre-style models and corresponding techniques of the performing skills in his activities. A comprehensive analysis of the genre stylistics and a personal view of the performance dramaturgy of the interpretation of the program cycle have been given. “The Ancient Kiev Frescoes” by A. Stashevsky (2005), besides the program name, have a genre refinement of the “suite-notebook”, which contains the key to understanding the essence of the stated program. First, the notebook (the album) is holistic, and contains information about interrelated events of a certain era, arranged in a timeline (the linear sequence). Secondly, the pages of the notebook can be represented as the planes where the images are located – the frescoes of St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev. The most valuable decoration of the cathedral is the mural, which has been preserved for centuries and is an example of the skill and artistic taste of ancient Ukrainians. In general, St. Sophia Cathedral embodies the philosophical credo of the era with its national idea, the expression of the spirituality of the Christian worldview. There are nine parts in the suite-notebook, each with a program title. The author’s idea is realized, on the one hand, through the programmability of the picture type, when the parts of the suite cycle constitute a single composition that is associated with a multi-figured mural (with its mosaic, stained glass). It is impossible to capture it at one glance, so getting acquainted with it implies a consistent arrangement of the fragments of the whole in time. On the other hand, there is a pervasive narrative throughout the cycle: all the parts sound attacca. The pages of the chronicle seem to be expanded in the temporal axis; there is also a general logic of changing the various musical murals that is subordinate to the latent programmability: from “Intrada” to the climax in Part 8 and Part 9 an associate connection (a story line) is established. Programmability-driven musical stylistic contains repetitive segments of the author’s language focused on archaic styling. Because of the singing type of thematism, the ostinato nature and variability of the means of its development, the expanded fret and tonal nature, the mosaic principle of the stringing of the motives, and their combining. In the conclusions it is emphasized that in the program composition for the accordion A. Stashevsky skillfully realized his plan as a projection on historical, musical-performing and picture-everyday images-echo. The incarnation of the ancient history of Kievan Rus by means of the fret-harmonious, texture-timbre and compositional-dramatic means fully presents the author’s conception of the composition – the harmony of a man and history, the updating of the Past, in order to understand one’s own mental foundations, self-awareness in the national cosmos and logo.

Saint Sampson, whose feast is celebrated on June 27, was depicted among holy physicians. However, his images were not frequent. He was usually accompanied with Saint Mokios (in Saint Sophia in Kiev, the Transfiguration church in the Mirozh monastery and the church of the Presentation of the Holy Virgin in the Temple in the monastery of Saint Euphrosyne; possibly also in Saint Panteleimon in Nerezi and Saint Demetrios in the village of Aiani near Kozani; furthermore, in the church of Saint Nicholas in Manastir and, afterwards, in the katholikon of the Vatopedi monastery). In a later period, he was usually shown in the vicinity of Saint Diomedes (in the churches of Saint Achillius in Arilje, Saint George in the village Vathiako on Crete, Saint Nicholas Orphanos in Thessaloniki, the Annunciation in Gracanica, the narthexes of the Hilandar katholikon and the church of the Holy Virgin in the monastery of Brontocheion at Mistra, the katholicon of the Pantokrator monastery and the church of Saint Demetrios in Markov Manastir). There are no substantial data regarding the identity of the saints depicted next to him in the metropolitan Church of Saint Demetrios at Mistra, while in a number of cases the image of the saint shown next to him has not been preserved (e.g. Saint Irene in the village of Agios Mamas on Crete, Gregory?s Gallery in the church of Saint Sophia in Ohrid and the church of the Holy Virgin (Panagia Kera) near the village Chromonastiri on Crete). On the other hand, in the church of the Holy Virgin in Mateic, Saint Sampson is, exceptionally, depicted among bishops, while in the church of the Holy Archangels in Prilep and the chapel of the Holy Anargyroi in Vatopedi, he is, as usual, surrounded by holy physicians but his mates are not featured - neither Saint Mokios, not Saint Diomedes. The earliest known commemorative text dedicated to him is the extensive hagiography - Vita Sampsonis I, composed in the seventh or the early eighth century. Other hagiographies, which mostly date from the tenth century, are completely based on the earlier writing. Such a composition can be found in the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople. In the extensive text (Vita Sampsonis II), Symeon Metaphrastes added a part that included detailed descriptions of a number of posthumous miracles, mostly healings; all these events are also mentioned in the short Hagiography. Finally, in the late thirteenth century, Constantine Akropolites wrote the still unpublished Hagiography (Vita Sampsonis III), in which he presented an account of events from the later history of the Saint?s hospital. The hagiographies inform us that Sampson was a Roman by birth and a kin of Emperor Constantine. He inherited a fortune, which he distributed to the poor. Then, he departed for Constantinople, where he found a modest home. Patriarch Menas ordained him a priest. Relying on the medical knowledge, Sampson was saving the sick and he even cured Emperor Justinian from an incurable disease. For that reason, the Emperor found a large house, in which he established and fully equipped a xenon (hospital, ?????), whereas Sampson was appointed as the skeuophylax of the Great Church. The Blessed continued to work there until his death. His venerable leipsana, which rested in the church of Saint Mokios, constantly issued the cures. His feast was celebrated in the hospital founded by him. Long time had passed between the period in which the Saint had lived and the epoch in which his earliest hagiography was compiled. During that time, some events could have fallen into oblivion and accounts of other events could have been invented. Accordingly, the results of the researchers of Saint Sampson?s xenon?s history are valuable. The hospital was housed in Sampson?s home, where he provided not only health care, but also food and bed. It was presumably founded in the fourth century. The xenon was burned in the Nika riots in 532 and Emperor Justinian had it renovated and expanded. Based on some documents issued in the Empire of Nicaea, it may be concluded that the xenon had vast estates. The Crusaders first sacked it, to subsequently use it for their own needs, as they established the Order of Saint Sampson. The hospital soon received many properties in Constantinople and its environs, Hungary and Flanders. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople, the activities of Saint Sampson?s hospital were ceased and that there was a monastery at its place in the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the reputation of its holy founder persisted throughout the thirteenth century. Constantine Akropolites wrote the already mentioned Hagiography, and in one of his letters he spoke of the Saint, who was also mentioned in a poem by Manuel Philes (died around 1345). In Constantinople, the veneration of Saint Sampson had two centres - the hospital named after him and the church of Saint Mokios, where his leipsana rested. According to the synaxaria of the Typikon of the Great Church and the Church of Constantinople, the feast dedicated to the Saint was celebrated at his xenon. The former text informs us that the service was held by the Patriarch, whereas Symeon Metaphrastes relates that the vigil on the eve of the feast took place over the relics in the church of Saint Mokios. The Patriarch celebrated the feast dedicated to Saint Sampson with hospital clergy in the church within the xenon, both mentioned by Metaphrastes. It was either this church or a shrine from a later period that housed the iconostasis noted down by Constantine Stilbes, an eyewitness of the Latin capture of the Byzantine capital. Written sources and archaeological finds are consistent in that the hospital was located between the churches of Saint Sophia and Saint Irene. However, the first excavations carried out at the site of the xenon were not properly documented, whereas archaeologists involved in further investigations could not rely on reliable data, though they carefully examined all finds. The question arises why Saint Sampson was at first usually depicted in the company of Saint Mokios, a presbyter who died a martyr?s death in Constantinople (May 11), and later, together with Saint Diomedes, the physician who died in Nicaea (August 16). Therefore, this paper briefly presents the hagiographies of the two saints and the churches in the Byzantine capital where their relics rested - the monastery of Saint Mokios, which did not exist in the mid-fourteenth century, and Saint Diomedes, which was counting its last days in the fourteenth century, reduced to a small monastery. Dobrynja Jadrejkovic (subsequently Antony, archbishop of Novgorod) noted down around 1200 that the saint?s stick, epitrachelion and robes were kept at the hospital of Saint Sampson, whereas in the church of Saint Mokios, under the altar, rested Saint Mokios and Saint Sampson. He also mentioned that water flew from the latter?s grave, as well as that the church of Saint Diomedes was near the Golden Gate and that the relics of Saint Diomedes rested there. However, the Russian pilgrims who visited Constantinople during the Palaiologan period mentioned neither Saint Sampson?s hospital, not the church of Saint Mokios, whereas the church of Saint Diomedes, but not his relics, was noted down only by an unknown traveller who described the pilgrimage undertaken between the late 1389 and the early 1391. The answer to the question of what happened to the leipsana that once laid in these churches is not possible to provide. The fate of the relics of Saint Sampson, previously kept in his xenon, is not known, nor is it known where the commemorations of the three saints were held in the capital during the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the depictions of Saint Sampson accompanied by Saint Diomedes - whose oldest examples are preserved in Arilje - indicate that the connection of these two priest-physicians had already begun by the time when the church was painted (1295/1296), but, judging by the available sources, the only evidence on the process is given by the paintings. Although Saint Sampson founded the hospital which was probably the oldest in Constantinople, and though his leipsana, kept in the church of Saint Mokios, had healing powers, while his relics in the xenon were visited by pilgrims, it seems that the respect for this saint in the Byzantine capital was not reflected in the frequency of his images among holy physicians: he was fairly rarely shown among them. As a matter of fact, the earliest representations of Saint Sampson originated from Constantinople. They can be found on lead seals made for the hospital in the second half of the sixth and during the seventh century. On the other hand, there is no any known preserved depiction of this saint in the mural decoration of the early churches. Accordingly, it may be assumed that the veneration of Saint Sampson was initially limited to Constantinople, and that it was only later, since the time when his short hagiography was included in the synaxarium and his extensive hagiography was written for the Metaphrastes?s comprehensive work, that it was adopted in other areas of the East Christian world. It may seem paradoxical that the preserved images of the Saint dating from the period when his xenon flourished are less numerous than those from the time when the hospital, in all probability, did not exist. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople from Latin rule, Saint Sampson was earnestly honoured and that the believers frequented the monastery at the site of the old xenon, though the hospital did not exist anymore. The former assumption is corroborated by the writings of Constantine Akropolites and Manuel Philes, whereas the latter is supported by the coins from the Palaiologan period found in the sacral building within the complex that once belonged to Saint Sampson?s hospital. Although his miraculous leipsana rested in the church of Saint Mokios, the posthumous miracles of Saint Sampson, described in later hagiographies, mostly took place in his xenon, which housed the relics that were visited by pilgrims and where commemorative services dedicated to him were held. The veneration of the Saint was long fostered within the institution founded by him - the ancient hospital where trained doctors worked - i.e. it was nurtured between the reputation of medical skills based on secular knowledge and miraculous healings.

The Franciscan Monastery of St Domnius at Kraj on the island of Pašman houses an incunable edition of Augustine’s The City of God (De Civitate Dei) which was printed in Venice by Nicolas Jenson in 1475. The incunable features beautiful Renaissance multi-coloured illuminations painted in tempera, sepia, ink and water colours while gold foils and gold dust were used on fol. 17 (the page number is not original but was subsequently added in pencil; this folio contains the beginning of Book 1) and a number of other folios. The illumination on fol. 17 consists of two phytomorphic initials, a decorative border and independent figural scenes while a number of other folios are decorated with phytomorphic initials of the littera notabilior type, the height of which corresponds to two lines, painted in red or blue. The top and left margin of the first page of Book 1 are filled with a decorative border terminating in trilobes on each end. The ornamental scheme of the border consists of a band made up of five thin lines which undulates in a spiral and thus forms circles. These are filled with flowers, leaves and berries painted in blue, green and cyclamen purple but also with gold stylized burdock flowers (Lat. Arctium lappa; some scholars call them gold dots, that is, bottoni dorati). The remaining fields are filled with bent scrolls. In the upper left corner of the frame is a goldfinch. The initial I, composed of phytomorphic motifs in blue, green and cyclamen purple and their shades, is painted against a gold background of the rectangular field situated at the beginning of the text column on the left-hand side. Inside the decorative border, placed at the height which corresponds to the centre of the initial, is a medallion with the bust of St Augustine depicted in the open sky with elongated white clouds and no other details. The illusion of the spatial depth was achieved through the use of tonal gradations: the shades of blue are darker at the top and lighter in the lower half of the sky. St Augustine is dressed in a white robe and a red cloak with a black hood. He is wearing a white mitre with a horizontal and perpendicular band highlighted with gold dust. The shadows and folds of his clothes were articulated with black and white lines. His right hand is pointing to the open book which was painted at the height of his chest. The fingers on his right hand are elongated and thin. St Augustine’s gold nimbus was painted as a full circle the left half of which was outlined in white and the right half in black. St Augustine is directing his gentle and sad gaze upwards. His head is slightly bent. His round and bony head is marked by the large round eyes with prominent sclera and dark circles underneath while the arched eyebrows are thinner at their ends. The nose is small and the mouth is turned downwards. The plasticity of the face and its complexion were articulated with white and pink shades. The trimmed dark beard is depicted with short lines in lighter and darker shades. The ornamental frame which fills the top margin corresponds to the one in the left margin but was decorated more modestly because the miniaturist placed the scroll bearing the printer’s name and the scroll identifying the text as belonging to Book 1 at the centre of the frame which left only the beginning and the end of the frame to be decorated. The scroll with the printer’s name is emphasized by a golden burdock flower at the top of the frame and a golden teasel flower (Lat. Dipsacus fullonum) at the bottom. The lower margin features two symmetrical angels, rendered in a somewhat imprecise drawing, who kneel on the ground painted in the shades of green and brown. The physiognomy of the angels is similar to that of St Augustine. Their round heads have small eyes and noses, shaded circles under the eyes and arched eyebrows. The mouths are depicted as thin lines with pronounced ends and are further accentuated by a dot beneath the lower lip. The plasticity of their faces was achieved through the tonal gradation of pink and white. The angels’ hair, ochre in colour and highlighted with gold dust, is thick and short and covers the tops of their heads like a helmet. The outspread wings were painted in dark and light shades of blue. Two wide red scrolls with white highlights emerge symmetrically from behind the angels at their waist height. Wavy tendrils and gold stylized teasel flowers extend from the red scroll. The angels hold a laurel wreath between them. The colour of the circular field inside the wreath is cyclamen purple. The wreath is formed by three rows of leaves which are bound by four regularly spaced ties. The leaves’ edges and tips were painted in light and dark shades of green. Inside the wreath is a Renaissance crest surrounded by thin white wiggly tendrils with sprouting leaves. The shield, in the shape of a horse’s head, is divided horizontally into the dark blue upper half and the red lower half. It features a gold lion with his mouth wide open who is facing right and holding a tree with his front paws. The tree’s pyramidal top is decorated with small dots indicating leaves and fruit. The shield’s right half is outlined in white and the left one in black. The second text column on the first page of Book 1 is decorated with the painted initial letter G. It consists of phytomorphic motifs in blue, red, yellow and cyclamen purple and their shades. Two small leaves are attached to the initial on its left-hand side. As is the case with the crest, the initial was additionally decorated with elegant white tendrils sprouting leaves and highlighted with gold dust. The background is also gold while the rectangular field around the initial is outlined in a thin black line. Two wavy tendrils and two gold stylized teasel flowers emerge from the corners of the frame on the left-hand side while a green leaf appears at the centre. Apart from these illuminations and initials on fol. 17, the incunable contains other initials, one for the beginning of each of the remaining twenty one book, and all of them consist of blue, green and cyclamen pink phytomorphic motifs painted against a gold background inside a black rectangular frame. The plasticity of these initials was achieved through tonal gradation and the use of yellow while thin white undulating tendrils with variations in width and highlights in gold dust enriched the decoration. Some sentences in the text were emphasized by numerous initials in red or blue of the littera notabilior type the height of which corresponds to two lines of the text. The illuminations of this incunable edition of the De Civitate Dei belong to north Italian or Venetian Renaissance painting and they demonstrate numerous significant similarities with the works of the well-known Venetian miniaturist whom the scholarly literature identified as Maestro del Plinio di Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (Maestro del Plinio di Pico or, more commonly, Maestro di Pico). The attribution of the illuminations in this incunable to Maestro di Pico, who may have been helped by his workshop and assistants especially during the painting of the decorative frame and initials, is based on the figure of St Augustine and the angels who support the crest. Their features display the same typology which characterizes the works of Maestro di Pico. Identical angels appear in the bottom margin of Brunetto Latini’s Il Tesoro (Gerardus de Lisa, Treviso, 1474; Cambridge, Mass., Harvard, Houghton Library, Inc. 6459, c. 7). The figure of St Augustine shows pronounced similarities with the figure of a Dominican monk, set inside the initial O of the littera historiata type, in Nicolaus de Auximo’s Supplementum (Franciscus Renner et Nicolaus de Frankofordia, Venice, 1474; Biblioteca Marciana, Inc. Ven. 494, c.2). Identical angels and putti can be found in the bottom margins of Strabo’s Geographica (Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesotta Library, Ms. 1460/f St., c.1), and in two copies of Pliny’s Historia Naturalis (Venice, N. Jenson, 1472, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Vèlins 498 and Venice, N. Jenson, 1472, San Marino, CA, Huntington Library, n. 2289). A beautiful comparative example is the Biblia Latina (Franciscus Renner & Nicolaus de Frankfordia, 1475, Dallas, Texas, Southern Methodist University, Bridwell Library) and its first page which has a similar composition to that in the incunable from Kraj. The figure of St Jerome, depicted inside a littera historiata provides a plethora of specific Morellian details which are essential for the attribution of the illuminations in the incunable from Kraj to Maestro di Pico. Striking similarities in the depictions of saints, phytomorphic initials and decorative frames can also be found in two psalters (one in Venice, Biblioteca Querini Stampaglia, Inc. 6, the other in Siena, Biblioteca S. Bernardino del Convento dell’Osservanza) and in the first page of the Psalms in a breviary from Paris (Bibliothèque Ste-Geneviève, OE XV 147 Rés). Similar saints and angels all of which belong to the same figural typology were used to decorate three copies from the Commissioni series made for Doge Agostino Barbarigo (Commissione del doge Agostino Barbarigo a Girolamo Capello, 1487, Venice, Bib. Del Museo Correr, MS Cl. III. 33 (fig. 15); Commissione del doge Agostino Barbarigo a Paolo di Canale, 1489, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Lat. 4729, c.2, and Commissione del doge Agostino Barbarigo a Tommaso Loredano, 1490, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Lat. 4730, c.1). Further parallels can be found in the illuminations of a breviary from Augsburg (c. 1480, Universitätsbibl., Cod. I.2.2o 35) the first page of which has a lettera istoriata with the figure of St Paul whose physiognomy closely resembles that of St Augustine in the incunabule from Kraj, while the bottom margin features centrally placed angels which are identical to those at Kraj. Equally important comparative material is found in three Paduan incunables (Biblioteca del Seminario Vescovile) which contain illuminations attributed to Maestro di Pico. The distinctive features of the angels, putti and saints as well as the type of decoration used in the margins of these incunables also demonstrate striking similarities with the illuminations from Kraj. Other examples include Lattanzi’s Opera (Giovanni da Colonia and Johannes Manthen, Venice, 1478; Forc. M. 3.2), Jacopo da Varagine’s Legenda aurea (Gabriele di Pietro, Venice, 1477, with a likely contribution of his workshop; Forc. M. 2.22) and Cipriano’s Opera (Vindelino da Spira, Venice, 1471; Forc. K. 2.12). On the basis of the comparative analyses outlined above and the similarities which have been noted, it can be concluded that the illuminations in the incunable of St Augustine’s De Civitate Dei (Nicolas Jenson, Venice, 1475), housed in the Monastery of St Domnius at Kraj, were painted by the well-known Venetian Renaissance miniaturist Maestro di Pico. Regardless of the possible input of his workshop and assistants during the painting process of the decorative frame and initials, these illuminations help expand the catalogue of Maestro di Pico’s works and represent valuable contribution to the painting in Renaissance Dalmatia.

The Elephant and the Journey is about what and how people see in the land and how this is expressed through art forms. The dissertation consists of three main parts. The first in the introduction explains the use of the narrative figuration form in Thai temple mural painting in my practice, and how I used it to apply to the contemporary context in Australia. The second concerns three main groups of work including Australian landscape paintings in the nineteenth century, aboriginal art works and Thai mural painting, which apply to the topic of landscape. The second part in Chapters I and II, examine how significant the perspective view in the landscape was for artists during the colonial period in Australia. At the same time I consult the practice in Aboriginal art which also concerns land, and how people communicate through the subject and how both practices apply to Thai art, with which I am dealing. Chapter III looks at works of individual artists in contemporary Australia including Tim Johnson, Judy Watson, Kathleen Petyarre Emily Kngwerreye, and then finishes with my studio work during 2004-2005. The third part, the conclusion refers to the notions of cultural geography as suggested by Mike Crang, Edward Relph and Christopher Tilley, which analyse how people relate to a location through their own experience. I describe how I used a Thai narrative verse written by my father to communicate my work to the Australian society in which I now live.

Master of Visual Arts
The Elephant and the Journey is about what and how people see in the land and how this is expressed through art forms. The dissertation consists of three main parts. The first in the introduction explains the use of the narrative figuration form in Thai temple mural painting in my practice, and how I used it to apply to the contemporary context in Australia. The second concerns three main groups of work including Australian landscape paintings in the nineteenth century, aboriginal art works and Thai mural painting, which apply to the topic of landscape. The second part in Chapters I and II, examine how significant the perspective view in the landscape was for artists during the colonial period in Australia. At the same time I consult the practice in Aboriginal art which also concerns land, and how people communicate through the subject and how both practices apply to Thai art, with which I am dealing. Chapter III looks at works of individual artists in contemporary Australia including Tim Johnson, Judy Watson, Kathleen Petyarre Emily Kngwerreye, and then finishes with my studio work during 2004-2005. The third part, the conclusion refers to the notions of cultural geography as suggested by Mike Crang, Edward Relph and Christopher Tilley, which analyse how people relate to a location through their own experience. I describe how I used a Thai narrative verse written by my father to communicate my work to the Australian society in which I now live.

Wall paintings survive in many houses dating from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries yet, apart from recording the phenomenon, there has been very little written about them. This research explores how common wall paintings were, what sort of houses had them, when they were painted and most importantly, what was their significance in terms of what they can reveal about the lives of the people who chose to decorate their homes in this manner. Research has concentrated on the Welsh Marches although examples from elsewhere have been referred to. The research hypotheses are:

• 1. Wall paintings were much more widespread than existing records suggest and were probably universal where there was money to spend on embellishing a house.
• 2. Following on from this, wall paintings would have been found in houses throughout the social scale, apart from the humblest dwellings.
• 3. The paintings were executed by itinerant painters who used pattern books as a source of design.
• 4. This form of decoration was most commonly found in the period 1550-1625, with few paintings prior to this date and a rapid decline in numbers after this period.
• 5. In some cases there is a connection between the content of the painting and the function of the room.

The fifth hypothesis was widened during the course of the research to examine the significance of wall paintings generally. In trying to find out what wall paintings signified to the owners of houses, this research has attempted to look at all the facets of their life and environment which may have a bearing on this. This includes an understanding of the buildings themselves, exploring who the people were who might have lived in them and placing these people in their social and cultural contexts. Always the emphasis has been on the small and local rather than on the bigger picture. as this is what touched people at the vernacular level most closely. In order to do this, the research has adopted a wide-ranging and multidisciplinary approach which cuts across traditional fields of knowledge. Therefore, the study combines library and documentary-based evidence with extensive fieldwork, in order to investigate diverse kinds of evidence. This includes research on the wall paintings themselves, the buildings in which they were found and the social, religious and cultural circumstances in which they were created. The research synthesises a wide range of methods for gathering and interpreting data: study and analysis of contemporary literature and documents, the study of a wide range of published and unpublished research, and a substantial fieldwork survey. First the context in which wall paintings were created is explored, in terms of physical environment, cultural and social characteristics of the period, and the church. Then the key findings arising from the fieldwork are discussed, looking at the sorts of houses that have wall paintings, the people who lived in them, and in detail at the characteristics of the paintings found. 233 wall paintings were recorded in 188 buildings. The hypotheses about universality and status are explored by investigating the vernacular qualities of wall painting in terms of materials and techniques required, who was doing the paintings, and their cost. Through the identification of a range of iconography, and the classification of paintings, possible sources for wall painting designs are explored. Finally the key issue of the significance of painted decoration at the vernacular level is discussed drawing on the various strands of the research in order to understand why particular forms of decoration might have been chosen, and what social and cultural meanings they may have had. The findings of the research indicate that wall paintings were very widespread. They were found throughout the area of study in houses of all but the very poor. Whilst the majority of paintings surveyed were in houses of the gentry or better-off members of society it is argued that this reflects the differential rate of survival of vernacular buildings. A technical analysis of wall paintings and an assessment of their total cost reveals the vernacular qualities of the wall paintings. This also suggests that wall paintings were only ever intended as short term decoration as some of the pigments used were very fugitive. Further evidence for this has been found in the practice of overpainting one scheme with another within a short period, which was revealed through microscopic analysis of paint samples. The contemporary aesthetic included striking yet crude designs which were capable of being executed by local craftsmen. These findings indicate that wall paintings could have been extensive lower down the social scale. Whilst painted decoration throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was examined, it is submitted that the majority of paintings were executed during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries - a period of considerable change during the transition from a medieval to an early modern society. The paintings dating from this period have a character quite distinct from the limited number found earlier and later than this period. The significance of wall paintings is closely bound up with issues of status. This period of transition was characterised by outward expressions of status by means of display in a variety of forms. It is argued in this research that wall paintings were an element of such display. Iconography included decorative as well as figure subjects and it is this that holds the key to the significance of the paintings. The higher status houses had the more complex figurative and ornamental schemes whilst, for the most part, the humbler houses had simpler ornamental schemes. Also the simpler, decorative schemes seem to have been more common in halls whilst more sophisticated paintings appear to have been in the more private rooms of the house. The iconography and the context of the wall paintings can provide an important insight into some of the more intangible and elusive aspects of vernacular life. Social and cultural values of the period are particularly difficult to access as surviving indicators of these are limited. Literary sources have limited value in a society which expressed itself in a predominantly non-literate fashion. Vernacular buildings can provide a major source of information and this research argues that wall paintings were a key element in vernacular buildings at a specific time during the transition from a medieval to an early modern society and are, therefore, a crucial record of changing social and cultural values.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Classics, 1989?
Vol. 2. consists of 64 leaves of mounted photographs. Plate 1 is Plan of I 11, 6-7, by Barry Rowney of Dept. of Architecture, University of Adelaide. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-291).

Thesis (BTech (Surface Design))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2010
The purpose of this research is to investigate whether street artists make statements about current socia-political affairs as a form of popular protest and whether those statements can be reflected in another design discipline. such as jewellery design. while reflecting upon the work of Faith47. a South African social commentator. Cultural studies has been referenced as a theoretical framework in relation to cultural sup-groups and. a historic context is provided in order to better understand the significance of social commentary in graffiti, a form of street art produced by social sub-qroup, and made during a period known as Apartheid and currently. in Post-Apartheid South Africa. A range of jewellery then emerged from the research. dealing with the aspects of social-political commentary. as an interpretation of a form of protest art and applied to wearable jewellery. The products incorporate word and images that are provocative and invite the viewer to question and reflect upon what in my view was a contentions and significant period in the history of South Africa.

The purpose of this creative project was to research, build, and replicate portions of the history of the town of Bradford, Ohio in order to create a permanent community monument. Glazed tiles were mounted together to form an artpiece four feet by sixteen feet, preserved for future generations to appreciate and enjoy.Upon completion of research on the community, drawings of area business establishmentswere diligently developed for the clay bas relief tiles, which were sculptured by the artist and his Art I-IV students. Individual clay tiles, composed of terra-cotta stoneware, were bisque fired, underglazed, and refired. To mount the tiles, concrete was applied to sections of plywood (which had been covered with chicken wire). The stoneware tiles were then organized, arranged, and embedded in concrete to create a mosaic mural.The process of the mural forged an unmistakable bond between teacher, students, school, and community. The completed mosaic mural was framed and permanently mounted on location at the Bradford Public Library, 138 E. Main Street, Bradford, Ohio, involving the remodelling of the facility to accommodate the sculpture's size.
Department of Art

An outline of the history of mural and icon-painting in Novgorod demonstrates that the pictorial references in icons to church constructions, interiors, and their mural decorations had a long-standing tradition in Novgorod. Over time, these references became more and more explicit, so that they identified the Christian Church recognizably and exclusively with Byzantine Orthodoxy. The first half of the chapter analyses church decoration and the second icon-painting of Novgorod, thus seeking to explore the direct iconographic roots of the Wisdom icon. The chapter discusses the meaning of the prepared throne (Hetoimasia) in the Novgorod Sophia image, its light symbolism, and the development of anti-Latin ecclesiological iconographies in Novgorod.