Literatura académica sobre el tema "Friedrich Hayek"

W eseju pt. „Why I am not a Conservative”, Friedrich August von Hayek – w celu okazania, że nie jest on konserwatystą, jak sugerują niektórzy komentatorzy jego myśli – ujawnia różnice między konserwatyzmem a nurtem przez siebie reprezentowanym (liberalizmem klasycznym). Artykuł koncentruje się na analizie argumentów Hayeka – obok istotowej dla konserwatyzmu niechęci do zmian zamiast proponowania własnych propozycji teoretycznych, które czynią z konserwatystów słabych obrońców wolności, omawiane są między innymi konserwatywny nacisk na autorytet, stosunek do demokracji, inkorporacja etyki i religii do polityki i wprowadzanie mistycyzmu do rozważań o społeczeństwie. Trafność zarzutów jest poddana ocenie poprzez konfrontację tez Hayeka z poglądami zaczerpniętymi z prac wybranych myślicieli konserwatywnych. Analizy doporowadzają do wniosku, że jego wolnościowe podejście w wielu aspektach kontrastuje z zachowawczością konserwatyzmu. Hayek trafnie uchwytując logikę myślenia konserwatywnego i wolnościowego dostarcza narzędzi klasyfikacji różnych koncepcji i poglądów w obrębie tych dwóch prądów myślowych.

RÉSUMÉ Une analyse minutieuse du dernier ouvrage de Hayek publié quatre ans avant sa mort, soit en 1988 (La Présomption fatale), permet de mettre au Jour les tenants et aboutissants de la perspective évolutionnaire épousée par Hayek en matière d'économie politique. Examinant d'abord le concept d'ordre spontané, exposant ensuite le fonctionnement de Véconomie marchande comme système en expansion continue, je montre alors comment s'articulent pour Hayek compétence économique et compétence épistémique d'un côté, puis coordination économique et compétence morale de l'autre. L'analyse fait apercevoir que, fondamentalement, l'optique de Hayek est évolutionnaire parce qu 'elle est résolument populationnelle, ce que les commentateurs de Hayek ont plutôt ignoré jusqu'ici, ce qui fournit l'occasion de passer en revue les critiques adressées par Hayek au principe de population de Malthus (1798).

The application of evolutionary ideas to socioeconomic systems has been an increasingly prominent theme in the work of Friedrich Hayek, and the motif has become dominant in his recent book (Hayek, 1988). In an earlier issue of this journal, Viktor Vanberg (1986) raises two substantive criticisms of Friedrich Hayek' theory of cultural evolution that invoke some important questions concerning use of the evolutionary analogy in social science.

This thesis examines how Friedrich Hayek’s concern with free market action led him to adopt a neo-roman concept of liberty and it traces how this development informed his view of the relationship between government, democracy and the economy. For Hayek, liberalism that made freedom in economic life its core concern was the ‘true’ liberalism, and he distinguished this from a ‘false’ liberalism that advocated government action as a means of enabling ‘self-development’. Influenced by Carl Schmitt, Hayek viewed the democratic process as encouraging false liberalism. Recognising the contested nature of liberalism, over the course of the 1940s and ‘50s he set out to decontest it: to win acceptance of his definition of the tradition. He sought to demonstrate the legitimacy of his true liberalism with reference to intellectual history and the work of Whig authors. It was in their work that Hayek came into contact with the neo-roman concept of liberty. Theirs however was a partial interpretation of Roman liberty. The generally privileged status of the Whig authors, combined with a genuine fear of government, resulted in a focus on the danger of public power, or imperium, to the exclusion of private power, or dominium. This complemented Hayek’s own opposition to government economic activity. This thesis contends that arriving at a concept of liberty was the pivotal point in Hayek’s intellectual career. From then on his work ceased to be defensive. Instead, despondent at the growing appeal of social justice in the 1960s and alarmed at union influence and inflation in the ‘70s, he actively promoted an alternative free market vision. This culminated in his intellectual emergency equipment: the ‘denationalisation of money’ and ‘a model constitution’. Informed by his partial version of the neo-roman concept, he advocated a weak state and a curtailment of democratic power. Despite his strong focus on imperium there are points in Hayek’s thought at which he recognises that private power can also pose a threat to free market action. This thesis concludes with the suggestion that integrating a more comprehensive version of the neo-roman concept of liberty into Hayek’s thought results in a very different vision of the appropriate relationship between government, democracy and the economy to the one he developed.

Hayek est considere a tort comme le theoricien qui a le plus developpe la theorie autrichienne du cycle. Sa theorie n'est pas en definitive une theorie du cycle mais bien une theorie de l'anti-cycle. Dans le domaine de l'analyse cyclique, la reflexion d'hayek s'eloigne du courant autrichien traditionnel. Son inspiration est plus macro economique que marquee par l'individualisme methodologique. Son analyse du cycle s'oppose a celle de mises. Sur la cause du demarrage du cycle, autant mises insiste sur la nature exogene de la perturbation monetaire autant hayek ne concoit qu'une perturbation monetaire endogene. Hayek attribue le point de retournement a l'effet ricardo que mises classe parmi les articles courant de la theorie economique populaire. Hayek remet en cause des la fin des annees trente les elements de son analyse du cycle. Par la suite, ses analyses sur la concurrence, la politique monetaire et les politiques keynesiennes dessinent une theorie de l'anti-cycle en opposition avec sa theorie du cycle. Il conteste les agregations sur lesquels reposent les politiques macro-economiques comme fallacieuses. Seul le systeme des prix permet un calcul economique fonde; c'est le vehicule a moindre frais de l'information necessaire aux entrepreneurs. La politique monetaire en perturbant le systeme des prix est source de desequilibre. En proposant une concurrence des monnaies, il supprime les eventuelles perturbations monetaires exogenes et endogenes. L'entrepreneur est source lui aussi de stabilite. Sa recherche de profit conduit l'economie vers une situation d'equilibre. Tous les elements conceptuels contredisent la conception initiale du cycle qu'hayek avait mis en avant et proposent une theorie de l'anti- - cycle<br>Hayek is seen as an austrian theorist who has put forward the business cycle theory. Finally, his theory is not a business cycle theory but an anti-cycle theory. In the field of business cycle theory, hayek desagrees with traditionnal austrian thinkers such as mises. His theory is macroeconomics-oriented. He believes that the boom is fed with monetary endogenous disturbances. Mises on the contrary thinks that central banks are guilty in creating business cycles: the orign of the boom is not endogenous but exogenous. The upper turning point of the cycle for hayek is due to the ricardo effect. Mises believes that the ricardo effect is not relevant in economics. At the end of the thirties, hayek seems not to believe any more in his own business cycle theory. On competition, monetary policy and fiscal policy, hayek develops an anti-cycle theory. He has no confidence in aggregates and does not thinks we can rely on them to determine a fiscal policy. To eliminate monetary disturbances, hayek is in favor of competiting currencies. The effect of such competiting among private currencies is the elimination of endogenous and exogenous monetary disturbances. The entrepreneur brings about the same element of stability in the economic system. These elements are completly different from his business cycle theory and belong to his anti-cycle theory

Orientador: David Dequech Filho<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T05:30:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Angeli_Eduardo_M.pdf: 1084758 bytes, checksum: 22a2b15b72cdab38dfc4c0402e18ca0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007<br>Resumo: O objetivo da dissertação é contribuir ao estudo do pensamento econômico e social de Friedrich August von Hayek, focalizando em aspectos institucionais. Parte-se de taxonomia proposta por David Dequech, buscando-se estabelecer com quais tipos de incerteza Hayek lidava e a causa pela qual ele afirmava que a realidade é complexa. A partir desta plataforma é esclarecido o que Hayek entendia por instituição, regra, cultura e outros termos correlatos e, então, de que forma ele pensava que as instituições atuam sobre o comportamento econômico individual. Por fim, vemos o que significam o ¿racionalismo crítico¿ hayekiano e a teoria evolucionária de mudança institucional, pilares da filosofia política liberal de Hayek, em oposição ao que ele chamava de ¿racionalismo construtivista¿ e ¿Darwinismo Social¿<br>Abstract: The dissertation aims to contribute to the study of the economic and social thought of Friedrich August von Hayek, focusing on institutional aspects. It starts with a taxonomy of varieties of uncertainty proposed by David Dequech, trying to identify those with which Hayek dealt and why he stated that reality is complex. Based on this, the dissertation examines what Hayek understood by terms such as institutions, rules, culture and the like, and how he thought that institutions act upon individual economic behavior. Finally, it studies the meaning of Hayek¿s ¿critical rationalism¿ and his evolutionary theory of institutional change, foundations of Hayek¿s liberal political philosophy, in opposition to what he called ¿constructivist rationalism¿ and ¿Social Darwinism¿<br>Mestrado<br>Teoria Economica<br>Mestre em Ciências Econômicas

La anomia y la decadencia de las ideologías están en la agenda de la discusión pública desde el derrumbe de la URSS, el término de la guerra fría, la caída del Muro de Berlin, y la nueva fase de la internacionalización de la producción y el comercio conocida como globalización. En dicho contexto surge un nuevo referente: el programa de despolitización de las decisiones públicas basada en una sostenida creencia en la capacidad de la ciencia y la técnica – con énfasis en la tecnología de la información – para encontrar puntos de encuentro – dando por sentado que existen – donde antes las posiciones ideológicas producían desencuentros. Es la posición de la tecnocracia, de los ejecutivos del sector público y privado cuyo rol asciende a nuevos niveles donde las decisiones llegan a una complejidad tal que dejan en segundo plano tanto al burócrata como al gerente. Así el disenso que antes se consideraba inherente a los regímenes democráticos, se atribuye a la ignorancia de las teorías que explican el funcionamiento social, y el consenso sería una fase terminal del avance de la ciencia con su aplicación progresiva a las políticas públicas. (son las visiones de D. Bell, Lipset, Van Dijk, Horkheimer, Habermas, Fukuyama).

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Florianópolis, 2016.<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-27T04:01:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 339008.pdf: 1795000 bytes, checksum: 93728ffa4734c25f84279a743c150d60 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016<br>Nas últimas décadas, houve uma guinada no sentimento social quanto ao consumo de cigarro em todo o mundo. Ao contrário de um passado próximo, em que o produto se associava ao glamour e à liberdade, no momento atual o fumo vincula-se à morte e à servidão. As evidências apontam para três circunstâncias como decisivas para o recrudescimento das políticas proibicionistas no âmbito do tabaco neste período: o nexo de causalidade entre cigarro e doenças, a ascensão do Estado interventor (Welfare State) e a intuição majoritária quanto ao conceito de democracia como vontade da maioria. Em 2014, no Brasil, novas regras ampliaram ainda mais as proibições aos locais de fumo com a redefinição do conceito de recintos coletivos, porquanto, desde 2011, os fumódromos encontram-se proibidos no país. A despeito da frequente alegação dos proibicionistas de que as leis promulgadas pretendem apenas proteger os fumantes passivos, as intervenções mais atuais em grandes centros urbanos, a exemplo da vedação ao cigarro em ambientes abertos em Nova York, parecem apontar para o caráter meramente moralizante das legislações. Diante deste quadro fático, o presente estudo se propôs a uma tentativa de oferecer fundamentos jurídicos para a proteção da esfera privada de interesses dos fumantes e também dos proprietários de estabelecimentos comerciais, em relação às intervenções estatais aos locais de consumo de cigarro. Não se pretendeu questionar a legitimidade, ou a veracidade, dos argumentos apresentados nos trabalhos científicos que relacionam certas enfermidades ao consumo de cigarros, uma vez que o nexo de causalidade entre cigarros e doenças foi compreendido como pressuposto dado. O intento da pesquisa foi circunscrever a questão do tabaco ao âmbito médico e desdobrá-la apenas excepcionalmente ao campo das discussões políticas. A importância do marco teórico escolhido, Friedrich von Hayek, vai ao encontro desta pretensão, uma vez que o autor enfatiza a importância da liberdade individual como princípio para a ação política. O fundamento em referência, para Hayek, é absolutamente neutro em termos de fins, uma vez que os indivíduos devem ser livres para perseguirem os mais diversos propósitos, desde que suas atividades encontrem respaldo na acepção muito peculiar que suas obras conferem ao conceito de Direito. Exsurgiu daí, portanto, a necessidade de exame quanto a eventuais danos à liberdade dos não fumantes nos locais de consumo. Conquanto o modelo de Constituição liberal oferecido por Hayek tenha norteado as investigações, a discussão do tema, na doutrina brasileira, sucede na disciplina de teoria constitucional pelo viés dos direitos fundamentais. Com efeito, esta não foi a perspectiva de análise do presente estudo, que partiu da compreensão hayekiana de constitucionalismo como limitação de poderes governamentais, ao contrário de um possível enfoque que concebe a Constituição como fundamento da ordem jurídica (soberania da Carta Política). A pesquisa se propôs a uma crítica externa do texto constitucional brasileiro, em uma tentativa de conciliação apenas remota com os pressupostos internos do sistema constitucional pátrio. Nesse prisma, a conclusão foi pela existência de um direito de fumar no Brasil e pela constatação quanto à incompatibilidade das legislações que vedaram o cigarro em ambientes coletivos privados fechados, em relação ao princípio da liberdade (artigo 5o, § 2o, da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 CRFB/88). Além disso, as recentes proibições também violaram o direito de propriedade (artigo 5o, inciso XXII da CFRB/88) e a livre iniciativa (artigo 170 da CFRB/88), uma vez que pertence à esfera privada dos proprietários a liberdade de receber em seus estabelecimentos apenas fumantes ou apenas não fumantes. Somente os ambientes mistos demandariam os fumódromos, pela defesa que se fez neste estudo. Também houve flagrante violação ao princípio da igualdade (artigo 5o, caput, e § 2o da CFRB/88), porquanto a lei trata de modo desigual indivíduos iguais. No que diz respeito aos ambientes coletivos abertos, o remate foi pela impossibilidade de promulgação de legislações restritivas no Brasil. Isso porque, a abordagem hayekiana do princípio da liberdade individual estabelece que as atividades privadas praticadas por adultos responsáveis, sem qualquer potencial nocivo à liberdade de terceiros, não podem sofrer interferências coercitivas. Para o autor, uma das características mais significativas que distinguem as sociedades livres das não livres é a preservação das esferas privadas desimpedidas de constrangimento diante da observância voluntária de normas pela maioria dos indivíduos. A experiência recente nos regimes totalitários, consoante Hayek, serve como alerta no sentido de se evitar a identificação da causa dos valores morais com a causa do Estado, a exemplo de saúde e da saúde pública.<br><br>Abstract : Over the past few decades, there has been a worldwide change in societal attitude towards tobacco consumption. Whereas in the near past cigarettes were associated with glamour and freedom, in present times smoking is linked to death and slavery. Evidence points to three decisive contributing circumstances for the upsurge of tobacco-related prohibitionist policies in this time span: the causal link between tobacco and diseases, the rise of the welfare state and the widespread understanding of the concept of democracy as the will of the majority. In 2014, in Brazil, new rules further increased the prohibition of public tobacco use based on the redefinition of the concept of collective facilities, as since 2011 designated smoking areas are banned in the country. Despite the frequent claim by prohibitionists that the enacted laws are meant only to protect secondhand smokers, more recent interventions in large urban centers, such as the prohibition of cigarettes in open spaces in New York, seem to point to a merely moralizing aspect to legislation. Given the current picture, the present study proposes an attempt to provide a juridical basis for the protection of the private sphere of interest both of tobacco users and of owners of commercial establishments against state intervention regarding legitimate environments for tobacco consumption. No attempt has been made to question the truthfulness or legitimacy of the arguments presented in scientific studies linking tobacco use to certain maladies, since the causal link between tobacco and diseases has been taken for granted. Research performed in the field has usually limited the issue of tobacco consumption to the medical field, delving only exceptionally into its political aspects. The choice of Friedrich von Hayek as a theoretical frame of reference is crucial to oppose that pretension, since the author emphasizes the importance of individual liberty as a principle of political action. According to Hayek, said principle is completely neutral in terms of ends, since individuals must be free to pursue a wide diversity of interests, as long as their activities find support in the very peculiar conception of Law that can be found in his works. The need thus arises to analyze possible infringements on the liberty of nonsmokers in places of public tobacco consumption. Although Hayek s model of a liberal Constitution served as a basis for the investigation, public debate of the subject in Brazilian tradition takes place within the framework of a constitutional theory based on natural rights. Indeed, that has not been the perspective taken by the current study, which is grounded in the hayekian understanding of constitutionalism as a delimitation of government powers, instead of the alternate view of the Constitution as the cornerstone of juridical order (as a sovereign political charter). The current study aimed at an external critique of the Brazilian constitutional text, attempting only a weak conciliation with the internal premises of the national constitutional system. This paper concludes that there is indeed a right to tobacco consumption in Brazil and deems the legislation that prohibits tobacco use in private enclosed collective facilities as incompatible with the principle of liberty (article 5th, § 2nd of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988 - CRFB/88). Furthermore, the recent prohibitions also violate the right to property (article 5th, XXII of CFRB/88) and to free enterprise (article 170 of CFRB/88), since property owners are entitled in their own private sphere to admit into their establishments exclusively smokers as well as exclusively non-smokers. Based on the argument here presented, only mixed facilities would demand designated smoking areas. There has also been a blatant violation of the principle of equality (article 5th, caput and § 2nd of CFRB/88), since the law is treating equal individuals differently. As for open collective facilities, the conclusion was for the impossibility of the enactment of restrictive legislation in Brazil. The reason for that is that the hayekian approach to the principle of individual liberty establishes that private activities undertaken by responsible adults, without any potential harm to the liberty of third parties, may not suffer coercive interference. From Hayek s point of view, one of the most significant features that distinguish free from nonfree societies is the preservation of private spheres free from constraint based on the willing adherence to social norms by a majority of individuals. The recent experiences of totalitarian regimes, according to Hayek, serve as a warning against the identification of the cause of moral values with the cause of the State, as is the case with the ideal of health and public health.

Texte remanié de: Tesis doct.--Derecho--Universidad de Navarra. Titre de soutenance : El liberalismo de F. A. Hayek. Una teoría de la justicia, la moral y el derecho, 1992.<br>Bibliogr. p. 281-289. Notes bibliogr.

The Nobel Prize-winning economist Friedrich Hayek is recognized as one of the most important advocates of liberty in the 20th century. The work that earned him this distinction was The Road to Serfdom, published in 1944 and dedicated “To the socialists of all parties.” The central thesis of the book is the incompatibility of central economic planning and a society of free individuals. This article reviews the origins and some of the key arguments of this seminal work in economic thought.