Literatura académica sobre el tema "God Gods, Egyptian"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "God Gods, Egyptian"
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قنديل, هدى عبد الله. "دور الكلمة في الفكر الديني (The Role of Creative Words in Ancient Egyptian Religious Thought)". Abgadiyat 4, n.º 1 (2009): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-90000014.
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This paper presents an analytical study of the role of creative words in ancient Egyptian religious thought. Magic was considered to be a creative word. Also, the word of God was penetrative; because the world was created by seven words spoken consecutively by the creator, and every word spoken by the gods was considered to be penetrative. Puns were among the most preferable expressions by the gods, as any sentence or expression used by the god –concerning a given place or creature- gave it a name and, subsequently, a concrete reality; and this was one of the ways often used by the creator. A certain reality emerged from every oral conversation spoken by the gods, whoever they were. Similar to words, writing entailed a magical power. Knowing the power of the word, the god Djhwty is able to transfer anything into any image he wanted. Djhwty is not the real creator, but he works on the permanence of knowledge, as he was considered the gods' memory which records words and allows the creator himself to be aware of all the existence. While the creator knows about the future, Djhwty gained a non mistaken vision from this knowledge thanks to his records. The exchange of knowledge between him and the god of gods made him an intermediary between godly knowledge and the knowledge that he suggests and the one he takes. Djhwty is not only the deity that 'has the powerful insight' (sἰʒ), but also which 'knows everything' (rḫ), as he receives the former and transmits the latter. And he who records, saves and spreads the knowledge between gods and humans. Finally, writing is considered to be the medium for such transmission, i.e. a means of transmitting the knowledge (rḫ). (Please note that this article is in Arabic)
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Clark, Dennis. "Iamblichus' Egyptian Neoplatonic Theology in De Mysteriis". International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 2, n.º 2 (2008): 164–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254708x282358.
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AbstractIn De Mysteriis VIII Iamblichus gives two orderings of first principles, one in purely Neoplatonic terms drawn from his own philosophical system, and the other in the form of several Egyptian gods, glossed with Neoplatonic language again taken from his own system. The first ordering or taxis includes the Simple One and the One Existent, two of the elements of Iamblichus' realm of the One. The second taxis includes the Egyptian (H)eikton, which has now been identified with the god of magic, Heka, glossed as the One Existent. The Egyptian god Kmeph is also a member of this taxis, and is the Egyptian Kematef, a god of creation associated with the solar Amun-Re. Iamblichus refers to this god also as the Hegemon of the celestial gods, which should be equated to Helios, specifically the noeric Helios as described by Julian in his Hymn to Helios. Iamblichus describes Kmeph as an “intellect knowing himself”, and so the noeric Kmeph/Helios should also be seen as the Paternal Demiurgic Zeus, explicitly described also by Proclus as an intellect knowing himself. This notion of a self-thinking intellect may offer a solution to the problematic formulation by Proclus in his Timaeus commentary of Iamblichus' view of the Demiurgy encompassing all the noeric realm. The identification of Kmeph as the noeric Helios now also allows the first direct parallels to de Mysteriis to be found in extant Hermetica. In addition it can be inferred from the specific Neoplatonic terminology employed that the noetic Father of Demiurges, Kronos, appears, as well as the secondary Demiurgic triad of Zeus, Poseidon, and Pluto, in the forms of the Egyptian Amun, Ptah, and Osiris, thus raising the question that much of the theology documented only in Proclus might appear already to have been established by Iamblichus.
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Collins, Andrew. "THE DIVINITY OF THE PHARAOH IN GREEK SOURCES". Classical Quarterly 64, n.º 2 (20 de noviembre de 2014): 841–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881400007x.
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It has long been known that the Egyptian pharaoh was regarded as divine in Egyptian culture. He was the son of Re and the mediator between the gods and humankind. During the royal coronation, he was transformed into a manifestation of the god Horus. He could be referred to as antr(‘divine being’, ‘god’), and was regularly described in inscriptions as ‘the good god’ or ‘perfect god’ (ntr nfr). By the New Kingdom period, the king's divinity was believed to be imbued by his possession of a divine manifestation of the god Amun-Re called the ‘living royalka’, which came upon him at his coronation, and which was also renewed during the yearlyopetfestival held in the Luxor temple in Thebes. As late as the period of Persian domination over Egypt in the fifth centuryb.c., Egyptian temple texts continued to describe their foreign king Darius I as a divine being, owing to the ‘living royalka’. This hieroglyphic formula proclaiming the king's divinity continues for Alexander the Great and even in Ptolemaic temple reliefs.
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Termis Moreno, Olga. "Etnicidad y emulación: estudio y desarrollo de la iconografía de la divinidad greco-egipcia Serapis = Ethnicity and Emulation: Study and Development of the Iconography of the greco-Egyptian Divinity Serapis". Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, n.º 33 (1 de noviembre de 2020): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.33.2020.24164.
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El dios Serapis era una de las divinidades más importantes en la época de la conquista de Egipto por Alejandro Magno en 332 a.C. Este dios egipcio fue asociándose a distintos dioses griegos, helenizándose en un proceso de hibridación extendido a lo largo de la dinastía ptolemaica. Tal hibridación dio lugar a que la iconografía del dios evolucionase en función de sus características, que bien podían ser de origen egipcio o griego, y a su ámbito de influencia. La expansión del culto de este dios se debió principalmente a la promoción y al mecenazgo real, justificados por la necesidad de acercar de alguna forma a la población griega y egipcia. Tanto la iconografía como los templos indican que hubo una relación continua entre estas dos poblaciones. Un estudio en profundidad sobre este dios permitirá conocer mejor la naturaleza de estos contactos a lo largo de todo el periodo. Abastract The god Serapis was one of the most important divinities in the epoch of Alexander the Great’s conquest of Egypt, in 332 B.C. This Egyptian god became associated with different Greek gods, hellenizing itself in a process of hybridization extended along the Ptolemaic dynasty. Such hybridization resulted in an evolution of the god’s iconography according to its characteristics, whether Egyptian or Greek, and its scope of implementation. The expansion of the cult of this god was due mainly to royal promotion and patronage, justified by the need to somehow bring the Greek and Egyptian population closer. Both the iconography and the temples show that there was a continuous relationship between these two populations. An in-depth study of this god will allow to improve the knowledge of the nature of the contacts between these two populations throughout the entire period.
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Schiller, Vera. "A Szuda és az egyiptomi vallás". Belvedere Meridionale 32, n.º 1 (2020): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2020.1.8.
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The Souda encyclopaedia brought into being around 1000 A.D. is a product of Byzantine humanism. This epoch is proud of its knowledge of classical antiquity, it wants to harmonize it with its own knowledge, and not make it forgotten. It equally wants to look upon the notions of ancient Egyptian religion in a correct way, and give a correct idea of them. In the encyclopaedia three variants of forwarding the Egyptian substance of myths can be detected. The first consists in regarding gods as former monarchs. It enlists the gods under the names of the Greek gods identified with them, and considers them as early monarchs of Egypt. This does not cause any difficulty as also Egyptian tradition is convinced of its first monarchs being creative gods. This in itself is not a new discovery. Earlier World chronicles described the histories of ancient peoples in a similar way; moreover it is exactly the texts of the former that Souda includes in the encyclopaedia. – The second variant mentions Egyptian gods by their own names, and describes them as being of godly character. You cannot feel any aversion in the encyclopaedia, apart sometimes from the euhemistic view, according to which a god was, in reality, an ancient monarch in whose honour a temple was erected after his death. – The third group of knowledge must, however, be a product of the new way of thinking. The editors of Souda preserve the neo-Platonist philosophers of the 5th century by including Damascus’ work. These philosophers fi ght, by means of the saint synchretism, for the preservation of the ancient religion in Egypt. The considerate description of the philosophers defending pagan cults against Christianism allows the emotional atmosphere of the epoch to unfold. The editor/editors of the encyclopaedia does/do not want to keep secret or make disappear the substance of knowledge and the way of thinking of ancient epochs. They want to preserve them and to build them into the substance of present knowledge in a way similar to the one, by which they try to connect, with each other, the traditions of diff erent peoples.
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Kalimi, Isaac. "Love of God and Apologia for a King". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 17, n.º 1 (7 de julio de 2017): 28–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341285.
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The birth story of Solomon is unique in the ancient Israelite historiography from the monarchic period. Though the birth name of the newborn child was “Solomon,” he received an additional name “Yedidyah.” The purpose of this name should be understood within three contexts: the immediate passage in 2 Samuel 12; the wider story regarding Solomon’s rise to power in 1 King 1–2; and comparable ancient Near Eastern texts that recount the claims of usurpers outside the royal line to a throne. The latter attempted to legitimize their kingship by introducing themselves as beloved or chosen by patron deities, occasionally taking a new throne-name to reflect their status vis-à-vis the god or gods. This historical and literary phenomenon is clearly reflected from Mesopotamian, Anatolian, Persian, and Egyptian writings of different periods. The discussion here reveals that in ancient Israel and in the surrounding cultures, both Semitic and non-Semitic, the method of self-legitimation by usurpers was to claim that they had divine legitimization.
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van Oppen de Ruiter, Branko F. "Lovely Ugly Bes! Animalistic Aspects in Ancient Egyptian Popular Religion". Arts 9, n.º 2 (17 de abril de 2020): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9020051.
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The popular yet demonic guardian of ancient Egypt, Bes, combines dwarfish and leonine features, and embodies opposing traits such as a fierce and gentle demeanor, a hideous and comical appearance, serious and humorous roles, an animalistic and numinous nature. Drawing connections with similarly stunted figures, great and small cats, sacred cows, baboons, demonic monsters, universal gods and infant deities, this article will focus on the animalistic associations of the Bes figure to illustrate that this leonine dwarf encompassed a wider religious significance than apotropaic and regenerative functions alone. Bes was thought to come from afar but was always close; the leonine dwarf guarded the sun god Ra along the diurnal solar circuit; the figure protected pregnant women and newborn children; it was a dancer and musician; the figure belonged to the company of magical monsters of hybrid appearance as averter of evil and sword-wielding fighter. Exploring the human and animal, demonic and numinous aspects of this leonine dwarf will not only further our understanding of its nature and function, but also its significance and popularity.
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Shnider, Steven. "Psalm xviii: theophany, epiphany empowerment". Vetus Testamentum 56, n.º 3 (2006): 386–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853306778149593.
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AbstractThe theophany in Psalm xviii includes, together with the storm imagery, images of wings/flight and bows/arrows in a combination appearing nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible Hebrew (HB). On the other hand, in the iconography of the ancient Near East, these motifs are often part of a divine apparition, especially to a king in battle. One of the major examples is the winged disc, which in many cases contains the image of a god armed with a bow. We present a number of examples of the motifs of winged gods and bows from Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian sources, both iconographic and textual. In particular, the Neo-Assyrian parallels relate to the theme of the divine glory, kbd, Akk. melammu, and the divine empowerment of the king which assures his victory in battle. In the context of these examples, the theophany (vss. 8-18) and the battle scene (vss. 30, 33-43) can be understood as two perspectives on a single event involving God and the king. This approach leads us to suggest an emendation in the difficult verses, 35-36.
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Malykh, Svetlana E. y Olga A. Vasilyeva. "HARPOCRATES WITH ROYAL ATTRIBUTES AND HARPOCRATES-EROS: EGYPTIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES FROM THE COLLECTION OF THE PUSHKIN STATE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, MOSCOW". Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, n.º 4 (14) (2020): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-55-69.
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This article introduces five terracotta figurines acquired in Egypt by Vladimir S. Golenishchev and N. G. Ter-Mikaelyan and currently preserved at the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts. Three statuettes depict the child god Harpocrates with the attributes of royal power; two figurines demonstrate the identification of Harpocrates with the Greek god Eros. Most of the objects can be dated mainly to the Roman times, one is to be dated to the late Ptolemaic period. The places of finding or manufacturing of figurines are mostly unknown; however, according to a number of specific features, these could be towns of the Fayum Oasis, the Delta, and in one case — probably, Edfu. Terracotta figurines of Harpocrates with royal regalia are rare, especially in comparison with the wide-spread occurrence of terracottaе with Harpocrates holding a pot or cornucopia; all these data bring his functions as patron of fertility and defender of health to the fore. The presence of royal attributes seems to be a kind of secondary, partly decorative elements that only enhance the most popular aspects of terracotta images of Harpocrates. The type of figurines depicting Harpocrates sitting on a throne with the crown of the god Amun reproduces the iconography of small bronze sculpture. In other types of terracotta the royal attributes most frequently found are the double crown and — rarely — a nemes-headdress; the crown is usually surrounded by lotus buds, a favorite motive of Harpocrates’ iconography. The childish image of Harpocrates in the time of interaction between Eastern and Western cultures led to a natural synthesis of images of the child gods of Egyptian and Graeco-Roman worlds — Harpocrates and Eros. Apparently, such terracottaе, which had more Hellenistic than Egyptian features, were in demand by the population of different towns in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt.
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Decker, Wolfgang. "Some Aspects of Sport in Ritual and Religion in Ancient Egypt = Algunos aspectos del deporte en el ritual y en la religión en el antiguo Egipto". ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, n.º 15 (5 de noviembre de 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3839.
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Resumen: El ritual y la religión están conectados al deporte del Faraón. Durante el festival del jubileo, el rey que iba envejeciendo debía demostrar su aptitud en un ritual de carreta que también le daba nuevos poderes. En el Reino Nuevo, el Faraón es comparado con Montu, el dios de la guerra, cuando practica deporte, una calificación para asumir el título de gobernante. Inscrito en la estela de Amenofis II en la Esfinge, el texto egipcio más largo que describe el deporte, se menciona a los dioses Montu (en seis ocasiones), Amón (en cinco) y Atón (en tres), mientras que Astarté, Geb, Horus, Maat, Ra, Reshef y Seth sólo son mencionados una vez cada uno. Más aún, puede resultar sorprendente descubrir que el derecho a gobernar entre los dioses era disputado dos veces por medio de la competición deportiva, como es el caso en el relato mitológico titulado “El conflicto de Horus y Seth”.Abstract: Ritual and religion are connected to the sport of Pharaoh. During the jubilee festival, the ageing king had to demonstrate his fitness in a running ritual which also gave him new powers. In the New Kingdom, Pharaoh is compared with Month, the god of war, when practicing sport, a qualification for assuming the mantle of ruler. Enscribed on the Sphinx-stela of Amenophis II, the longest Egyptian text depicting sport, the gods Month (six times), Amun (five times) and Atum (three times) are mentioned, whereas Astarte, Geb, Horus, Maat, Ra, Reshef and Seth are only mentioned once each. Further, it may be surprising to discover that the right to rule among the gods was disputed twice by means of sporting competition, as is the case in the mythological story entitled “The Conflict of Horus and Seth”.Palabras clave: ritual, religión, deporte, Reino Nuevo, faraón, Egipto, dioses.Key words: ritual, religion, sport, New Kingdom, Pharaoh, Egypt, gods.
Tesis sobre el tema "God Gods, Egyptian"
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Zecchi, Marco. "A study of the Egyptian god Osiris Hemag /". Imola : Ed. La Mandragora, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376309861.
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Turner, Philip. "Seth : a misrepresented god in the Ancient Egyptian pantheon?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/seth--a-misrepresented-god-in-the-ancient-egyptian-pantheon(de829430-70ae-4df4-b874-f674d496b634).html.
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The conventional position of Seth in Ancient Egypt is as the villain amongst the gods. That is to say he is documented as the murderer of his brother, Osiris, and the enemy of Horus. However he does have a number of aspects and was venerated in certain guises and places, particularly the Delta. It is likely that the Osirian mythology represented the struggle between Upper and Lower Egypt at the time of the unification of Egypt in Predynastic and early Dynastic times. This is illustrated by the finding of a carved artefact from the Predynastic Amratian (Naqada I) period (4000-3500 B.C.E.) and the fact that Peribsen and Khasekhemwy had serekhs surmounted by a Seth animal. This confusion continues during the Old Kingdom where although Seth is mainly portrayed as the villain in the majority of the Pyramid Texts, at times he appears to be a friend of Osiris e.g.: in texts from Teti there is a statement that Seth is the arch-enemy of Osiris, as he was of Horus, and the defeat of Seth and his followers by Horus is described with great satisfaction; but, conversely in texts from Pepi: Seth and Thoth are called the brothers of Osiris who weep for him and in another place Seth is called upon to give life to Osiris. This surely illustrates the struggles that were continuing between Upper and Lower Egypt and when Upper Egypt was supplying the pharaohs, then Horus was triumphant and Seth portrayed in his villainous role, but when Lower Egypt held sway then Seth has a more prominent role. This thesis will examine Seth’s fluctuating role in these various periods of Ancient Egypt and seek to show that his rises and falls actually reflected the turbulent times that were a constant factor of life during these times and that, certainly in the Delta, and possibly in other parts of the country, his worship was always on-going. This will be achieved by:• Examining the ‘traditional’ positioning of Seth within the Osirian story.• Examining the worship of Seth in the Predynastic and early Dynastic time periods.• Examining the rise of Seth to prominence during the Hyksos Period.• Examining the position of Seth within the Ramesside era.• Examining the vilification he experienced during the Saite Period.• Examining the position of Seth during the Graeco-Roman Period.
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Ponelis, I. A. (Isabella Annanda). "Maät : die god wat in elkeen is". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53490.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The concept of Ma'at is crucial to Ancient Egyptian culture. In Ancient Egypt, Ma'at has two closely related manifestations: the cultural principle and the goddess. Ma'at as general cultural principle relates to the perfect order that was present at the moment when the cosmos came into being. This order eliminated chaos and created perfect balance in every aspect of the cosmos: nature, mankind, the gods, life and death. According to Ancient Egyptian literature, people ordered their lives in terms of the principle to do Ma 'at. This principle amounted to living honestly and justly. In this way, order was maintained and chaos prevented. In religion, which should be considered a subdomain of culture, Ma'at functions as an Ancient Egyptian goddess. As a goddess, Ma'at was considered a being in her own right, with a characteristic appearance, a history, and a cult which was performed by the pharaoh and the priests. Though the conception ofMa'at developed considerably in the long history of Ancient Egypt, the idea was present at the beginning of Egyptian civilization, as is attested by a great variety of inscriptions. The concept played a significant role in this culture from beginning to end. Ma'at was of particular importance to Ancient Egyptian royalty. Royal office included the realization of Ma'at and the consequent destruction ofIsfet. This function was performed by the pharaoh as chief of all cults - by daily sacrifice for Ma'at --, as well as in his role as ruler - by ensuring that public office was performed according to the principle ofMa'at. The Ancient Egyptians maintained that Ma'at functioned not only in life but also in death. In the alternative reality that Ancient Egypt made of death, order obtained, just as in life. Hence Ma' at was present also in death. The essence of Ancient Egypt is not its structures, such as the pyramids, which never cease to fascinate. This essence has to be sought in the way Ma'at gave unity to this remarkable culture.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die begrip Ma'at is rigtinggewend vir die kultuur van Antieke Egipte. In hierdie kultuur het Ma'at twee verskyningsvorme wat ten nouste met mekaar saamhang: die kultuurbeginsel en die godin. Ma'at as algemene kultuurbeginsel het te doen met die volmaakte orde wat tot stand gekom het in die ontstaansoomblik van die kosmos. Hierdie orde hef chaos en wanorde op en skep volkome ewewig in elke aspek van die kosmos: die natuur, die mensdom, die godedom, die lewe en die dood. Die Antieke Egiptiese literatuur bring aan die lig dat mense hulle lewe ingerig het volgens die beginsel om Ma'at te doen. Waarop dit neergekom het om Ma'at te doen, was om eerlik en regverdig te handel. Op hierdie manier is die orde bewaar en die chaos verhoed. Op die terrein van die religie, wat as 'n besondere aspek van die kultuur in die breë beskou moet word, funksioneer Ma'at in Antieke Egipte as 'n godin. Hierdie godin was 'n veronderstelde wese in eie reg, met 'n kenmerkende voorkoms, 'n geskiedenis, en 'n kultus wat deur die farao en die priesters bedien is. Hoewel die siening van Ma'at in die loop van die lang geskiedenis van Antieke Egipte aansienlik ontwikkel het, was die idee van die begin van die Egiptiese beskawing aanwesig, soos 'n groot verskeidenheid inskripsies laat blyk. Die begrip het in hierdie kultuur van begin tot end 'n bepalende rol bly speel. Tussen Ma'at en die koningskap in Antieke Egipte was daar 'n besonder nou band. Ma'at was van wesenlike belang vir die uitvoering van die koninklike amp: dit was die opdrag van die farao om Ma'at te verwesenlik en daarmee Isfet te vernietig. Hierdie taak het die farao uitgevoer as hoof van alle kultusse -- deur die daaglikse offer wat hy in die belang van Ma'at gebring het --, maar ook in die staatsadministrasie -- deur toe te sien dat amptenare hulle werk doen volgens die beginsel van Ma'at. In Antieke Egipte is daarvan uitgegaan dat Ma'at nie net in die lewe nie, maar ook in die dood funksioneer. In die alternatiewe werklikheid wat Antieke Egiptenare van die dood maak, heers daar ook orde. Ma'at is dus ook daar teenwoordig. Die wese van Antieke Egipte is nie die strukture, soos die piramides, wat nou nog die belangstelling gaande maak nie. Dit moet veel eerder gesoek word in die wyse waarop Ma'at eenheid aan hierdie merkwaardige kultuur gegee het.
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Ponelis, I. A. (Isabella Annanda). "Die gode is naby". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53372.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rise of Ancient Egyptian civilization by the end of the fourth millennium BC was essentially a religious process. The civilization developed from a religious core that was formed by and in the Nile valley. Metaphors were drawn from the context of the Nile to represent deities. In different epochs and at different places, creation myths attempted explaining the mystery of the origin of god and man. According to these myths, both god and man were created by a primal being after it had brought itself into being. In an attempt to depict different facets of deities, various metaphors were used. One and the same god could be represented as a human and as an animal. Nonetheless, all deities possessed human features and all functioned in human structures. In the primal state mankind and the gods coexisted in harmony. When man rebelled this harmony was shattered, and the gods left the world of man. After the gods had left earth they could be approached only by a mediator. The role of mediator was played by the pharaoh. It was the pharaoh's mission to maintain the order on earth that had been present since creation. Inthe office as high priest of all cults it was incumbent on the pharaoh to keep the gods satisfied by ensuring them of the maintenance of Ma'at. In this the pharaoh as god-king was assisted by a hierarchy of priests who performed cult rituals in temples and sacrificed to the gods. To a great extent, ordinary people were excluded from formal religion and resorted to popular or demotic religion. The dominant role of artefacts in death and grave rituals does not signify an obsession with death. All rituals and artefacts were involved in maintaining life after death, and the afterlife was something that Ancient Egyptians implicitly believed in. Admission to life after death required a morally sound and just life, which was determined in the judgement ceremony when the deeds of the deceased were placed on a scale weighted with the feather of Ma'at. Religion, with the pharaoh at its centre, permeated every aspect of daily life in Ancient Egypt.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms van die Antieke Egiptiese beskawing teen die einde van die vierde millennium vC was essensieel 'n godsdienstige proses. Die beskawing het rondom 'n godsdiens ontwikkel wat sy skering en inslag in die vrugbare Nylvallei gehad het. Metafore uit die Nylkonteks is gebruik om die godedom te vergestalt. Skeppingsmites het op verskillende tye en op verskillende plekke 'n verklaring van die ontstaansgeheim van gode en mense probeer gee. Hiervolgens is alle gode en mense deur 'n oerwese geskape nadat hierdie oerwese homself tot stand gebring het. In 'n poging om die verskillende fasette van gode uit te beeld, is verskillende metafore gebruik; dieselfde god kon vergestalt word as mens en/of dier. Tog het alle gode menslike eienskappe gehad en het hulle almal in menslike strukture gefunksioneer. In die oerstaat sou mense en gode in harmonie saamleef. Toe die mens in opstand gekom het, is hierdie harmonie versteur, en die gode het die wêreld van die mensdom verlaat. Nadat die gode die aarde verlaat het, kon hulle net deur 'n middelaar bereik word. Die rol van middelaar is ingeneem deur die farao. Dit was die opdrag van die farao om die orde wat van die skepping af teenwoordig was, op aarde te handhaaf. In sy amp as hoëpriester van alle kultusse moes die farao daagliks die gode tevrede hou deur hulle van die instandhouding van Ma'at te verseker. Hierin is hy as godkoning bygestaan deur 'n hiërargie van priesters wat in tempels kultusrituele uitgevoer en offers aan die gode gebring het. Die gewone mens is in 'n groot mate uitgesluit van formele godsdiens en het 'n heenkome in volksgodsdiens gevind. Die dominante rol wat artefakte rondom die dood en grafrituele speel, het geensins gedui op 'n beheptheid met die dood nie. Alle rituele en toerusting is gerig op die instandhouding van die lewe na die dood, waaraan die Antieke Egiptenaar onwrikbaar geglo het. Toetrede tot die lewe na die dood het 'n moreel regverdige lewe vereis en is bepaal by die oordeelseremonie wanneer die afgestorwene se dade op 'n skaal teenoor die veer van Ma'at geweeg is. Elke aspek van die daaglikse lewe in Antieke Egipte is geraak en bepaal deur die besondere rol van die godsdiens en die farao as hoofrolspeler in die godsdiens.
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Cox, Michael James. "Ba'al and Seth : an investigation into the relationship of two gods, with reference to their iconography (ca. 1500 – 1000 BCE)". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85852.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although the traditional viewpoint of the Ancient Egyptian civilisation is one of isolation and self containment, in fact Egypt and Syro-Palestine had a long history of contact and interaction before the Late Bronze Age, albeit somewhat tenuous and ad hoc. The commencement of the New Kingdom in Egypt heralded a more vigorous period of exchange. This was largely due to the Egyptian policy of increased commercial activity and military campaigns in Syro-Palestine as well as the rising strength of the Asiatic peoples. At the personal level there was always a trend of Asiatics moving into Egypt in search of a better life, which opened the door for the Hyksos rule at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. This foreign rule was an affront on the dignity of the Egyptians. Thus, following numerous military campaigns much of Syro-Palestine was incorporated into the wider Egyptian political entity. In counterpoint to the situation in Egypt, Syro-Palestine was very far from isolated, situated in the open cultural landscape of Syria and Mesopotamia it was the very hub of the Ancient Near East. Inevitably there was considerable interaction, and throughout history, as even today, Syro-Palestine is a crossroads and melting pot of different peoples. At the forefront of any exchange were religious ideas, religious traditions were introduced and foreign gods were spread far and wide. The international nature of the gods seems to have been a characteristic of the Ancient Near East. In this scenario were the Egyptian god Seth and his counterpart the Syro-Palestinian god Baaal, each with a complex story, wherein the iconographical and textual evidence of the gods show much commonality. The association of Seth with Baaal in Egypt is clear, the name of Baaal being written with the Seth-animal determinative, whereas Syro-Palestine has the Mami stele from Ugarit. Major events shook the Ancient Near East ca. 1500-1000 BCE, Egypt reached its apogee and ruled the East; providing the most likely answer regarding the presence and worship of Seth in Syro-Palestine. Certainly Seth was present and worshipped, naturally the massive numbers of Egyptian military and diplomatic personnel required facilities for this practice. Since the earlier Hyksos rulers accepted and worshipped Seth this predicates on a continuum into the period in question. To summarize: Seth equals Baaal and Baaal equals Seth.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die tradisionele siening van die antieke Egiptiese beskawing een van isolasie en selfonderhouding is, het Egipte en Siro-Palestina in werklikheid ʼn lang geskiedenis van kontak en interaksie voor die Laat Bronstydperk gehad, hoewel ietwat beperk en ad hoc. Die aanvang van die Nuwe Koninkryk in Egipte het ʼn meer dinamiese tydperk van wisselwerking ingelui. Dit was grootliks weens die Egiptiese beleid van toenemende handelsaktiwiteit en militêre veldtogte in Siro-Palestina, asook die opkomende mag van die Asiatiese volke. Op persoonlike vlak was daar altyd ʼn neiging van Asiate om na Egipte te trek op soek na ʼn beter lewe, wat die deur vir die Hiksosheerskappy aan die einde van die Middel-Bronstydperk oopgemaak het. Hierdie vreemdelinge heerskappy was ʼn belediging vir die waardigheid van die Egiptenare. Gevolglik, na afloop van talle militêre veldtogte is die meerderheid van Siro-Palestina in die breër Egiptiese politieke entiteit ingelyf. In teenstelling met die situasie in Egipte was Siro-Palestina alles behalwe geïsoleer. Geleë in die oop kulturele landskap van Sirië en Mesopotamië was dit die ware middelpunt van die Ou Nabye Ooste. Daar was noodwendig aansienlike interaksie, en regdeur die geskiedenis, soos selfs vandag nog, is Siro-Palestina ‟n kruispad en smeltkroes van verskillende volke. Aan die voorpunt van enige wisselwerking was godsdienstige idees, godsdienstige tradisies was ingevoer en uitheemse gode wyd en syd versprei. Die internasionale aard van die gode blyk ʼn kenmerk van die Ou Nabye Ooste te wees. In hierdie scenario was die Egiptiese god Seth en sy Siro-Palestynse eweknie Baäl, elk met ʼn komplekse storie, waarin die ikonografiese en tekstuele bronne van die gode baie ooreenstemming toon. Die verbintenis van Seth met Baäl is duidelik in Egipte, waar Baäl se naam met die Seth-dier as determinatief geskryf is, terwyl Siro-Palestina die Mami-stela van Ugarit het. Groot gebeurtenisse het die Ou Nabye Ooste ca. 1500-1000 v.C. geskud, Egipte het sy hoogtepunt bereik en oor die Ooste geheers, wat die mees waarskynlike antwoord aangaande die teenwoordigheid en aanbidding van Seth in Siro-Palestina verskaf. Seth was ongetwyfeld teenwoordig en aanbid, natuurlik het die enorme getalle Egiptiese militêre en diplomatieke personeel fasiliteite vir hierdie praktyk vereis. Aangesien die vroeëre Hiksosheersers Seth aanvaar en aanbid het, bevestig dit ‟n kontinuum in die periode onder bespreking. Om op te som: Seth is gelyk aan Baäl en Baäl is gelyk aan Seth.
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Blatherwick, Helen Elisabeth. "Prophets, gods and kings : Islamic, Egyptian and Persian cultural strands in Sīrat Saif ibn Dhī Yazan". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397832.
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Norris, Pauline. "The Lettuce Connection : a re-examination of the association of the Egyptian god Min with the lettuce plant from the Predynastic to the Ptolemaic Period". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-lettuce-connectiona-reexamination-of-the-association-of-the-egyptian-god-min-with-the-lettuce-plant-from-the-predynastic-to-the-ptolemaic-period(1384ba62-bdb3-43b9-8494-83ffbe8241b4).html.
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Min was one of the earliest known Egyptian deities and his origins remain obscure but, because of his association with fertility and the kingship, he retained his importance from the Predynastic Period into the Roman era. Although his depiction as an ithyphallic, mummified male with a flail balanced above his raised right arm remained unaltered throughout, the overall iconography of Min did exhibit changes, notably with the introduction in the Sixth Dynasty of what is accepted as a lettuce plant resembling the modern Cos or Romaine cultivar of Lactuca sativa L. It is the association of Min with the lettuce plant that is the subject of this thesis. It is the received opinion in the literature that the plant was offered to Min, a fertility god, as an aphrodisiac. Apart from two seminal works that are over fifty years old, little research has been conducted into the association of Min with the lettuce. Much early research is in need of re-examination because of changes in social attitudes and research techniques and this the thesis seeks to redress. The aims of the research are to review the evidence for the lettuce plant in ancient Egypt and to re-examine the previously noted association of the god Min with a plant identified as lettuce. The study is primarily library and museum based and examines the history and nature of lettuce in ancient Egypt. The nature of 'aphrodisiac' is examined and the use of such substances in ancient Egypt is compared with modern usage. Min as a god of fertility is re-analysed and, finally, texts and Ptolemaic temple inscriptions are examined for evidence as to why and by whom lettuce was offered. The research results are applied to a study of Min as a god of fertility. The evidence indicates that lettuce was offered by the king to Min to ensure the fertility and regeneration of agriculture and of the king which would secure the continuation of his line and humanity. There is no evidence to suggest lettuce was offered as an aphrodisiac to increase the sexual desire of the god.
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Calmettes, Marie-Astrid. "Les représentations relatives à la conception du monde dans l'Egypte ancienne". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209477.
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Etude des représentations du cosmos dans l'Egypte ancienne :représentations du Noun (non-cosmos), représentations des frontières entre le Noun et le cosmos et représentations des éléments constitutifs du cosmos (ciel, terre et éléments soutenant le ciel). Etude de l'apport de ces représentations sur la connaissance que nous avons de la conception du monde des anciens Egyptiens.Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Louant, Emmanuel. "Le dieu-fils Harsomtous dans les temples égyptiens d'époque tardive : étude de sa relation avec le dieu-patron du sanctuaire pour définir sa personne et ses fonctions spécifiques en tant que dieu-fils dans et hors du temple d'Edfou". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211729.
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Pulicani, Emeline. "Voir et entendre en egypte ancienne : les dieux Ir et Sedjem". Thesis, Lille 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL30056.
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Ir et Sedjem forment un couple divin complémentaire et indissociable qui apparaît au Nouvel Empire et qui perdure jusqu'à l'époque romaine. Le premier volume regroupe toute la documentation nécessaire à cette étude. Quatre-vingt-neuf documents mentionnant Ir et Sedjem ont été recensés et classés par type puis par ordre décroissant du nombre d'attestations : les temples (rangés chronologiquement et du Sud au Nord), les papyrus et les bandelettes de momies (ordonnés par musées puis par numéro d'inventaire) et enfin les objets divers (classés par époque). Chaque fiche créée au sein de notre corpus est composée de cinq entrées : l'emplacement de l'attestation d'Ir et Sedjem dans le temple, le papyrus, la bandelette ou l'objet, la datation, la description détaillée suivant la nature et l'état de conservation du document ; la bibliographie et le contexte d'apparition qui indique si Ir et Sedjem sont représentés, simplement cités et/ou s'ils tiennent un discours. Enfin, sur la page paire sont regroupées la ou les différentes illustrations. Le deuxième volume est consacré à la synthèse de notre étude sur Ir et Sedjem divisée en quatre chapitres. Le premier traite des noms de nos deux divinités notamment de leurs graphies respectives afin d'établir une translittération définitive et une traduction de leurs noms. Leur iconographie a été étudiée ensuite (attitudes, perruques, signes-emblèmes, vêtements, éléments de parure, barbe postiche) ainsi que les quelques cas particuliers relevés (zoomorphie totale ou partielle, possible aspect féminin, symbiose éventuelle) et enfin ,leurs attributs ont été traités. La troisième partie de notre développement est consacrée à l'analyse des liens qui unissent Ir et Sedjem aux autres divinités du panthéon égyptien. Avant de procéder à l'étude des différentes fonctions de nos deux divinités, un inventaire de leurs épithètes, de leurs discours et des offrandes qu'ils reçoivent a été établi. Nous avons également examiné les divers emplacements sur lesquels ils sont mentionnés dans les temples. Enfin, nous avons terminé notre recherche en proposant un bref examen sur les liens indirects qui existent entre Ir et Sedjem et le Ka royal, les deux vautours In-nout et Sedjemet dans le Mythe de l'Oeil du Soleil et les 14 Kaou de RêIr and Sedjem form a complementary and inseparable divine couple that appears in the New Kingdom, which lasted until the Roman period. The first volume includes all necessary documentation in this study. Eighty-nine documents mentioning Ir and Sedjem were listed and classified by type then in decreasing order of the number of certificates : temples (tidied up chronologically and from South to North), papyri and strips of mommies (ordered by museums then by number of inventory) and finally the diverse objects (classified by time). Each file created within our corpus consists of five entries : the location of the certificate of Ir and Sedjem in the temple, papyrus, the strip or object ; the dating ; the detailed description following the nature and the state of preservation of the document ; the bibliography and the context of appearance which indicates if Ir and Sedjem are represented, even-numbered page are grouped one or several various illustrations. The second volume is devoted to the synthesis of our study on Ir and Sedjem divided into four chapters. The first deals with names of our two deities includong their respective written form in order to establish a definitive transliteration and translation of their names. Their iconography was then studied (attitudes, wigs, signs-emblems, clothes, elements of finery, false beard) as well as the few particular cases found (total or partial zoomorphic shape, possible feminine aspect, prospective symbiosis) and finally, their attributes were handled. The third part of our development is dedicated to the analysis of the links between Ir and Sedjem and the other divinities of the Egyptian pantheon. Before proceeding to the study of the various functions of our two divinities, an inventory of their epithets, their discourse and the offering which they receive was established. We also examined the diverse locations on which they are mentioned in temples. Finally, we completed our research by proposing a brief review of the indirect links which exist between Ir and Sedjem and royal Ka, the both vultures In-nout and Sedjemet in the Myth of th Eye of the Sun and the 14 Kaou of Rê
Libros sobre el tema "God Gods, Egyptian"
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Forest, Christopher. Ancient Egyptian gods and goddesses. Mankato, Minn: Capstone Press, 2012.
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ill, Williams Jenny 1939, ed. Egyptian gods and goddesses. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1999.
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Page, Judith. Invoking the Egyptian gods. Woodbury, Minn: Llewellyn Publications, 2011.
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Page, Judith. Pathworking with the Egyptian gods. Woodbury, Minn: Llewellyn Publications, 2010.
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The Egyptian gods: A handbook. North Hollywood, Calif: Newcastle Pub. Co., 1985.
Buscar texto completoCapítulos de libros sobre el tema "God Gods, Egyptian"
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Eicke, Sven. "Chapter 12. Affecting the Gods – Fear in Ancient Egyptian religious texts". En Culture and Language Use, 229–46. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/clu.19.12eic.
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von Lieven, Alexandra. "Translating Gods, Interpreting Gods". En Greco-Egyptian Interactions, 61–82. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656127.003.0003.
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Fagan, Brian. "Pharaohs and Pyramids". En From Stonehenge to Samarkand. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195160918.003.0008.
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The Nile slashes through the eastern Sahara Desert like an arrow, a stalk of green amid some of the most arid landscape on earth. Each summer, floodwaters from deep in tropical Africa inundate the floodplain, depositing fertile silt and nourishing growing crops, enabling an Egyptian civilization to endure for five thousand years. Along the river’s banks, pharaohs, considered to be living gods, created a palimpsest of pyramids, rock-cut tombs, and temples that have fascinated the traveler since Herodotus’s day. Egypt was the land of Ra, the sun god, whose golden rays shone day after day in an unchanging chronicle of human existence and immortality— birth, life, and death. Ra’s rays shine between the serried pillars of Karnak’s Hypostyle Hall, darken the jagged contours of the Valley of Kings in deep shadow, project the steep slopes of the pyramids of Giza over the surrounding desert. Ancient Egyptian ruins cast a profound spell over the visitor, especially in the days before Egyptologists measured the ruins and recorded their secrets. They were desolate, unfamiliar, their gods irrevocably gone, the hieroglyphs on the walls unintelligible except to a privileged few—and that only after about 1830, when Jean François Champollion’s decipherment came into common use. But the sense of time and history these monuments conveyed was, and still is, pervasive. The figures on temple and tomb walls expose the habits, fantasies, and beliefs of thirty dynasties. Even today, there is an underlying sense of permanence along the Nile. The pharaohs have vanished, succeeded by caliphs, pashas, colonial overlords, and presidents, but life along the Nile still follows a timeless routine of planting and harvest, of life and death. The traveler has been part of this timeless landscape for more than two thousand years. We have already encountered Roman tourists at the Colossi of Memnon. Christian pilgrims on their way to Jerusalem passed through, too, although travel was difficult for the faithful in what was now Islamic territory. The founding in London of the Levant Company in 1581, originally to foster trade with Turkey—among other things, trade in coffee—brought more visitors, some of them in search of mumiya, pounded-up Egyptian mummy, considered to be a powerful aphrodisiac.
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"THE EGYPTIAN MONTH GODS". En Twelve gods of Greece and Rome, 337–44. BRILL, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004296657_011.
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Lefèvre, Dominique. "WHEN EGYPTIAN GODS SPEAK:". En When Gods Speak to Men, 9–20. Peeters Publishers, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1q26qhz.6.
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Geraldine, Pinch. "3. The gods themselves: deities and myth". En Egyptian Myth, 30–42. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780192803467.003.0004.
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Singer, Itamar. "Hittite Gods in Egyptian Attire:". En Literature as Politics, Politics as Literature, 433–58. Penn State University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/j.ctv1bxgwts.28.
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"The "Gods" of the Egyptians". En Egyptian Religion (Routledge Revivals), 100–125. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203071328-11.
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"The Belief in God Almighty". En Egyptian Religion (Routledge Revivals), 17–56. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203071328-9.
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"Osiris the God of the Resurrection". En Egyptian Religion (Routledge Revivals), 57–99. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203071328-10.
Texto completoActas de conferencias sobre el tema "God Gods, Egyptian"
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"Paideia, God, and the Transformation of Egyptian Lore in Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride". En Symposium of the Melammu Project. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/melammu10s609.
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