Literatura académica sobre el tema "Guatemala – Politics and government – 1945-"

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Guatemala – Politics and government – 1945-"

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Handy, Jim. "National Policy, Agrarian Reform, and the Corporate Community during the Guatemalan Revolution, 1944–1954". Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, n.º 4 (octubre de 1988): 698–724. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015498.

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The ‘revolution’ from 1944 to 1954 prompted important changes in rural communities in Guatemala. The extension of many government services to rural areas for the first time, the involvement of political parties in village politics, and the growth of a rural labour federation all altered the political, economic, and social organization of rural Guatemala irrevocably. Changes became even more dramatic and more significant after 1950 with the growth of a national peasant league and the passage of a comprehensive agrarian reform law in 1952. Despite its importance, the changes that came to rural Guatemala with the revolution are not well understood and the shape of the‘revolution in the countryside’continues to be debated.
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Shackleton, Michael. "The new Europe: politics, government and economy since 1945". International Affairs 69, n.º 4 (octubre de 1993): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620657.

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Pallister, Kevin. "Why No Mayan Party? Indigenous Movements and National Politics in Guatemala". Latin American Politics and Society 55, n.º 03 (2013): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00205.x.

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AbstractUnlike indigenous social movements in several other Latin American countries, Mayan movements in Guatemala have not formed a viable indigenous-based political party. Despite the prominence of the Mayan social movement and a relatively open institutional environment conducive to party formation, indigenous groups have foregone a national political party in favor of a more dispersed pattern of political mobilization at the local level. This article argues that the availability of avenues for political representation at the municipal level, through both traditional political parties and civic committees, and the effects of political repression and violence have reinforced the fragmentation and localism of indigenous social movements in Guatemala and prevented the emergence of a viable Mayan political party. The result has been a pattern of uneven political representation, with indigenous Guatemalans gaining representation in local government while national political institutions remain exclusionary.
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Moulton, Aaron Coy. "Counterrevolutionary Friends:Caribbean Basin Dictators and Guatemalan Exiles against the Guatemalan Revolution, 1945–50". Americas 76, n.º 1 (enero de 2019): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.47.

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It was in January 1950 that Guatemalan Col. Carlos Castillo Armas, a rather unfamiliar figure at the time, headed for El Salvador, giving no sign that he would eventually become one of the most notorious antagonists in the destruction of the 1944-54 Guatemalan Revolution. Late in 1950, he and some 70 compatriots attacked Guatemala City's Base Militar, hoping to overthrow Juan José Arévalo's government and prevent Jacobo Arbenz from assuming the presidency. Though the assault failed and its participants were imprisoned, the dissident bribed his way out of jail and took into exile a newfound reputation as an influential conspirator.
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NOLAN-FERRELL, CATHERINE. "Agrarian Reform and Revolutionary Justice in Soconusco, Chiapas:Campesinosand the Mexican State, 1934–1940". Journal of Latin American Studies 42, n.º 3 (agosto de 2010): 551–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000091x.

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AbstractDuring the mid- to late 1930s, rural activism surged in the coffee-growing region of southern Chiapas and north-western Guatemala. This article examines the causes and impacts of sustained campesino protests at the grassroots level on the Mexican side of the border. The porous border between the two nations hindered the development of centralised power networks that prevailed in other parts of Chiapas. Campesinos and reformist federal government officials such as teachers and agrarian engineers built alliances that challenged the power of the coffee growers. This article explores the process of negotiation that occurred among campesinos, federal bureaucrats, regional authorities and elite coffee planters in order both to implement and to challenge agrarian reform.
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Roces, Mina. "Kinship Politics in Post-War Philippines: The Lopez Family, 1945–1989". Modern Asian Studies 34, n.º 1 (enero de 2000): 181–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003668.

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On being awarded the Legion of Honor by President Corazon Aquino, Joaquin ‘Chino.’ Roces, publisher of The Manila Times, pleaded with the president:Please allow me to remind you, first. That our people brought a new government to power because our people felt an urgent need for change. That change was nothing more and nothing less than that of moving quickly into a new moral order. The people believed, and many of them still do, that when we said we would be the exact opposite of Marcos, we would be just that. Because of that promise which the people believed, our triumph over Marcos was anchored on a principle of morality . . . . To our people, I dare propose that new moral order is best appreciated in terms of our response to graft and corruption in public service. We cannot afford a government of thieves unless we can tolerate a nation of highwaymen.
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EKERN, STENER. "The Production of Autonomy: Leadership and Community in Mayan Guatemala". Journal of Latin American Studies 43, n.º 1 (febrero de 2011): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000180x.

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AbstractThe Mayan Indians of Guatemala share the burdens of local government by taking on a set of public duties, thereby maintaining community cohesion as well as political autonomy. This article analyses recent changes in this cargo system in a context defined by development, new representations of ‘Mayanness’, and multicultural politics. It shows how sovereignty – grounded in a distinct philosophy of leadership that generates meaningful self-rule – is crucial in facilitating political transformation towards more democratic arrangements at the cost of rule by the elders.
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Stokes, Raymond G. "The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945". Business History Review 59, n.º 2 (1985): 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114932.

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The oil industry in Nazi Germany provides an excellent focus for studying the interplay between economics, politics, and government policy in the Third Reich. In this article, Mr. Stokes brings to this subject a comparative approach, making comparisons both within the oil industry and with the industry's major industrial counterparts. He concludes that a variety of factors—including the degree of shared interest between individual firms and the government, the size and concentration of a firm's production facilities, and the political position of key firm personnel—explain the success as well as the eventual collapse of a given industrial sector.
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Cline, Catherine Ann y John Saville. "The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government, 1945-46." American Historical Review 100, n.º 4 (octubre de 1995): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168253.

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Hyman, Richard y John Saville. "The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government: 1945-46". Labour / Le Travail 34 (1994): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143884.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Guatemala – Politics and government – 1945-"

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Langevin, Mark Steven 1960. "Christian Democratic administrations confront the Central American caldron: Presidents Jose Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Marcos Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo of Guatemala". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277239.

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This thesis posits that Christian Democracy arose in Central America because of its emphasis on basic reforms and social justice, and that its messianic appeal and charismatic leadership propelled it to national political power in El Salvador and Guatemala. The study continues by examining the presidencies of Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Vinicio Cerezo of Guatemala, concluding that their economic, political, and foreign policy agendas did not resolve the basic social conflicts which fuel both countries civil wars and economic crises. The findings of the study indicate that these Christian Democrats' alliances with their countries' armed forces and their inability to tap the potential of the movement's messianic, reformist vigor, prevented their administrations from ending the political violence and achieving a national unity capable of launching equitable development.
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Ryan, Michael W. "Political change in an ancient Mesoamerican community : Kaminaljuyu within the Valley of Guatemala (500 B.C. - A.D. 1000)". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31477.

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This thesis examines the causes and processes of culture change in complex society in ancient Mesoamerica. Facets of political and social change are attributed to the effects of competition for status, power and prestige. The position is taken that, although competition is not directly observable, it is visible in its patterned effects on the material record. Thus, the study examines the uses of material culture in sociopolitical terms, and then attempts to explain socio-political interaction and change using the archaeological remnants of material culture. The archaeological record for Kaminaljuyu and vicinity within the Valley of Guatemala is used as a test case. Essentially, status competition, underwritten by material and consensual support, leads to efforts to promote economic production and population size. Responses to increases in polity scale and complexity lead to political adjustment and change. A processual model is proposed which focuses on change within and between two dominant economic and status support systems, the local subsistence system and the regional wealth trade system. Relevant social variables are linked to archaeological materials to enable operationalization of the theory. Thus political support is represented by aspects of settlement (population size and distribution) and by economic production (land use, craft production). Status demonstration is represented by construction activity and-political maintenance is represented by the provision of administrative space. The main findings for Kaminaljuyu are that: 1) Long-distance wealth trade in commodities and status goods was associated with maximization of all types of economic production, centralization of political power, rural population increase and population dispersal. 2) The local subsistence system was associated with decentralization of political power, localized economic productivity, centralization of population (crowding) and possible social conflict. The method also led to the investigation of and insights into the record for Kaminaljuyu. The analysis demonstrated a two-period cycle of socio-political change, each cycle conforming to the sequence of change proposed in the model. This pattern conforms to well-known cycles of political centralization and decentralization. This approach was useful for investigating the archaeological record for this type of complex polity.
Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
Graduate
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Cockett, Richard Bernard. "The government, the press and politics in Britain 1937-1945". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363469.

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Rendón, Catherine. "Manuel Estrada Cabrera : Guatemalan president, 1898-1920". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f51e5514-9a9e-49e8-8c82-d7e1b128fa5c.

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This study offers an account of the presidency of Manuel Estrada Cabrera (1898-1920), concentrating on the political, social and economic aspects of his regime. Following the 'Liberal' inheritance of the Justo Rufino Barrios years (1871-1885), Cabrera is a significant figure in the trajectory of autocratic regimes in Guatemala, which, with few interruptions, stretches from Rafael Carrera (1844-1861) to the present day. Cabrera inherited some of the techniques of Guatemalan dictatorship, but he was also an unorthodox and controversial ruler, remarkable for his sustained retention of power and for the methods he used. The historiography of nineteenth and twentieth-century Guatemala is not generally rich and the Cabrera period is one which has been neglected. Although the United States' and several other diplomatic archives were examined in order to complete this study, it must be stressed that it does not try to explain Guatemalan history through U.S. foreign policy; rather it seeks to focus on the man, and the people who kept him in power for twenty-two years. Diplomats and travellers wrote informative reports which often give frank assessments of character and motive, as well as commenting on internal and external matters in reports which supplement local sources. Secondary sources have also been examined, as well as what remains of Cabrera's private archives, contemporary letters and documents. Furthermore, oral sources added much information. This dictatorship is intrinsically interesting, given the peculiarities and unusual transformations which Cabrera instituted in his government and in national life so as to retain power. This study of Cabrera hopes to enable the reader to appreciate better how such autocracies have propagated themselves in Guatemala and what strains and pressures they were under, and may even afford some pointers for more recent times.
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Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945". PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.

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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
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Ngo, Tak-Wing. "The East Asian anomaly revisited : the politics of laissez-faire in Hong Kong 1945-1985". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362714.

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Motadel, David. "Germany's policy towards Islam, 1941-1945". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609302.

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Dockerill, R. P. "Local government reform, urban expansion and identity : Nottingham and Derby, 1945-1968". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28203.

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This study examines changes in the governance of Nottingham and Derby in the period 1945-1968 from a local and national perspective. In so doing it foreshadows the changes wrought by the Local Government Act 1972, which usually receives greater academic attention. Post-war, local authorities became the nation’s principal landlords, while utilities, such as electricity and gas, were nationalised. In fulfilling their new responsibilities, urban authorities were forced to build estates on the periphery of, or outside, their boundaries. The relocation of residents resulted in an exportation of urban identity and greater urban-ness, but was not accompanied by a corresponding redrawing of administrative boundaries. Nevertheless, when urban authorities sought boundary extensions they were fiercely contested by county authorities, local associations, and residents’ groups. Such associations and groups claimed to possess characteristics distinct from the authorities that wished to incorporate them. There was also a fear that democratic accountability would be lost in the creation of larger units of governance. The local feelings aroused by boundary extension proposals demonstrate that local government is more than merely an agent of central government. It is a living organism: changes to it affect not only services, but also the identity of that place. The expansion proposals of the county boroughs of Nottingham and Derby differed markedly. Uniquely amongst county boroughs nationwide, Nottingham sought no expansion under the review initiated by the Local Government Act 1958. The thesis assesses the political motivations behind this and the wider reactions to reconfiguration proposals for both county boroughs. The role of conurbations is considered in terms of local governance, including the extent to which Nottingham and Derby could be classified as one. The thesis concludes that the maintenance of existing party political strengths outweighed local sentiment, and that only those proposals for reform which benefited the former were enacted.
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Paberzyte, Ieva. "Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present". Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.

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This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
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Love, Gary John. "Conservatives, national politics, and the challenge to democracy in Britain, 1931-37". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608983.

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Libros sobre el tema "Guatemala – Politics and government – 1945-"

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FLACSO (Organization). Sede Académica Guatemala, ed. Guatemala: Historia reciente (1954-1996). Guatemala: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, FLACSO--Sede Académica Guatemala, 2012.

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Seminario sobre El Rol de los Partidos Políticos (1st 1985 Guatemala, Guatemala). I Seminario El Rol de los Partidos Políticos en Guatemala, Guatemala, julio 1985. Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala, C.A: ASIES, 1986.

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Rosada, Héctor Roberto. Proyecto militar en Guatemala, 1944-1990 =: Het "Militair project" in Guatemala, 1944-1990 Nederlands. [Amsterdam]: Thela, 1998.

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Death and resurrection in Guatemala. Maryknoll, N.Y: Orbis Books, 1986.

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Chang, José Campang. El estado y los partidos politicos en Guatemala, 1944-1951. [Guatemala]: Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 1992.

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Davison, Fernando González. El régimen liberal en Guatemala (1871-1944). [Guatemala]: Editorial Universitaria, Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 1987.

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Social movements, indigenous politics and democratization in Guatemala, 1985-1996. Boston: Brill, 2008.

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Brett, Roderick Leslie. Movimiento social, etnicidad y democratización en Guatemala, 1985-1996. Guatemala, Guatemala: F&G Editores, 2006.

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Soria, Julio César Pinto. El estado y la violencia en Guatemala (1944-1970). Guatemala, Guatemala: Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, Centro de Estudios Urbanos y Regionales, 2004.

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El estado y la violencia en Guatemala (1944-1970). Guatemala: Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, Centro de Estudios Urbanos y Regional, 2004.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Guatemala – Politics and government – 1945-"

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Jones, Bryan D. y Walter Williams. "The Rise and Decline of Reality-Based Policy Making in the Federal Government: 1945–2006". En The Politics of Bad Ideas, 232–60. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315662411-9.

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Calvert, Peter. "Government and Politics Since 1944". En Guatemala, 101–18. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429049651-6.

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Watts, Duncan. "Political leaders of the post-1945 era". En Understanding US/UK government and politics. Manchester University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781847790897.00003.

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"TRADE UNIONS, POLITICS, AND AFRICAN GOVERNMENT". En International Firms and Labour in Kenya 1945-1970, 118–35. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203042977-15.

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"Local Life under Military Government during the 'Interregnum': April - August 1945". En The Origins of Post-War German Politics (RLE: German Politics), 54–81. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315733678-11.

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Aveyard, Stuart, Paul Corthorn y Sean O’Connell. "Building a Property-Owning Democracy, 1945–1970". En The Politics of Consumer Credit in the UK, 1938-1992, 48–71. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0003.

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The chapter explains the emerging concept of a property-owning democracy. Encouraging home ownership, Conservatives argued, increased ‘independence of character, self-reliance, initiative, and the habit of saving and the acceptance of responsibility’. The Conservative government of 1951 granted local authorities powers to sell council houses to their tenants. Conservatives portrayed the Labour Party as hostile to home ownership. However, Labour revisionists encouraged colleagues to take the concept of a property-owning democracy seriously as part of a strategy to refresh their egalitarian agenda. In similar vein, Anthony Crosland argued that the concept was a ‘socialist rather than a conservative ideal’ as long as property was ‘well distributed’. Thus, as Britain became more affluent, the central debate on housing shifted from one centred on which government built the most houses to which party would offer homeowners the best deal, with a focus on the terms of mortgage lending.
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Elangovan, Arvind. "Rau’s Constitutional Solutions to the Political Conundrum". En Norms and Politics, 122–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199491445.003.0004.

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In 1945, Viceroy Wavell requested Rau to return to the Reforms Office and help the process of transitioning power from Britain to India. Aware and working with the knowledge of the political problems between the Congress, which wanted a united India, and the Muslim League, which wanted a divided subcontinent by establishing Pakistan, Rau put forward several constitutional solutions. In drafting these constitutional ideas, Rau drew heavily from his experience of working with the Government of India Act, 1935, which, as in a decade before, brought his ideas into conflict with both the British colonial government as well as the main Indian political parties—the Congress and the League.
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"VIII. Pressures on Turkey at the Summit: Meetings of Heads of Government". En Turkish Foreign Policy, 1943-1945: Small State Diplomacy and Great Power Politics, 192–216. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400872619-010.

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Bradford, James Tharin. "The Consequences of Coercion in Badakhshan". En Poppies, Politics, and Power, 85–115. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0004.

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This chapter examines what led to the 1958 ban of opium in Badakhshan. After 1945, Afghanistan began a concerted effort to be ratified by the international drug control regime as a legal producer of opium for the global pharmaceutical trade. Although there was some support for Afghanistan, Mohammad Daud Khan abruptly announced a ban and eradication of all opium in Badakhshan province in 1958. This chapter examines the internal and external forces that shaped the implementation of the ban, and the consequences of the ban. Internally, Daud chose to eradicate crops in Badakhsan, not in three other opium producing provinces, mainly because it was inhabited by Tajiks, an ethnic minority which could not threaten the stability of the Afghan government. Daud also recognized that the international community was well aware opium’s importance to the Badakhshan economy, and would increase economic development aid and assistance to the Afghan government.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "The Politics of Prohibition". En Poppies, Politics, and Power, 44–84. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0003.

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This chapter looks at Afghanistan’s involvement in the legal trade of opium and why Afghanistan eventually banned production and sale. During the 1930s and 1940s, Afghanistan actively traded opium with a host European and Asian countries, and by World War II, increased opium exports to the United States. This proved critical to the future of drug control. Although Afghanistan proved to have an abundance of high-quality opium, American officials feared the Afghan government lacked control. In an effort to solidify international drug controls, the US agreed to expand diplomatic relations and invest heavily in economic development, in exchange for Afghanistan prohibiting drugs in 1945. Although the prohibition failed, it was the first instance of Afghanistan using drug control as a means improving diplomatic channels to help build the Afghan state.
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