Bibliografías temáticas / Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Bolivia Bolivia Bolivia United States

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Bolivia Bolivia Bolivia United States"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 6 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Bolivia Bolivia Bolivia United States"

1

Añaños Bedriñana, Karen Giovanna, Bernardo Alfredo Hernández Umaña y José Antonio Rodríguez Martín. "“Living Well” in the Constitution of Bolivia and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Reflections on Well-Being and the Right to Development". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, n.º 8 (21 de abril de 2020): 2870. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17082870.

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The article analyzes how approaches to “Living Well” as reflected in the Constitution of the State of Bolivia, the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth, and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of the Organization of American States (OAS) contribute to understanding the Andean cosmovision of indigenous peoples of the American continent. To do so, it first studied the most immediate precedents that led to incorporation of the notion of Living Well into Bolivian law. Second, it approached the right to development from the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which has as its source the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The paper thus proposes reflections on the Bolivian State and the American Declaration that advance understanding of Living Well, a notion comparable in the West to the right to development (political, social, economic, environmental, and cultural) that enables the individual and collective realization of the individual. Fullness, understood in terms of well-being, is related to the protection of health and of the environment. Finally, the paper employs a qualitative methodology with a well-documented hermeneutic focus, as well as the tool of a semi-structured interview with a Bolivian scholar familiar on the topic.
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Delgado-Pugley, Deborah. "Contesting the Limits of Consultation in the Amazon Region: On Indigenous Peoples’ Demands for Free, Prior and Informed Consent in Bolivia and Peru". Revue générale de droit 43 (13 de enero de 2014): 151–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021213ar.

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While states have legal rights over more than 60% of the world’s forests, around one billion people inhabit and “manage” them often without proper legal recognition. Many countries are moving towards conferring legal rights over forested land to a broad range of private actors such as individuals or communities. However, and perhaps not surprisingly, two thirds of on-going violent conflicts involving rural communities are driven by contested claims over land and resources. In many Latin American countries, statutes and regulations on consultation have recently become strategic issues, even though these laws are suppose to comply with treaties and declarations signed by states some years or even decades before. Is it reasonable to claim that international approaches to indigenous rights, such as the ILO Convention 169 (1989) and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007) have actually begun to influence domestic regulations in a comprehensive manner? In that sense, what is the concrete impact of these approaches in policy-making processes? Is the recognition of the right to consultation bringing improvement to environmental conditions in the jurisdictions concerned? These questions are hereby addressed by means of two case studies where laws on consultation had parliamentary approval and were promoted by State’s agencies, but were contested by indigenous peoples’ movements: the framing of the Peruvian National Law on Consultation (Law No. 29785) and the ad hoc Law on Consultation (Law No. 222) over a planned road through the Indigenous Territory and Isiboro-Sécure National Park, regarded as the basis for the Bolivian Law on Consultation.
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Crabtree, John. "Indigenous Empowerment in Evo Morales's Bolivia". Current History 116, n.º 787 (1 de febrero de 2017): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.787.55.

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Bebbington, Denise Humphreys. "Extraction, inequality and indigenous peoples: Insights from Bolivia". Environmental Science & Policy 33 (noviembre de 2013): 438–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2012.07.027.

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Nina, Dante Ayaviri, Gabith Quispe Fernandez y Patricio Sánchez Cuesta. "Describing Local Development in Indigenous Peoples". Journal of Sustainable Development 12, n.º 1 (31 de enero de 2019): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v12n1p148.

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Practices and modes of development planning have focused on researchers, because the development of communities and states depends on them, and it has its importance in all territories, as well as the practices and processes of construction of development. The article aims to identify the practices that rural communities have in relation to local development, specifically addresses the |Aymara communities of Bolivia. To do this, a survey of leaders of the region was carried out; on the other hand, development plans and specialized literature in the field of development have been reviewed. The results establish that local development approaches the theory of endogenous development, given the practices and the role played by actors in the development processes, which involved solid and inclusive participative community organizations, a leading role in the consolidation of productive, organizational and planning systems, based on values, ancestral and cultural customs of territory with a focus on sustainability.
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Hesselroth, Alba. "The Decolonization of Bolivia's Antinarcotics Policy?" Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 21 (17 de marzo de 2016): 59–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2015.134.

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This paper argues that a peculiar form of colonization developed during the 20th century in Bolivia's antinarcotics policy, comprised of features that resemble both external and internal colonialism. On the one hand, international institutions and the United States were able to impose a system of control and prohibition on the growing and consumption of coca leaf in the country. On the other hand, the governing elite supported by the US imposed their power and domination over coca farmers, introducing US-sponsored prohibition of the growing of coca leaf and promoting forced coca eradication, severely jeopardizing coca farmers’ rights. In contrast to previous administrations that passively accepted decisions taken in international forums regarding coca leaf classification as an illegal drug, and rigorously followed instructions issued by the US with respect to eradication of coca, the government of Evo Morales is acting to change this situation in a twofold effort in both international and national arenas. Through the analysis of policies issued by this government between 2006-2014, this paper argues that in its management of antinarcotics policy is pursuing a particular process of decolonization to defend traditional uses of coca leaf, protect social, economic and cultural rights of Andean indigenous peoples involved in its production and/or consumption, and promote economic development of areas where coca is grown.Este artículo sostiene que, en el siglo XX, se desarrolló una forma peculiar de colonización en la política antinarcótica de Bolivia, compuesta por rasgos parecidos a los del colonialismo externo e interno. Por una parte, las instituciones internacionales y los Estados Unidos lograron imponer en el país un sistema de control y prohibición del cultivo y consumo de la hoja de coca. Por otra parte, la élite gobernante apoyada por los EE.UU. impuso su poder y dominio sobre los cocaleros al introducir esta prohibición y promover la erradicación forzosa de la coca con el auspicio de EE.UU., poniendo en severo peligro los derechos de los cocaleros. A diferencia de anteriores gobiernos que aceptaron pasivamente las decisiones tomadas en foros internacionales acerca de la clasificación de la hoja de coca como droga ilegal y siguieron con rigor las instrucciones de los EE.UU. acerca de la erradicación de la coca, el gobierno de Evo Morales está actuando para cambiar la situación en un doble esfuerzo internacional y nacional. Analizando las políticas de este gobierno entre 2006-2014, este artículo sostiene que en el manejo de la política antinarcótica está siguiendo un proceso particular de descolonización para defender los usos tradicionales de la hoja de coca y proteger los derechos sociales, económicos y culturales de las poblaciones andinas involucradas en su producción y/o consumo, y promover el desarrollo económico de las áreas donde se cultiva.
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Rice, Roberta. "How to Decolonize Democracy: Indigenous Governance Innovation in Bolivia and Nunavut, Canada". Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 22 (27 de marzo de 2017): 220–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2016.169.

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This paper analyzes the successes, failures, and lessons learned from the innovative experiments in decolonization that are currently underway in Bolivia and Nunavut, Canada. Bolivia and Nunavut are the first large-scale tests of Indigenous governance in the Americas. In both cases, Indigenous peoples are a marginalized majority who have recently assumed power by way of democratic mechanisms. In Bolivia, the inclusion of direct, participatory, and communitarian elements into the democratic system, has dramatically improved representation for Indigenous peoples. In Nunavut, the Inuit have also opted to pursue self-determination through a public government system rather than through an Inuit-specific self-government arrangement. The Nunavut government seeks to incorporate Inuit values, beliefs, and worldviews into a Canadian system of government. In both cases, the conditions for success are far from ideal. Significant social, economic, and institutional problems continue to plague the new governments of Bolivia and Nunavut. Based on original research in Bolivia and Nunavut, the paper finds that important democratic gains have been made. I argue that the emergence of new mechanisms for Indigenous and popular participation has the potential to strengthen democracy by enhancing or stretching liberal democratic conceptions and expectations.Este artículo analiza los éxitos, fracasos y lecciones aprendidas de los innovadores experimentos de descolonización que se están llevando a cabo actualmente en Bolivia y Nunavut, Canadá. Bolivia y Nunavut son los primeros experimentos de gobernanza indígena a gran escala en las Américas. En ambos casos, los pueblos indígenas son mayorías marginadas que recientemente han asumido el poder por medio de mecanismos democráticos. En Bolivia, la inclusión de elementos directos, participativos y comunitarios en el sistema democrático ha mejorado dramáticamente la representación de los pueblos indígenas. En Nunavut, los inuit también han optado por gestionar la autodeterminación a través de un sistema de gobierno público en lugar de un acuerdo de autogobierno específicamente inuit. El gobierno de Nunavut intenta incorporar valores, creencias y visiones del mundo inuit en el sistema de gobierno canadiense. En ambos casos, las condiciones para el éxito están lejos de ser ideales. Considerables problemas sociales, económicos e institucionales siguen afectando a los nuevos gobiernos de Bolivia y Nunavut. Pese a ello, y en base a investigaciones realizadas en Bolivia y Nunavut, el artículo da cuenta de importantes ganancias democráticas y propone que el surgimiento de nuevos mecanismos para la participación indígena y popular tiene el potencial de fortalecer la democracia al ampliar las concepciones y expectativas democráticas liberales.
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Eichler, Jessika. "Neo-extractivist controversies in Bolivia: indigenous perspectives on global norms". International Journal of Law in Context 15, n.º 1 (11 de julio de 2018): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552318000150.

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AbstractEver since Evo Morales Ayma became Bolivia's first indigenous president in 2006 and the promulgation of a human-rights-enhancing Constitution (2009) thereafter, indigenous peoples’ rights were gradually recognised. Yet, with the increasing demand for natural resources, indigenous communities have been adversely affected by the state's neo-extractivist policies. While global indigenous rights norms protect their fundamental rights, legal-implementation processes in the country's lowlands reveal dilemmas in terms of the value of laws in practice as well as its reinterpretation on the ground. Namely, in the communities, different positions and camps have emerged in terms of the role and functions of participatory rights. Despite the potential of the latter in strengthening collective-rights regimes and self-determination, community leaders, advisers and other members report how such processes fracture and weaken decision-making mechanisms and human rights claims.
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Kretov, S. M. "“Ethnic Revival” in Globalizing World: The Example of Indigenous Political Movements in Latin America". MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, n.º 5 (18 de noviembre de 2019): 44–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-5-68-44-63.

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The article offers an inquiry into the problem of “ethnic revival” in politics against the background of the accelerated globalization processes through the example of the indigenous movements in Latin America. In particular, it explains how such global trends as the democratization and liberalization of social and political spheres, intensified activities of international institutions on the empowerment of disadvantaged social groups, the inclusion of ecological problems in national and international agendas, growing interest of international society to the social and political problems of developing countries have contributed to the intensification of political activities of the indigenous peoples in Latin America in the last 25 years.The indigenous political activism has taken radically different institutional forms and has led to diverse outcomes. For instance, in Mexico the indigenous peoples did not manage to create a viable sociopolitical force capable of advocating for their rights. In some other Latin America states, there are indigenous organizations that successfully promote the interests of native peoples. Moreover, in various countries the indigenous representatives are elected to national and local governments. In Colombia, Ecuador and Nicaragua the indigenous political parties were found, which, as long as other political forces, are participating in electoral processes and are delegating their representatives to public institutions. Whereas in case of Bolivia, the indigenous movement in alliance with left and progressive social organizations, has become the leading political force.The author gives an explanation why the political activism of the indigenous peoples in different Latin American countries has taken such forms and has contributed to such results. On the basis of the analysis of these political activities the conclusion is made about common features of political culture, self-identification and perception of social and political processes by the indigenous peoples of Latin America.
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Rice, Roberta. "From the ground up: The challenge of indigenous party consolidation in Latin America". Party Politics 17, n.º 2 (24 de febrero de 2011): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810391159.

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To predict the electoral fate of the new cohort of indigenous-based political parties in Latin America, and the impacts on their respective party systems, we need to understand their prospects for consolidation. The central task of this article is to determine whether indigenous peoples’ parties are developing solid party roots in society or if they are merely benefiting from a protest vote against the system. The study of political party consolidation requires an examination of local level successes and failures. Based on a quantitative analysis of municipal election results in Ecuador (1996—2004) and Bolivia (1999—2004), the author finds mixed support for indigenous party consolidation. Clearly, the governing indigenous-based Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party in Bolivia has solidified its base of support. Ecuador’s indigenous-based Pachakutik (MUPP) party, however, has lost its support at the national level, though it continues to make impressive gains at the local level. As such, it represents a case of incomplete consolidation.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Bolivia Bolivia Bolivia United States"

1

Schmidt, Richard J. "Indigenous competition for control in Bolivia". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FSchmidt.pdf.

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Stilwell, Carolyn Anne. "Conflict and conflict resolution in Bolivia". Online access for everyone, 2007. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Spring2007/C_Stilwell_042707.pdf.

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Clisby, Suzanne. "Gender issues, indigenous peoples and popular participation in Bolivia". Thesis, University of Hull, 2001. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8497.

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The following work is the culmination of a research process undertaken between December 1995 and September 1997 in various sites throughout Bolivia. Although the research process itself will be outlined more thoroughly in chapter 4 it would be useful to initially clarify a few key points as to the processes of fieldwork which resulted in the analyses presented in this thesis. The research process can be viewed in three phases. Phase I was undertaken in La Paz and Cochabamba between December 1995 and February 1996 by myself, Professor David Booth, then working at the University of Hull, and Charlotta Widmark representing the University of Stockholm. Phase II was conducted between May and September 1996 and involved a total of 14 Bolivian researchers working in four teams, with myself, Booth and Widmark. During this second phase we conducted fieldwork in four rural areas: the Amazonian region of Moxos, Corque on the Altiplano, Independencia in the High Andes and Puerto Villerroel in the coca-growing region of El Chapare. I worked in each of these areas except Corque on the Altiplano. Both phases I and II were commissioned and funded by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). Phases I and II aimed to provide an initial appraisal of the process of democratisation in Bolivia, focusing in particular upon: • the coherence and practicality of the institutional reforms (decentralisation and popular participation) given the principal constraints on their operation; • the interpretation of, and responses to, 'democratisation' among women and men in poor communities, including the cultural ramifications and relations to previously existing representative institutions at various levels; • the effectiveness of the changes in improving the position of formerly disempowered groups and social categories, including Amerindian minorities and women; • any positive or negative interactions with objects of government policy and SIDA support, including poverty reduction, gender equality and educational reform; • the possible design of appropriate quantitative or qualitative indicators suitable for monitoring the progress of democratisation at the regional, provincial and community levels in Bolivia, bearing in mind the specific social and cultural conditions of the country. Phase III, the aims of which are outlined below, involved a further eight months of independent research conducted in the urban centre of Cochabamba between February and September, 1997. This was purely doctoral research and was self-funded and which I carried out alone and independently of the SIDA study. The following work is, however, based upon the findings and experiences resulting from all three phases of the research.
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Gonzales, Angela D. "Social movement mobilization and hydrocarbon policy in Bolivia and Ecuador". Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FGonzales.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Jaskoski, Maiah ; Second Reader: Trinkunas, Harold A. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Bolivia, Ecuador, indigenous, hydrocarbon, mobilization Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-99).
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Espinoza, Revollo Patricia. "The emergence of indigenous middle classes in highly stratified societies : the case of Bolivia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3b89c28e-2f6f-4648-b360-03e5d8209c70.

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This thesis investigates the emergence of an indigenous middle class between 1975 and 2010 in Bolivia - a country characterized by poor and unstable long-term economic growth, high inequality, and enduring ethnic and class cleavages. The study takes a two-tiered approach. It focuses first on tracing the emergence of the middle class by highlighting the main drivers of socio-economic improvement for individuals. Based on a longitudinal examination of a Socio-Economic Index (SEI) - upon which the middle class is operationally defined in this thesis - I explain the emergence of the middle class as the result of two distinct but interconnected processes: (i) a massive urbanization process that reached a peak in the mid-1980s, which brought individuals closer to areas favoured by state policies; and (ii) an institutional change in the mid-1990s, consisting of a new national framework that allocated resources more efficiently throughout the country. In addition, my analysis uncovers the different occupational trajectories that middle-class individuals followed to gain access to the new structure of opportunities and to prosper and become part of the middle class. Based on inter- and intra-generational analyses of occupational mobility, I find that in a context of an over supply of labour and with limited skills and economic capital, migrants found the means to thrive socially and economically in commerce, transport, and construction activities. Secondly, I explore the extent to which the emergence of the new middle class has opened-up opportunities for indigenous peoples. I conduct a periodic headcount of indigeneity based on spoken languages (indigenous and/or Spanish) and self-ascription to indigenous groups. Two messages emerge from this exercise. First, the new middle class has provided opportunities for individuals who are monolingual in indigenous languages, whether they ascribe themselves or not to an indigenous group. Second, individuals' ethnic identities become fuzzier as they move into the middle class. This is revealed by indigenous language loss and a significant decrease in self-ascription that happened in a markedly stratified manner over just ten years. I tackle the intricacies of middle-class ethnic identity by drawing on a social identity conceptual framework that allows me to integrate synergistically the discussions on class, ethnicity, and modernization. By approaching social identities through the analysis of differentiated lifestyles, I find that new middle-class individuals have hybrid and segmented identities. That is, individuals combine indigenous/traditional and modern forms of living that vary according to their socio-economic level, but do not necessarily move towards cultural assimilation. I contend that the creation of new status symbols and forms of recognition based on indigenous idiosyncrasies in the new middle class constitutes a categorical break with historical, ethnic-based forms of social, economic, and cultural exclusion and discrimination. In summary, this thesis advances the conceptualization and understanding of the middle class, contributing to the burgeoning literature on emerging middle classes in developing countries by offering a more complex picture of its expansion and identity construction.
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Anthias, Penelope. "The elusive promise of territory : an ethnographic case study of indigenous land titling in the Bolivian Chaco". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707939.

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Rechlin, Elsa. "Framing indigenous identity in Bolivia : A qualitative case study of the lowland indigenous peoples mobilization in the TIPNIS conflict". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444631.

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Evo Morales became Latin Americas first indigenous president in 2005. Morales praised the indigenous peoples, the indigenous movements and aimed at ending their political marginalization in Bolivia. However, this politicization and framing of indigenous identity and rights was later turned into his disadvantage. In 2011, Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Eastern Bolivia (CIDOB) decided to mobilize against the government's decision to build a highway through Isiboro Secure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS), where three of the indigenous groups represented by CIDOB lives. The decision was taken without consolidation with the population living in the area. In this study Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow's theoretical framework concerning framing processes and social movements are used to analyze CIDOBs collective action framing of their indigenous identity and rights in their mobilization in the TIPNIS conflict. In the result, it became evident that CIDOB used their indigenous identity and rights in different framing strategies including master frames, frame alignment processes, diagnostic, and prognostic framing.
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Collins, Jennifer Noelle. "Democratizing formal politics indigenous and social movement political parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000 /". Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3223011.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 21, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 493-512).
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Mahayni, Basil Riad. "Evo Morales and the indigenous peoples in Bolivia an analysis of the 2002 and 2005 presidential elections /". [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2007.

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Bartlett, Alexandra Eleni. "The Effective Application of Microfinance to Alleviate Poverty in the Indigenous Populations of Peru and Bolivia". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/511.

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Over two billion people are currently living in poverty (less than $2 a day) around the world. 15 percent of this group is of indigenous backgrounds. Similar to the overall composition of the world, 10 percent of Latin America’s population is indigenous, yet one quarter is living on less than $2 a day. Approximately forty years ago the modern day microfinance movement began in Bangladesh and has since spread throughout the world. Microfinance strives to provide financial services to those who do not have access to the traditional financial sector. Making capital available helps alleviate poverty by providing the poor with credit and other financial services that can help generate income through smart investments. Bolivia and Peru currently have the most advanced microfinance sectors, which is in large part attributed to the financial reforms of the 1990s. However, regardless of the quality of the microfinance sectors in Bolivia and Peru, the indigenous people remain untouched by their services. Specifically, the Quechua and the Aymara, who live in the highlands of the Andes and around Lake Titicaca, are among the poorest people in both countries. The Quechua and the Aymara would greatly benefit from access to microfinance by utilizing their traditional cultures to make income-generating businesses.
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Libros sobre el tema "Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Bolivia Bolivia Bolivia United States"

1

Ayma, Evo Morales. Evo Morales Ayma: Primer presidente del estado plurinacional de Bolivia. La Paz: Presidencia del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2010.

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Osco, Marcelo Fernández. Práctica del derecho indígena en Bolivia: Estudio sociojurídico. La Paz: Consejo Nacional de Ayllus y Markas del Qullasuyu, CONAMAQ, 2009.

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Sivak, Martín. Evo Morales: The extraordinary rise of the first indigenous president of Bolivia. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Sivak, Martín. Evo Morales: The extraordinary rise of the first indigenous president of Bolivia. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Bolivia. Componente de Transversalización de Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas. Tendencias y viabilidad de las autonomias indígenas originarias campesinas en Bolivia. La Paz: Componente de Transversalización de Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas del Ministerio de la Presidencia, 2009.

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Tendencias y viabilidad de las autonomias indígenas originarias campesinas en Bolivia. La Paz: Componente de Transversalización de Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas del Ministerio de la Presidencia, 2009.

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Saavedra, Consuelo. 4 culturas de la Amazonía: Un recorrido por la realidad, historia, cultura, luchas y demandas de los pueblos indígenas en la Amazonía de Bolivia. La Paz: CEFREC, 2007.

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Plan Nacional Indígena Originario de Comunicación Audiovisual (Bolivia), ed. 4 culturas de la Amazonía: Un recorrido por la realidad, historia, cultura, luchas y demandas de los pueblos indígenas en la Amazonía de Bolivia. La Paz: CEFREC, 2007.

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Gorza, Piero. Politiche dell'identità nell'"altro Occidente": L'etnicizzazione della politica nell'America indigena (Messico, Ecuador e Bolivia). Bologna: Il mulino, 2011.

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Alvaro, Diez Astete y Brackelaire Vincent, eds. Toromonas: La lucha por la defensa de los pueblos indígenas aislados en Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: FOBOMADE, 2008.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples Bolivia Bolivia Bolivia United States"

1

Pozo, Wilson Jiménez, Fernando Landa Casazola y Ernesto Yañez Aguilar. "Bolivia". En Indigenous Peoples, Poverty and Human Development in Latin America, 40–66. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377226_3.

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Belmonte, Fabiola Vidaurre. "Right to Justice and Diversity of the Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia". En Peacebuilding and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 77–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45011-7_7.

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Silva, Eduardo. "Indigenous Peoples’ Movements, Developments, and Politics in Ecuador and Bolivia". En Handbook of Social Movements across Latin America, 131–44. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9912-6_10.

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Crandall, Russell. "Cocaine". En Drugs and Thugs, 41–53. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300240344.003.0004.

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This chapter describes cocaine as the second most consumed illicit drug in the United States, causing more than five hundred thousand emergency room visits annually. It covers informed estimates that place the valuation of the American cocaine market at over $70 billion a year, a number on par with the annual take of Google and double that of Goldman Sachs. It also explains that cocaine is produced from the leaves of the coca plant and considered one of the first plants domesticated in the Americas as archeological evidence of coca chewing in the Andes suggests that the practice goes back at least as far as 3000 B.C.E. The chapter mentions that the Incan civilization in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries used coca leaves in religious ceremonies throughout its empire, which roughly comprised present-day Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador. It elaborates how coca remains a fundamental element of Andean indigenous peoples' lives.
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Gigler, Björn Sören. "Poverty, Inequality, and Human Development of Indigenous Peoples in Bolivia". En Development as Freedom in a Digital Age: Experiences from the Rural Poor in Bolivia, 87–114. The World Bank, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1596/978-1-4648-0420-5_ch3.

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Schilling-Vacaflor, Almut. "The coupling of prior consultation and environmental impact assessment in Bolivia". En The Prior Consultation of Indigenous Peoples in Latin America, 77–90. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351042109-6.

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Mitchell, Peter. "South America I: Caribbean Deserts and Tropical Savannahs". En Horse Nations. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198703839.003.0012.

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These two quotations, dating to within almost a decade of each other, refer to very different parts of South America, the first the La Guajira Peninsula at its northern tip, the second the savannahs of the Gran Chaco at its very heart. The Wayúu, dwelling in the first, had no direct connection with the Mbayá of whom Dobrizhoffer wrote here (though he is more famous for his work on their cousins, the Abipones). Nevertheless, both regions shared aspects of their respective experiences of colonial intrusion and settlement: the frequent adoption not just of horses but also of other exotic species like cattle and sheep; Spanish use of missionaries to try and pacify their Indigenous inhabitants; and the fact that the latter could play off one European power, or Spanish province, against another, thereby maintaining their own freedom of action. Aiding the Native peoples in this was their geographically, politically, and economically marginal position with respect to the main foci of colonial power in the Andes and along the Atlantic. Spain began exploiting Venezuela’s pearl fisheries as early as 1508, even settling on the mainland from 1522, but the real impetus to conquest in South America came only with Francisco Pizarro’s invasion of the Inka Empire in 1533. The highlands of Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Colombia (the latter never part of Inka domains), the lowlands between them and the Pacific Ocean, the northern half of Chile, and the northwestern corner of Argentina all passed quickly—if not always easily—under Spanish control. So too did parts of Paraguay, settled by following rivers inland from the Atlantic. Portugal, on the other hand, secured for herself the coast of Brazil, eventually expanding her reach across virtually the entire Amazon Basin. Horses were as much a part of the conquistadores’ repertoire in South America as in Mexico. They sowed panic when Pizarro first confronted Inka troops at Cajamarca in 1533, but Native American surprise and fear did not last. Inka armies quickly devised tactics to neutralize the effects of horses on the battlefield in vain efforts to expel the invader.
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