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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Labor unions South Australia History"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 18 de febrero de 2022

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1

Ngai, Mae M. "Trouble on the Rand: The Chinese Question in South Africa and the Apogee of White Settlerism." International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000326.

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The importation of more than 60,000 Chinese laborers to work in the Witwatersrand gold mines in South Africa between 1904 and 1910 remains an obscure episode in the history of Asian indentured labor in European colonies. Yet the experience of the coolies on the Rand reverberated throughout the Anglo-American world and had lasting consequences for global politics of race and labor. At one level, the Chinese laborers themselves resisted their conditions of work to such a degree that the program became untenable and was canceled after a few years. Not only did the South African project fail: Its

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2

Dabscheck, Braham. "Rugby League and the Union Game." Journal of Industrial Relations 35, no. 2 (June 1993): 242–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500203.

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The Association of Rugby League Professionals came to prominence when it achieved a legal victory which thwarted an attempt by the New South Wales Rugby League to introduce an internal draft, a labour market arrangement which reduced the employment and economic freedom of rugby league players. This article provides a history of the association from its origins in the late 1970s through to the draft case and more recent developments. The article presents information on player associations overseas and in Australia, and examines the origins, structure and organization, and various activities of

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3

Paret, Marcel. "South Africa's Divided Working-Class Movements." Current History 116, no. 790 (May 1, 2017): 176–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.790.176.

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South Africa's organized labor movement is now, arguably, weaker and more fragmented than at any other time in the past three decades. Disagreement over how unions should relate to the ruling party, the ANC, is central to this fragmentation.

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4

Short, J. R. "Construction Workers and the City: 1. Analysis." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 20, no. 6 (June 1988): 719–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a200719.

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The aim in this paper is to highlight the importance of construction workers in the making of the built environment. After a discussion about the general nature of capital—labour relations in the construction industry, an example is taken of the recent history of the Builders' Labourers Federation of New South Wales, Australia. The impact of the union during the Sydney property boom of the 1970s is examined.

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5

Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (June 2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.

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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstr

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6

Kenefick, William. "Confronting White Labourism: Socialism, Syndicalism, and the Role of the Scottish Radical Left in South Africa before 1914." International Review of Social History 55, no. 1 (April 2010): 29–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990617.

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SummaryDominated by the ideas of the “communist school”, the early history of the socialist and revolutionary syndicalist movement in South Africa has (until relatively recently) been largely overlooked by labour historians. From this approach emerged the view that the dominant voice of white workers in South Africa was British, and to a lesser extent Australian, and that their blend of class and racial consciousness resulted in the widespread support for the common ideology of white labourism. Indeed, support for this system of industrial and racial segregation was prevalent across the Britis

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7

Fairbrother, Peter, Stuart Svensen, and Julian Teicher. "The Ascendancy of Neo-Liberalism in Australia." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (October 1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300101.

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On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Gov

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8

LICHTENSTEIN, ALEX. "MAKING APARTHEID WORK: AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS AND THE 1953 NATIVE LABOUR (SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES) ACT IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 46, no. 2 (July 2005): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704000441.

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Most analyses of apartheid labor policy focus on the regulation of the labor market rather than the industrial workplace. Instead, this article investigates the administration of South Africa's 1953 Native Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act to examine shop-floor control rather than influx control. The article argues that in response to the threat of African trade unionism, apartheid policymakers in the Department of Labour addressed the problem of low African wages and expanded the use of ‘works committees’. By shifting the debate about capitalism and apartheid away from influx control and mi

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9

Kenny, Bridget. "Walmart in South Africa: Precarious Labor and Retail Expansion." International Labor and Working-Class History 86 (2014): 173–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547914000167.

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In 2011 Walmart's bid to buy a controlling stake in South Africa's Massmart Holdings, Inc. went before the country's Competition Commission and Competition Tribunal, both of which would determine whether to grant the merger outright or to place conditions on it. Massmart Holdings comprises a number of branded subsidiaries in the South African market, including Walmart-style general merchandise dealers, electronics retailers, do-it-yourself building suppliers, and food wholesalers—Game, Dion, Builder's Warehouse, and Makro, respectively—as well as the more recently acquired food retailer, Cambr

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10

Pitcher, M. Anne. "What Has Happened to Organized Labor in Southern Africa?" International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000579.

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AbstractWhy have labor movements in Mozambique, Zambia, and South Africa increasingly been marginalized from the economic debates that are taking place in their countries, even though they have supported ruling parties? Policy reforms such as trade liberalization, privatization, and revisions to labor legislation in all three countries partially account for the loss of power by organized labor as many scholars have claimed. Yet, these policy “adjustments” have also interacted with long-run, structural changes in production, distribution, and trade of goods as well as with processes of democrat

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11

Dennis, Michael. "Labor against the Law: Unions Confront the Courts in the New Economy South." Labor History 48, no. 4 (October 15, 2007): 403–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00236560701580218.

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12

Colley, Linda. "Union recognition and union security." Journal of Management History 23, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-06-2016-0029.

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Purpose Union membership has declined in many countries reducing union capacity to bargain and contribute to economic equality. This paper aims to explore a more hopeful case in an Australian state, where the dramatic anti-union strategies of conservative governments have been reversed by Labor governments. Design/methodology/approach The research frames union recognition and union security in an international context, highlighting differences between US, Canadian, UK and Australian approaches. The research focuses on the Australian state of Queensland, providing an historical account of chang

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13

Pegram, Thomas R. "THE KU KLUX KLAN, LABOR, AND THE WHITE WORKING CLASS DURING THE 1920S." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 2 (April 2018): 373–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000871.

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Historians usually consider the revived Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s to have been consistently opposed to labor unions and the aspirations of working-class people. The official outlook of the national Klan organization fits this characterization, but the interaction between grassroots Klan groups and pockets of white Protestant working-class Americans was more complex. Some left-wing critics of capitalism singled out the Klan as a legitimate if flawed platform on which to build white working-class unity at a time when unions were weak and other institutions demonstrated indifference to working-cl

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14

Kwon, Jaok. "Forging feminism within labor unions and the legacy of democracy movements in South Korea." Labor History 59, no. 5 (May 11, 2018): 639–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2018.1470142.

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15

Shor, Francis. "Left Labor Agitators in the Pacific Rim of the Early Twentieth Century." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 148–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000128.

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As part of the global circulation of capital and labor in the early twentieth century, labor and left activists traveled throughout the Pacific Rim. Highlighting the biographical and political journeys of two important left labor agitators of the period, Patrick Hickey and J. B. King, this essay considers the role of the agitator and the meaning of the left for the mobilization of working people during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Hickey and King both had early experiences with radical unions in North America, Hickey with the Western Federation of Miners in Utah and King w

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16

Howe, Renate. "David Palmer, Ross Shanahan, and Martin Shanahan, eds., Australian Labor History Reconsidered. Adelaide: Australian Humanities Press, 1999. ix + 244 pp. $29.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901214537.

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An objective of this collection is to bring the history of the Australian labor movement to international attention. The editors introduce the collection with a brief overview of Australian labor history, emphasizing differences between the Australian and American experiences. The introduction argues that a unique aspect of Australian labor history is “laborism,” which is defined as the central place of the labor movement in Australian culture, as compared with the more marginal position of the labor movement in America. In Australia, this centrality is reflected in the embedding of trade unio

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17

Buhlungu, Sakhela. "The Rise and Decline of the Democratic Organizational Culture in the South African Labor Movement, 1973 to 2000." Labor Studies Journal 34, no. 1 (February 26, 2008): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x07308522.

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From 1973 to 2000, the emerging black union movement in South Africa made efforts to construct a collectivist and democratic organizational culture. The development and decline of this culture correspond with three phases in the history of the black trade union movement. Political and economic changes in the past fifteen years have affected this culture, specifically the unions' political engagement and new pressures arising out of globalization. However, although it is true that union democracy in the South African labor movement is under stress, it is premature to conclude that this labor mo

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18

Thurston, David. "Covington Hall, Labor Struggles in the Deep South and Other Writings. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1999. 262 pp. $34.00 cloth; $14.00 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901284531.

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Covington Hall was a lifelong labor activist and a member of the Industrial Workers of the World. Hall edited labor newspapers and was a contributor to socialist and labor movement publications including the Industrial Worker, the One Big Union Monthly, and the original International Socialist Review. For years, his unpublished manuscript on Southern labor, a work that is both history and memoir, has been a resource for historians of labor in and near Louisiana. Now it is widely available, with an introduction by David Roediger. Hall tells a lively story about key movements in Louisiana labor

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19

Saunders, Malcolm. "'Jim' Toohey (1909-1992): The 'Father' of the Labor Party in South Australia." Labour History, no. 85 (2003): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27515933.

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20

van der Linden, Marcel. "Speaking Globally." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 184–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790900012x.

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The recent growth of the working classes in various parts of the Global South (or what was called the Tricontinent of Africa, Asia, and Latin America some years ago) has important consequences for labor historians. For a very long time labor history was mainly based in the North Atlantic region, though there have also been important nuclei in the so-called socialist countries, Japan, Australia and New Zealand, and some institutional labor history could also be found in other parts of the world at least since the 1920s. Now, however, the Global South is playing an increasingly important role in

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21

Kirkby, Diane. "Connecting work identity and politics in the internationalism of ‘seafarers … who share the seas’." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 2 (May 2017): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417692965.

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‘We seafarers … who share the seas’ is the expression of a collective identity and mutual responsibility. This article examines that collective identity among members of the Seamen’s Union of Australia and asks, what did internationalism mean in practice to seafarers themselves? Employing an oral history method, coupled with a reading of the union’s own printed media, it explores the seafarers’ understanding of internationalism that they claimed was ‘the language of seafarers’. It was grounded in the nature and reality of their work, and became their politics. The article takes as a case study

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22

Archer, Robin. "Does Repression Help to Create Labor Parties? The Effect of Police and Military Intervention on Unions in the United States and Australia." Studies in American Political Development 15, no. 2 (October 2001): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x01000049.

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23

Scott Stephenson. "“Ballot-Faking Crooks and a Tyrannical Executive”: The Australian Workers Union Faction and the 1923 New South Wales Labor Party Annual Conference." Labour History, no. 105 (2013): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.105.0093.

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24

Kirkby, Diane. "Labour: The New Zealand Labour Party 1916–2016 / One and All: Labor and the Radical Tradition in South Australia." Australian Historical Studies 49, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 420–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2018.1495149.

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25

Nichter, Matthew F. "“Did Emmett Till Die in Vain? Organized Labor Says No!”: The United Packinghouse Workers and Civil Rights Unionism in the Mid-1950s." Labor 18, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 8–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8849556.

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Abstract Emmett Till's mangled face is seared into our collective memory, a tragic epitome of the brutal violence that upheld white supremacy in the Jim Crow South. But Till's murder was more than just a tragedy: it also inspired an outpouring of protest, in which labor unions played a prominent role. The United Packinghouse Workers of America (UPWA) campaigned energetically, from the stockyards of Chicago to the sugar refineries of Louisiana. The UPWA organized the first mass meeting addressed by Till's mother, Mamie Bradley; packinghouse workers petitioned, marched, and rallied to demand jus

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26

Whiteman, Darrell L. "Human Rights and Missionary Response: The Case of the South Pacific Labor Trade." Missiology: An International Review 24, no. 2 (April 1996): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969602400208.

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An infamous period of South Pacific history surrounds the interaction between Europeans and Melanesians in the “recruiting” of about 100,000 Melanesians to work primarily on copra, cotton, and sugar plantations in Fiji, Samoa, New Caledonia, and Queensland, Australia. In many instances the human rights of Melanesians were severely violated. They experienced physical abuse, violence, and even kidnapping in the recruiters' efforts to take them from their island villages to work on plantations. This article documents the important role missionaries played in discovering the violations of Melanesi

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27

Olzak, Susan, Maya Beasley, and Johan Olivier. "The Impact Of State Reforms On Protest Against Apartheid In South Africa." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2003): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.1.591168j626123341.

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During 1970–1985, South Africa vacillated between reform and reaffirmation of the repressive regime known as apartheid. Did these reforms slow the pace of protest, or did they facilitate protest, by intensifying discontent? Using event-history data on anti-apartheid protest we suggest that passage of reforms will increase the pace of protest while state repression will dampen it. We further hypothesize that the nature and scope of each reform would differentially affect protest by each of three official racial populations: Black Africans, Coloureds, and Asian Indians. As expected, reforms that

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28

Rosenthal, Anton. "Streetcar Workers and the Transformation of Montevideo: The General Strike of May 1911." Americas 51, no. 4 (April 1995): 471–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007677.

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The first general strike in Uruguayan history, which completely paralyzed Montevideo for three days in May 1911, provides a useful vantage point from which to view the transformation of the third largest capital in South America from a sleepy “Belle Epoque” horse town into a modern, cosmopolitan city. Coming many years after general strikes in Buenos Aires, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, the 1911 Montevideo conflict appeared to erupt virtually overnight, at a moment when the labor movement itself was in some disarray, and caught the city by surprise. Merchants closed their doors, transport grou

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29

Richards, Eric. "How Did Poor People Emigrate from the British Isles to Australia in the Nineteenth Century?" Journal of British Studies 32, no. 3 (July 1993): 250–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386032.

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One of the great themes of modern history is the movement of poor people across the face of the earth. For individuals and families the economic and psychological costs of these transoceanic migrations were severe. But they did not prevent millions of agriculturalists and proletarians from Europe reaching the new worlds in both the Atlantic and the Pacific basins in the nineteenth century. These people, in their myriad voyages, shifted the demographic balance of the continents and created new economies and societies wherever they went. The means by which these emigrations were achieved are lit

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30

Grayson, John. "Developing the Politics of the Trade Union Movement: Popular Workers’ Education in South Yorkshire, UK, 1955 to 1985." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000090.

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AbstractDrawing on evidence from research interviews, workers’ memoirs, oral histories, and a range of secondary sources, the development of popular workers’ education is traced over a thirty year period, 1955 to 1985, and is rooted in the proletarian culture of South Yorkshire, UK. The period is seen as an historical conjuncture of Left social movements (trade unions, the Communist and Labour parties, tenants’ movements, movements of working-class women, and emerging autonomous black movements) in a context of trade union militancy and New Left politics. The Sheffield University extramural de

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31

von Bülow, Mathilde. "Beyond the Cold War: American Labor, Algeria’s Independence Struggle, and the Rise of the Third World (1954–62)." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz103.

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Abstract During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria’s long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc’s campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federat

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32

Leesland, Aslak. "The Norwegian Workers’ Education Association: A Midwife of Labor's Breakthrough in Norway." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000181.

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Norway in the year 1900 would be more easily recognizable to a person from the global South than to a citizen of present-day Norway. One of Europe's smallest countries, with a population of 2.2 million, it was also one of the poorest. Still a predominantly agrarian country, it suffered from the side effects of early industrialization that other European countries had known for decades. Under pressure from a growing labor movement and an increasingly restive citizenry, the Liberal Party was spearheading reformist social policies and further democratization in Norway, whereas the Conservative Pa

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33

Sell, Zach. "Asian Indentured Labor in the Age of African American Emancipation." International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000375.

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AbstractThis article examines transnational connections between African American emancipation in the United States and Chinese and Indian indenture within the British Empire. In an era of social upheaval and capitalist crisis, planters and colonial officials envisioned coolies as a source of uninterrupted plantation labor. This vision was often bound to the conditions of African American emancipation. In British Honduras, colonial officials sought to bring emancipated African Americans to the colony as labor for sugar plantations. When this project failed, interest turned toward indentured Chi

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34

Peterson, Nicolas. "Legislating for Land Rights in Australia." Practicing Anthropology 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.23.1.1rp8324376861j67.

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A commitment in applied anthropological policy work to maximising cultural appropriateness or even to supporting what indigenous people say they want is not always possible. This proved to be the case in connection with formulating recommendations for land rights legislation in Australia's Northern Territory. Until 1992 the only rights in land that Aboriginal people had as the original occupiers of the continent were statutory (that is, through acts of state and federal parliaments). No treaties were signed with Aboriginal people and until that date the continent was treated as terra nullius,

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35

Dredge, Dianne. "Tourism Reform, Policy and Development in Queensland, 1989–2011." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.152.

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Tourism has been a major driver of economic and social development in Queensland since the end of World War II. In 2011, tourism's direct contribution to the economy was estimated to be $7.8 billion, and it generated direct employment of an estimated 118,000 full-time equivalent jobs (Queensland Tourism 2011). The multiplier effects of tourism account for another $9.2 billion, making it the most important component of the state's service sector. These figures suggest that the approach adopted by the Labor government over the last two decades to manage and develop Queensland tourism has general

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36

Richardson-Self, Louise Victoria. "Coming Out and Fitting In: Same-Sex Marriage and the Politics of Difference." M/C Journal 15, no. 6 (October 13, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.572.

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Introduction This article argues in favour of same-sex marriage, but only under certain conditions. Same-sex marriage ought to be introduced in the Australian context in order to remedy the formal inequalities between lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) citizens and their heterosexual/cisgendered counterparts. One common method of justifying the introduction of formal same-sex relationship recognition has been via the promotion of LGBT “normalcy.” This article explores such a trend by analysing popular media and advertising, since media representations and coverage have been shown to

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37

Lambert, Anthony. "Rainbow Blindness: Same-Sex Partnerships in Post-Coalitional Australia." M/C Journal 13, no. 6 (November 17, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.318.

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In Australia the “intimacy” of citizenship (Berlant 2), is often used to reinforce subscription to heteronormative romantic and familial structures. Because this framing promotes discourses of moral failure, recent political attention to sexuality and same-sex couples can be filtered through insights into coalitional affiliations. This paper uses contemporary shifts in Australian politics and culture to think through the concept of coalition, and in particular to analyse connections between sexuality and governmentality (or more specifically normative bias and same-sex relationships) in what I

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38

Sadek, Md Abu Zafor. "Global Status of Biosimilars and Its Influential Factors." European Journal of Business and Management Research 5, no. 6 (November 8, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejbmr.2020.5.6.565.

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The history of biosimilars started at European Union (EU) in 2006 with one product; however, currently it has been recognized everywhere in the world and EU have highest 64 biosimilar products. United States Food & Drug Administration (USFDA) was little unadventurous with biosimilars; nevertheless, they approved the first biosimilar 09 years after EU approval and presently they have 28 biosimilars which are playing significant role in price cutting of branded biologics. They also have so many biosimilars in product pipeline. Economically emerging countries especially China & India are

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39

Jauregui, Beatrice. "Lawfare and Security Labor: Subjectification and Subjugation of Police Workers in India." Law & Social Inquiry, September 16, 2021, 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2021.32.

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What labor rights do police workers have? How are they legally delimited? This article addresses these questions through a case study of government responses to attempts by police constables in post/colonial South Asia to express job-related grievances and establish employee unions. Drawing on ethnographic observations, interviews, and archival documents collected in India over fifteen years, the analysis demonstrates that, for more than a century, class warfare within police organizations has manifested in counter-insurgency “lawfare” between senior officials and subordinate personnel regardi

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40

Arvanitakis, James. "The Heterogenous Citizen: How Many of Us Care about Don Bradman’s Average?" M/C Journal 11, no. 1 (June 1, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.27.

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One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoing nationalistic agenda, which inc

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41

Arvanitakis, James. "The Heterogenous Citizen." M/C Journal 10, no. 6 (April 1, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2720.

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   Introduction One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoi

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Heurich, Angelika. "Women in Australian Politics: Maintaining the Rage against the Political Machine." M/C Journal 22, no. 1 (March 13, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1498.

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Women in federal politics are under-represented today and always have been. At no time in the history of the federal parliament have women achieved equal representation with men. There have never been an equal number of women in any federal cabinet. Women have never held an equitable number of executive positions of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) or the Liberal Party. Australia has had only one female Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, and she was the recipient of sexist treatment in the parliament and the media. A 2019 report by Plan International found that girls and women, were “reluctant to

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Goggin, Gerard. "Broadband." M/C Journal 6, no. 4 (August 1, 2003). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2219.

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Connecting I’ve moved house on the weekend, closer to the centre of an Australian capital city. I had recently signed up for broadband, with a major Australian Internet company (my first contact, cf. Turner). Now I am the proud owner of a larger modem than I have ever owned: a white cable modem. I gaze out into our new street: two thick black cables cosseted in silver wire. I am relieved. My new home is located in one of those streets, double-cabled by Telstra and Optus in the data-rush of the mid-1990s. Otherwise, I’d be moth-balling the cable modem, and the thrill of my data percolating down

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Goggin, Gerard. "Innovation and Disability." M/C Journal 11, no. 3 (July 2, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.56.

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Critique of Ability In July 2008, we could be on the eve of an enormously important shift in disability in Australia. One sign of change is the entry into force on 3 May 2008 of the United Nations convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which will now be adopted by the Rudd Labor government. Through this, and other proposed measures, the Rudd government has indicated its desire for a seachange in the area of disability. Bill Shorten MP, the new Parliamentary Secretary for Disabilities and Children’s Services has been at pains to underline his commitment to a rights-based approac

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Petzke, Ingo. "Alternative Entrances: Phillip Noyce and Sydney’s Counterculture." M/C Journal 17, no. 6 (August 7, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.863.

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Phillip Noyce is one of Australia’s most prominent film makers—a successful feature film director with both iconic Australian narratives and many a Hollywood blockbuster under his belt. Still, his beginnings were quite humble and far from his role today when he grew up in the midst of the counterculture of the late sixties. Millions of young people his age joined the various ‘movements’ of the day after experiences that changed their lives—mostly music but also drugs or fashion. The counterculture was a turbulent time in Sydney artistic circles as elsewhere. Everything looked possible, you sim

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Fordham, Helen. "Curating a Nation’s Past: The Role of the Public Intellectual in Australia’s History Wars." M/C Journal 18, no. 4 (August 7, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1007.

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IntroductionThe role, function, and future of the Western public intellectual have been highly contested over the last three decades. The dominant discourse, which predicts the decline of the public intellectual, asserts the institutionalisation of their labour has eroded their authority to speak publicly to power on behalf of others; and that the commodification of intellectual performance has transformed them from sages, philosophers, and men of letters into trivial media entertainers, pundits, and ideologues. Overwhelmingly the crisis debates link the demise of the public intellectual to sh

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Vella Bonavita, Helen, and Lelia Green. "Illegitimate." M/C Journal 17, no. 5 (October 29, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.924.

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Illegitimacy is a multifaceted concept, powerful because it has the ability to define both itself and its antithesis; what it is not. The first three definitions of the word “illegitimate” in the Oxford English Dictionary – to use an illegitimate academic source – begin with that negative: “illegitimate” is “not legitimate’, ‘not in accordance with or authorised by law”, “not born in lawful wedlock”. In fact, the OED offers eight different usages of the term “illegitimate”, all of which rely on the negation or absence of the legitimate counterpart to provide a definition. In other words, somet

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Lyons, Craig, Alexandra Crosby, and H. Morgan-Harris. "Going on a Field Trip: Critical Geographical Walking Tours and Tactical Media as Urban Praxis in Sydney, Australia." M/C Journal 21, no. 4 (October 15, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1446.

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IntroductionThe walking tour is an enduring feature of cities. Fuelled by a desire to learn more about the hidden and unknown spaces of the city, the walking tour has moved beyond its historical role as tourist attraction to play a key role in the transformation of urban space through gentrification. Conversely, the walking tour has a counter-history as part of a critical urban praxis. This article reflects on historical examples, as well as our own experience of conducting Field Trip, a critical geographical walking tour through an industrial precinct in Marrickville, a suburb of Sydney that

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Daniel, Ryan. "Artists and the Rite of Passage North to the Temperate Zone." M/C Journal 20, no. 6 (December 31, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1357.

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IntroductionThree broad stages of Australia’s arts and culture sectors may be discerned with reference to the Northern Hemisphere. The first is in Australia’s early years where artists travelled to the metropoles of Europe to learn from acknowledged masters, to view the great works and to become part of a broader cultural scene. The second is where Australian art was promoted internationally, which to some extent began in the 1960s with exhibitions such as the 1961 ‘Survey of recent Australian painting’ at the Whitechapel gallery. The third relates to the strong promotion and push to display a

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Due, Clemence. "Laying Claim to "Country": Native Title and Ownership in the Mainstream Australian Media." M/C Journal 11, no. 5 (August 15, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.62.

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Australia in Maps is a compilation of cartography taken from the collection of over 600,000 maps held at the Australian National Library. Included in this collection are military maps, coastal maps and modern-day maps for tourists. The map of the eastern coast of ‘New Holland’ drawn by James Cook when he ‘discovered’ Australia in 1770 is included. Also published is Eddie Koiki Mabo’s map drawn on a hole-punched piece of paper showing traditional land holdings in the Murray Islands in the Torres Strait. This map became a key document in Eddie Mabo’s fight for native title recognition, a fight w

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