Bibliografías temáticas / Metrical phonology

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Metrical phonology"

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Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 3 de marzo de 2023

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Metrical phonology"

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Hammond, Michael. "Metrical Phonology". Annual Review of Anthropology 24, n.º 1 (octubre de 1995): 313–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.an.24.100195.001525.

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Rice, Keren y John A. Goldsmith. "Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology". Language 68, n.º 1 (marzo de 1992): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416372.

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Nathan, Geoffrey S., Richard Hogg y C. B. McCully. "Metrical Phonology: A Coursebook". Language 64, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1988): 825. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414591.

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Pierrehumbert, Janet. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology". Journal of Phonetics 21, n.º 3 (julio de 1993): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)31335-x.

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Jessen, Michael. "Metrical phonology: A coursebook". Lingua 76, n.º 1 (septiembre de 1988): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(88)90020-4.

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Lin, Yen-Hwei. "San Duanmu (2000). The phonology of Standard Chinese. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. xv+300." Phonology 18, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2001): 458–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675701004195.

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This new addition to the series on the phonology of the world's languages edited by Jacques Durand is the most comprehensive study of the synchronic phonology of Standard Chinese (or Standard Mandarin) since the publication of Cheng's (1973) monograph. Duanmu provides a detailed description of the phonological facts in Standard Chinese (henceforth SC), some of which are new or little studied before, offers new perspectives on old problems and proposes a theoretical analysis of these facts in current frameworks such as feature geometry, metrical phonology and Optimality Theory. The main innovation and, in my opinion, the most significant contribution of this book is the extensive coverage of stress (or metrical structure) and its influence on the order and length of compound words. The role of metrical structure is also extended to the analysis of some long-standing problems of the well-known tone 3 sandhi process. Claiming the existence of stress and its importance to understanding the interaction of phonology and morphosyntax in SC may come as a surprise to some readers since SC is not a stress language and its phonetic stress is notoriously difficult to detect. The proposed metrical analysis, nonetheless, is innovative and convincingly argued, and has clearly established the phonological relevance of metrical structure for SC.
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Cooper, William E. y Stephen J. Eady. "Metrical phonology in speech production". Journal of Memory and Language 25, n.º 3 (junio de 1986): 369–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0749-596x(86)90007-0.

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Wilson, Stephen A. "Metrical Structure in Wakashan Phonology". Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 12 (15 de mayo de 1986): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v12i0.1857.

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Calet, Nuria, María Flores, Gracia Jiménez-Fernández y Sylvia Defior. "Habilidades fonológicas suprasegmentales y desarrollo lector en niños de educación primaria". Anales de Psicología 32, n.º 1 (25 de diciembre de 2015): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/analesps.32.1.216221.

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Recent literature research has shown the influence of suprasegmental phonology (the awareness of prosodic features such as stress, timing, and intonation) on literacy acquisition. However, the majority of these studies have been carried out in English. Moreover, the lexical level has been the most explored component. The current study analyzes the relationship between suprasegmental phonology skills and reading development in 92 Spanish primary-school children of 5thgrade. Vocabulary, phonological awareness, suprasegmental skills (lexical- and metrical-stress sensitivity, and non-linguistic rhythm) along with reading aloud and reading comprehension were assessed. Results suggest that suprasegmental phonology predicts a significative amount of variance in reading once phonological awareness and vocabulary were controlled. Furthermore, the components of suprasegmental skills (lexical- and metrical-stress sensitivity, and non-linguistic rhythm) have different relationships with reading skills.
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Archibald, John. "A formal model of learning L2 prosodic phonology". Second Language Research 10, n.º 3 (octubre de 1994): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026765839401000303.

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In this article I discuss the various components necessary for a formal model of the acquisition of the prosodic phonology of a second language. I outline a model that includes an explicit theory of the representation of metrical knowledge (Dresher and Kaye, 1990; Idsardi, 1992) and the necessary learn ing theory to account for how those representations can be acquired. The learning theory which mediates the interaction between Universal Grammar (UG) and the linguistic environment is composed of such elements as appro priate cues, indirect negative evidence and a principle of lexical dependency. Empirical investigations of the acquisition of English metrical parameters by native speakers of Polish, Hungarian and Spanish are reported. Group data as well as case studies are presented. The data suggest that, in the domain of prosodic phonology, both the representations (metrical structure) and processes (learning principles) evidenced in second language learners are the same as those proposed for native speakers. Interlanguage grammars can be seen as a combination of UG principles, correct L2 parameter set tings (from resetting) and incorrect L1 parameter settings (from L1 trans fer).
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Tesis sobre el tema "Metrical phonology"

1

Apoussidou, Diana. "The learnability of metrical phonology". Utrecht : Amsterdam : LOT ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2007. http://dare.uva.nl/document/41607.

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Churchyard, Henry. "Topics in Tiberian Biblical Hebrew metrical phonology and prosodics /". Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Rice, Curtis. "Pacific Yup'ik: Implications for Metrical Theory". Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227264.

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Recent developments in metrical theory have led to the situation in which there are now at least four different approaches to stress assignment. One approach uses only a grid to represent the relative prominence of syllables in a word (cf. Prince 1983); aside from representational conventions, the grid -only approach differs from the other three in that it does not posit any metrical constituency. Second, the constituentized grid approach also represents stress with a grid, but by enhancing the representations with parentheses, metrical constituency is also indicated (cf. Halle and Vergnaud 1987). Hayes (1987) has recently developed an approach employing representations like those in the constituentized grid approach; I will refer to this as the templatic approach. This approach is different insofar as the constituents which are available in the theory are not derived from parameters, but rather it is the constituent templates themselves which are the primitives of the theory. The fourth approach is one in which relative prominence is indicated with arboreal structures, rather than with grids (cf. Hayes 1981, Hammond 1984). In this paper I will present an analysis of the stress pattern of Pacific Yup'ik which follows Rice (1988), and I will claim that this analysis has important implications for each of the approaches mentioned above. Pacific Yup'ik is a particularly interesting testing ground for metrical theories; for our purposes here, the interesting aspect is that an adequate analysis of the stress pattern has broad implications for various approaches to stress assignment.
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Olejarczuk, Paul. "Phonotactic Generalizations and the Metrical Parse". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24189.

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This dissertation explores the relationship between English phonotactics – sequential dependencies between adjacent segments – and the metrical parse, which relies on the division of words into syllables. Most current theories of syllabification operate under the assumption that the phonotactic restrictions which co-determine syllable boundaries are constrained by word edges. For example, a syllable can never begin with a consonant sequence that is not also attested as a word onset. This view of phonotactics as categorical is outdated: for several decades now, psycholinguistic research employing monosyllables has shown that phonotactic knowledge is gradient, and that this gradience is projected from the lexicon and possibly also based on differences in sonority among consonants located at word margins. This dissertation is an attempt to reconcile syllabification theory with this modern view of phonotactics. In what follows, I propose and defend a gradient metrical parsing model which assigns English syllable boundaries as a probabilistic function of the well-formedness relations that obtain between potential syllable onsets and offsets. I argue that this well-formedness is subserved by the same sources already established in the phonotactic literature: probabilistic generalizations over the word edges as well as sonority. In support of my proposal, I provide experimental evidence from five sources: (1) a pseudoword hyphenation experiment, (2) a reanalysis of a well-known, large-scale hyphenation study using real English words, (3) a forced-choice preference task employing nonwords presented as minimal stress pairs, (4) an online stress assignment experiment, and (5) a study of the speech errors committed by the participants of (4). The results of all studies converge in support of the gradient parsing model and correlate significantly with each other. Subsequent computer simulations suggest that the gradient model is preferred to the categorical alternative throughout all stages of lexical acquisition. This dissertation contains co-authored material accepted for publication.
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Crowhurst, Megan Jane. "Minimality and foot structure in metrical phonology and prosodic morphology". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185652.

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This dissertation develops a theory of minimality and foot structure in metrical phonology and prosodic morphology. Central to the theory is the proposal that whether foot structures may be satisfied by a minimum of phonological content is determined by specifying binary values for a new parameter, the Minimal Structure Parameter. The theory of minimality is embedded within a larger theory of prosody which construes metrical footing as mapping to templates. Under this view, metrical templates are subject to the same universal principles, for example Template Satisfaction and Maximization of Association, which constrain association to templates in morphological foot mapping and syllabification. The dissertation argues that the Minimal Structure Parameter together with these principles provides not only a uniform account of diverse metrical phenomena, but offers in addition a principled treatment of an unexpected parallel between metrical and morphological systems: morphological foot structures as well as those in metrical systems may permit subcanonical exemplars of feet. In addition to the parallel just noted, the dissertation finds two differences between metrical and morphological foot structures. First, while metrical feet must specify head elements, morphological feet do not require them. One argument is based on templatic asymmetries between metrical and morphological surface foot inventories. The occurrence of certain foot structures in metrical systems but not in morphology (e.g. trisyllabic feet [σ σ σ], Revised Obligatory Branching feet [σμμ σ]) is explained under the theory of minimality and headship developed within. Second, the minimal constraint on metrical feet is either one or two morae, whereas the minimum for subcanonical feet in morphology is two morae. This is also made to follow from the head/no-head distinction: a metrical foot can be no smaller than the smallest head permitted by the language. In morphology where feet do not specify heads, Minimal Structure defaults to the universal inventory of feet and imposes as the minimal criterion the smallest foot template defined by UG--the bimoraic foot. This work contributes to prosodic theory in (i) aligning theory with data, (ii) aligning metrical theory in particular with theories of templates in morphology and syllabification, and (iii) defining more precisely one constraint on templatic association.
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Giavazzi, Maria. "The phonetics of metrical prominence and its consequences on segmental phonology". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/62408.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2010.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-199).
Only very few phonological processes are reported to be conditioned by stress. There are two major patterns of stress-sensitive processes: segments are lengthened under stress, and vowels become louder. Two other phonological patterns are reported in the presence of stress, although they don't seem to enhance prominence of the stressed position: the preservation of segmental contrast and the enhancement of acoustic properties of the releases in stress-adjacent consonants. The main question of this dissertation is why there are so few segmental processes that show sensitivity to stress. Why are the major segmental processes affecting consonants (e.g. place assimilation, nasalization and voice neutralization) not sensitive about whether their trigger or target is in a stressed position? The analysis of prosodic conditioning presented here has three components: First every stress-conditioned process is enforced by a markedness constraint requiring the perceptual prominence of a metrically strong position. Languages use two strategies to implement this prominence: increasing the duration of the stressed position, or increasing the perceptual energy of the stressed vowel. Second, increasing the loudness of the stressed vowel has side-effects on the realization of stress adjacent stop releases, which result from the subglottal mechanisms used to produce the increase in loudness. These side-effects constitute the small class of stress-conditioned segmental alternations which are not directly enhancing the prominence of the stressed position. Third, both the effects of prominence requirements and the side-effects of prominence enhancement on the phonetic realization of segments in stressed positions may affect the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds in stressed positions: if the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds is decreased in a stressed position, contrast neutralization might arise. If the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds is increased in a stressed position, stress-conditioned contrast preservation might arise. Contrast preservation in stressed positions is therefore not an effect of Positional faithfulness; it emerges as the indirect consequence of prominence enhancement. The set of segmental features which may be targeted by stress-sensitive processes is extremely limited since it is restricted to those features which can be affected by one of three processes: duration, loudness and effects of raised subglottal pressure on stop releases.
by Maria Giavazzi.
Ph.D.
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Purnell, Thomas Clark. "Principles and parameters of phonological rules evidence from tone languages /". access full-text online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 1997. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?9831516.

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Goering, Nelson. "The linguistic elements of Old Germanic metre : phonology, metrical theory, and the development of alliterative verse". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d49ea9d5-da3f-4796-8af8-a08a1716d191.

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I examine those linguistic features of Old English and Old Norse which serve as the basic elements for the metrical systems of those languages. I begin with a critical survey of recent work on Old English metrical theory in chapter 1, which suggests that the four-position and word-foot theories of metre are the most viable current frameworks. A further conclusion of this chapter is that stress is not, as is often claimed, a core element of the metre. In chapter 2, I reassess the phonological-metrical phenomenon of Kaluza's law, which I find to be much more regular and widely applicable within Bēowulf than has previously been recognized. I further argue that the law provides evidence that Old English phonological foot structure is based on a preference for precise bimoraism. In chapter 3, I examine the role of syllables in the Norse Eddic metre fornyrðislag, which supports a view of resolution and phonological feet similar to that found in Old English, though Norse prosody is much more tolerant of degenerate, light feet. I reconsider the other major Eddic metre, ljóðaháttr, in chapter 4, integrating the insights of Andreas Heusler and Geoffrey Russom to propose a new system of scansion for this notoriously recalcitrant verse form. This scansion provides important support for the word-foot theory, and suggests that linguistic elements larger than syllables or phonological feet play a crucial role in early Germanic verse. In the final chapter, I give a diachronic account of Germanic metre and relevant linguistic structures, arguing that the word-foot theory provides the best metrical framework for understanding the development of Germanic alliterative verse. This metrical system is linguistically supported by Germanic word structures and compounding rules, and interacts with bimoraic phonological feet, all of which have a long history in Proto- and pre-Germanic.
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Cooper, Andrew. "A unified account of the Old English metrical line". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Engelska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-148370.

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This study describes the verse design of Old English poetry in terms of modern phonological theory, developing an analysis which allows all OE verse lines to be described in terms of single metrical design. Old English poetry is typified by a single type of line of variable length, characterised by four metrical peaks. The variation evident in the lengths of OE metrical units has caused previous models to overgenerate acceptable verse forms or to develop complex typologies of dozens of acceptable forms. In this study, Metrical phonology and Optimality theory are used to highlight some aspects of the relationship between syntax, phonology and verse metrics in determining how sentences and phrases interact with the verse structure to create variation. The main part of the study is a metrical model based on the results of a corpus analysis. The corpus is centred on the OE poems Genesis and Andreas, complemented by selected shorter poems. A template of a prototypical line is described based on a verse foot which contains three vocalic moras, and which can vary between 2 and 4 vocalic moras distributed across 1 to 4 syllables. Each standard line is shown to consist of four of these verse feet, leading to a line length which can vary between 8 and 16 vocalic moras. It is shown that the limited variation within the length of the verse foot causes the greater variation in the length of lines. The rare, longer ‘hypermetric’ line is also accounted for with a modified analysis. The study disentangles the verse foot, which is an abstract metrical structure, from the prosodic word, which is a phonological object upon which the verse foot is based, and with which it is often congruent. Separate sets of constraints are elaborated for creating prosodic words in OE, and for fitting them into verse feet and lines. The metrical model developed as a result of this analysis is supported by three smaller focused studies. The constraints for creating prosodic words are defended with reference to compounds and derivational nouns, and are supported by a smaller study focusing on the metrical realisation of non-Germanic personal names in OE verse. Names of biblical origin are often longer than the OE prosodic word can accommodate. The supporting study on non-Germanic names demonstrates how long words with no obvious internal morphology in OE are adapted first to OE prosody and then to the verse structure. The solution for the metrical realisation of these names is shown to be patterned on derivational nouns. The supporting study on compound numerals describes how phrases longer than a verse are accommodated by the verse design. It is shown that compound numerals, which consist of two or more numeral words (e.g. 777 – seofonhund and seofon and hundseofontig) are habitually rearranged within the text to meet the requirements of verse length and alliteration. A further supporting study discusses the difference between the line length constraints controlling OE verse design and those for Old Norse and Old Saxon verse. Previous studies have often conflated these three closely related traditions into a single system. It is shown that despite their common characteristics, the verse design described in this study applies to all OE verse, but not to ON or OS.
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Churchyard, Henry. "Vowel Reduction in Tiberian Biblical Hebrew as Evidence for a Sub-foot Level of Maximally Trimoraic Metrical Constituents". Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227254.

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Libros sobre el tema "Metrical phonology"

1

B, McCully C., ed. Metrical phonology: A coursebook. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

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A, Goldsmith John. Autosegmental and metrical phonology. Oxford, UK: B. Blackwell, 1990.

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Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy., ed. Metrical phonology and English verse. Cambridge, MA: Distributed by MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, MIT, Dept. of Linguistics, 1997.

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Metrical phonology and phonological structure: German and English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

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Laks, Bernard. Phonologie accentuelle: Métrique, autosegmentalité et constituance. Paris: CNRS, 1997.

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Hayes, Bruce. Metrical stress theory: Principles and case studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995.

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The phonology of Old English stress and metrical structure. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1997.

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Intonational phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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A metrical theory of stress rules. New York: Garland Pub., 1985.

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Intonational phonology. 2a ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Metrical phonology"

1

Archibald, John. "Metrical Phonology". En Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics, 32–54. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-2056-2_2.

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Archibald, John. "Metrical Phonology and the Acquisition of L2 Stress". En Confluence, 37. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lald.4.05arc.

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Floquet, Oreste. "The phonology of elision and metrical figures in Italian versification". En Language Faculty and Beyond, 325–34. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lfab.2.16flo.

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McCully, C. B. "Metrical Phonology". En Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics, 113–19. Elsevier, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/00057-2.

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"Chaucer’s English Metrical Phonology:". En Meter and Modernity in English Verse, 1350-1650, 161–77. University of Pennsylvania Press, Inc., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv16qjz9w.16.

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"Prosodic Phonology". En The Lexical and Metrical Phonology of English, 184–234. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108889131.006.

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"Segmental Phonology". En The Lexical and Metrical Phonology of English, 52–78. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108889131.003.

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"Theories of Phonology". En The Lexical and Metrical Phonology of English, 1–51. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108889131.002.

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"Word-Level Phonology". En The Lexical and Metrical Phonology of English, 274–316. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108889131.008.

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WEISKOTT, ERIC. "Charles d’Orléans’ English Metrical Phonology". En Charles d'Orléans' English Aesthetic, 122–44. Boydell & Brewer, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvxhrm5t.12.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Metrical phonology"

1

Kessler, Brett. "Word similarity metrics and multilateral comparison". En Ninth Meeting of the ACL Special Interest Group in Computational Morphology and Phonology. Morristown, NJ, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3115/1626516.1626518.

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