Tesis sobre el tema "Political Realignment"
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1
Pelz, Mikael L. Dow Jay K. "The dynamics of modern realignments examining the role of campaign messages in the realignment process /". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6970.
Resumen
Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on Feb 26, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Dissertation advisor: Dr. Jay K. Dow. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
2
Rankin, Aidan. "Breaking the duopoly : political parties and political realignment in Uruguay's new democracy". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320171.
3
Tanner, Duncan. "Political realignment in England and Wales, c. 1906-1922". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319466.
4
Chakmak, Kathryn M. "How the Natural State Turned Red: Political Realignment in Arkansas". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1258.
Resumen
For years Arkansas voted for Republicans in blue. From post-Reconstruction to industrialization and civil rights, Arkansas maintained a conservative ideology while aligning itself with the Democratic Party. In the late 20th century, the South shifted to the right, but the Natural State stayed loyal to the left and its traditional voting tactics. It would not be until the 21st century that Arkansans would recognize that the national Democratic Party did not represent their views. By the 2014 midterm elections, Arkansas’s long time conservatism, newly developed industry and demographic changes coalesced into a partisan change. Arkansas embraced red.
5
Hyde, Sarah Jane. "From old socialists to new democrats : the realignment of the Japanese left". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7acd9f90-0e06-41a2-83c5-76d8d8de7f82.
Resumen
In 1996, a new left of centre party emerged in Japan called the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and effectively replaced the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) as the main opposition party. This thesis asks what conditions caused this realignment and how the DPJ differs from the JSP. An increasing distrust and disinterest of politics and politicians has meant that the non-aligned voter in Japan forms the largest group of the electorate. Every party has lost support, but the left faced the worst drop of support. With the end of the Cold War, and the intensifying call for Japan to reassess its role on the World stage, the traditional ideology of the Japanese left, which has become synonymous with peace and preservation of the Peace Constitution, has lost its stabilising effect on the party and on its supporters. The labour unions, which were once the key mobilisational force for the left-wing parties at election time, began to question their relationship with the JSP and found new links to government. Simultaneously, they were also losing members so mobilisation of voters for the left also declined. Finally, a new electoral system did not reward the opposition as much as the LDP. Overall, the mobilisation of the electorate has become increasingly difficult for the Japanese left as a result of these factors. The DPJ has had to find ways of dealing with them and also has had to create its own identity. The way in which the party has dealt with this is by 'widening out' its types of candidate and using new methods to attract support. Furthermore, the DPJ has become more aware of its party coherence and has ensured that party unity is maintained even when ideological disputes occur.
6
Petre, James Taft. "Realignments of Doxa in U.S. American Politics: Tracing the Rhetorical Histories of Franklin Roosevelt, Ronald Reagan, and Barack Obama". OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/493.
Resumen
This dissertation is a study of political realignment from a rhetorical perspective. Specifically, I use the lens of doxa to rhetorically explore how basic assumptions regarding the role of government shift over time, and how crisis narratives are used to usher in these doxastic transformations. I explore the elections of Franklin Roosevelt, Ronald Reagan, and Barack Obama as markers of such shifts. In chapter one, I provide a statement of purpose and justification for my study, along with a description of the historical contexts of the 1932, 1980, and 2008 presidential elections. Chapter two includes a literature review, in which I discuss scholarship related to political realignment, the rhetorical situation, doxa, and crisis rhetoric. I also provide a description of my method of rhetorical criticism, and an explanation of how the analysis chapters are structured. Chapter three is my first analysis chapter. Using 55 news and opinion articles, I construct a doxa of the Roosevelt era, a doxa of the Reagan era, and a doxa of the Obama era. Creating these doxai provides a context for understanding how each respective candidate challenged the doxa of his time, and sought to usher in a transformation of the role of government. In chapter four, I explore five speeches delivered by each respective candidate to examine how these doxastic transformations are rhetorically manifest. I also investigate how crisis narratives are employed in the service of ushering in a doxastic transformation. In chapter five, I explore the implications of my analysis, and reflect upon limitations of this study and possibilities for future research. In sum, this study provides insight into the ways in which basic assumptions regarding the role of government change over time, and the implications of these shifts.
7
Doyle, Barry M. "Middle class realignment and party politics in Norwich, 1900-1932". Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.254658.
8
Antle, Michael L. "The Rise of the Republicans: Party Realignment in Twentieth Century Texas". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc177173/.
Resumen
This dissertation is a study of the political transformation of Texas during the twentieth century from a predominantly Democratic to a two-party state. It is commonly asserted that the fundamental conservatism of Texas voters led them to abandon the national Democratic Party as it embraced more liberal reforms. This shift led to a rise in support in Texas for the Republican Party, which continued to advocate a more conservative agenda. But this change demands a more thorough explanation at the local level, in part because such a study can also reveal other factors at work. This dissertation first examines how prohibition impacted the state's political status quo and provided an opportunity for the Republican Party to increase its numbers. It then discusses the New Deal and the growth of Texas's oil industry, and how government regulation shaped political developments. The impact of urbanization and suburbanization on Republican growth are also addressed, along with numerous campaigns that reflected the changes occurring in Texas's electorate during this time. Although Dwight D. Eisenhower's 1952 and 1956 wins in Texas were a strong indication of the realignment among Texas voters, it was John G. Tower's election to the United States Senate that served as the first catalyst for the Republicans' dream of a two-party state. Following the election of Tower, the Republicans faced setbacks from the landslide victory of Lyndon B. Johnson after the assassination of John F. Kennedy, followed by the Watergate scandal, but they managed to rebound effectively. Thus, in addition to addressing the question of what spurred the rise of the Republican Party in Texas during the first half of the twentieth century, this dissertation provides more nuanced answers to the question of how Texas became a two-party state by 1988, which of course paved the way for a Republican triumph just ten years later.
9
Stein, Madeline. "A Philosophical Analysis of California Determinate Sentencing, Three Strikes, and Realignment". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1110.
Resumen
This thesis explores the relationship between philosophy and policy in the context of three California policies, Determinate Sentencing, Three Strikes, and Realignment. The philosophy portion includes theories of retribution, deterrence, and rehabilitation, focusing on the tensions and conflicts within them.
10
Johnson, Stephen. "Strategies for realignment : Japanese opposition politics under a one party dominant regime 1955-1993". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318994.
11
Sullivan, Brenda Ann. "African-American political empowerment in the realignment era: a case study of the North Carolina General Assembly". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1729.
Resumen
This dissertation is an exploratory longitudinal case study of Black political effectiveness within state legislative structures. More specifically, it examines the development of a Black legislative base during an era of emerging control by the Republican Party.
Chapters I and II serve as introductory chapters by outlining the basis for the study and historical overviews of the role Blacks have played in North Carolina's politics. Chapter III sketches North Carolina's governmental structure while Chapter IV discusses the crucial issues surrounding the 1984 reapportionment plans. Chapter V identifies the criteria for effective state representation and Chapter VI discusses how effective North Carolina's African-American legislators have been. It is hoped that this study is a scholarly contribution to discussions that will bring us closer to effective political power.
12
Wiltshire-Gordon, Richard. "Presidential Political Realignment in the Southern United States: Beyond the Civil Rights Act, but not Beyond Race". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2195.
13
Burns, Patrick Lee. "Religion and Party Realignment: Are Catholics Realigning into the Republican Party?" unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11292006-225050/.
Resumen
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Allison Calhoun-Brown, committee chair; Michael Binford, Richard Engstrom, committee members. Electronic text (83 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 10, 2207; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-81).
14
Judson, Lauren Joyce. "A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/50530.
Resumen
During periods of turmoil when ideological preferences between the federal branches of government fail to align, the relationship between the three quickly turns tumultuous. Electoral realignments especially have the potential to increase tension between the branches. When a new party replaces the 'old order' in both the legislature and the executive branches, the possibility for conflict emerges with the Court. Justices who make decisions based on old regime preferences of the party that had appointed them to the bench will likely clash with the new ideological preferences of the incoming party. In these circumstances, the president or Congress may seek to weaken the influence of the Court through court-curbing methods. One example Congress may utilize is changing the actual size of the Supreme
The size of the Supreme Court has increased four times in United States history, and three out of the four alterations happened after an electoral realignment. Through analysis of Supreme Court cases, this thesis seeks to determine if, after an electoral realignment, holdings of the Court on issues of policy were more congruent with the new party in power after the change in composition as well to examine any change in individual vote tallies of the justices driven by the voting behavior of the newly appointed justice(s).Master of Arts
15
Nilsson, Linus. "Ekonomisk utsatthet och riksdagsval : -En kvantitativ undersökning av korrelationen mellan partival och ekonomisk utsatthet". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-179912.
Resumen
This study forthbrings a definition of economic vulnerability and indirectly measures how this definition correlates towards choice of party in the Swedish elections of 2010, 2014 and 2018. It does so by the help of regression analysis. The result is that there seems to be a connection between economic vulnerability and some of the parties. A partern in the material is that the parties Kristdemokraterna, Liberalerna, Miljöpartiet and Moderaterna has a negative correlation with economic vulnerability in all the examined elections. Socialdemokraterna has a positive correlation with economic vulnerability in all the examined elections. Sverigedemokraterna has a positive correlation in two of the examined elections. Centerpartiet and Vänsterpartiet only has statisticly significant results in one of the examined elections. Centerpartiet has a negative correlation and Vänsterpartiet has a positive correlation in that election. I try to explain these findings with Rational choice theory.Nyckelord:Studien tar fram en definition utav ekonomisk utsatthet och mäter indirekt hur denna korrelerar gentemot partival i de svenska riksdagsvalen 2010,2014 och 2018. Till detta så användes regressionsanalys. Resultatet är att det verkar finnas ett samband emellan ekonomisk utsatthet och vissa partier. Ett mönster som uppträder är att partierna Kristdemokraterna, Liberalerna, Miljöpartiet och Moderaterna har en negativ korrelation i alla val som undersöks medans Socialdemokraterna har en positiv korrelation i alla val. Sverigedemokraterna har en positiv korrelation i två av de undersökta valen. Centerpartiet och Vänsterpartiet har endast statistiskt signifikant resultat i ett av valen. Centerpartiet har då ett negativt samband och Vänsterpartiet ett positivt samband. Jag försöker därefter förklara detta med hjälp utav ’rational choice’-teori.Abstract
16
Moore, Chiara C. "The War on Drugs and Public Safety Realignment in California: Shifting Incentives, Persistent Problems". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/737.
Resumen
This thesis examines AB 109, “Public Safety Realignment”, a policy enacted in California in 2011 to address the United States Supreme Court mandate to reduce overcrowding in California’s prisons to 137.5%. Realignment proactively shifted ‘non-non-non’ felons (non-serious, non-violent, non-sex crimes) from the state prison system to the county jail system and made some changes to the parole and probation systems. Though California’s prison population declined considerably in 2011 and 2012, this reduction did not last; in 2013 the prison population in California increased by 1,770 inmates, and in late 2013 the CDCR estimated that the state prison population would experience an increase of more than 10,000 inmates by 2018. Though the mandate was ultimately reached after the passage of Proposition 47 in November 2014, it is significant that Realignment, which had been seen as groundbreaking criminal justice reform, failed to make significant and lasting change in the way it was intended. This thesis suggests that Realignment failed to meet the overcrowding mandate on its own due to a mixture of misaligned incentives and prosecutorial and policing power at the county level.
17
Waguespack, Jason. "An Examination of Voter Groups That Make Up the Emerging Democratic Majority Thesis". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2117.
Resumen
In 2002, John Judis and Ruy Teixeira published The Emerging Democratic Majority, a book that postulated that the United States was in the beginning of a political realignment that would spell the end of the Reagan-era coalition that gave Republicans an electoral advantage on the presidency. The authors claimed an electorate that would favor the Democratic Party would emerge to take its place. Since Senator Barack Obama’s victory in the 2008 presidential election was powered by a coalition that looked much like the one Judis and Teixeira described, it appeared the authors’ thesis was being borne out by actual election results. However, the events of the 2000s and early 2010s have lent both credibility and doubt to this possible realignment, and have drawn attention to the problems of regular realignment theory. Exploring the premise laid out by Judis and Teixeira from their work, The Emerging Democratic Majority, as well as observations about the changing composition of the American electorate, I analyze key groups in the American electorate to determine if these groups are trending more Democratic in presidential and congressional races since the 1988 presidential election. Findings showed several of these groups regularly supported Democratic candidates but did not consistently trend to the Democrats from year to year. Changes across time often depended on match-ups of nonconsecutive years, with Democrats in the year 2008 drawing especially strong support from hypothesized voter groups. While Democrats can count on the support of groups such as voters who achieve high levels of college education or voters with secular outlooks on life, their success still depends highly on candidate quality and advantage on issues and cannot be taken for granted.
18
Ekström, Adrian. "Nya Moderaterna - nya väljare : En kvantitativ teoriprövande fallstudie av långtgående dealignment i Sverige med fokus på Moderaterna". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75142.
Resumen
The Swedish Moderate Party had for a long time varied widely in election results. This essay emerges that the theory of dealignment and realignment explains the variation. Dealignment meaning that contemporary voters in western democracies don’t establish relations with political parties in a wide form as traditional. This essay show that the traditional ways of political identity and later voting acts are not important in the same way as before. The Moderate party has in the public eye been a party that people tend to have strong feelings about. The established explanation, the right left scale and class, were found to be less likely to explain why people like or don ́t like the Moderate Party. It is part of a major social change that has been established in most Western democracies. Essentially, this is about new post material value based parties. This study shows that it also affects a large established party like the Moderate Party and a part of a realignment in Swedish politics where new patterns are established. Also that it is an ongoing development were social background and political scale of the traditional values are becoming more and more ineffective in the cause of contemporary voters' behavior.
19
Quick, Tiffany. "The Modern Gender Gap in Partisanship and Ideology: a Cross-National Analysis". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6347.
Resumen
This thesis updates and expands upon the developmental theory of the gender gap in party and ideological identification originally posited by Norris and Inglehart (2000) to explain why women in advanced industrial nations are more likely to hold more leftist ideological identification than men. A comparative cross-national analysis using data from the World Values Survey (2004-2008) extends Norris and Inglehart's study, with an examination of the gender gap in advanced industrial, post-communist and developing nations. To further explore the nature of the gender gap in the United States, data from the American National Election Study (Cumulative File and 2012 cross-section) are used to explain the evolution of the ideological and partisan gender gap over time. Moreover, such a focus can also help explain any subnational difference in the gender gap in the two regions that have experienced a partisan realignment: the South toward the Republican party and the Northeast toward the Democratic party.
Findings from the comparative analysis support the notion in advanced-industrial nations the gender gap has persisted, and indeed grown, with women identifying more with the left than men. This gender gap is robust as it remains significant even when utilizing a multivariate analysis to control for variables that measure social structure and cultural attitudes. However, in post-communist and developing nations a gender gap is less evident although some evidence shows that women in post-communist societies are experiencing a secular realignment and are slowly moving toward leftist ideological orientations. Findings from the analysis of the U.S. demonstrate little regional differences, with women in the South being more liberal and increasingly more Democratic, while women in the Northeast are also more liberal and increasingly Democratic in their party identifications.M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American and Comparative Politics Track
20
Evans, Hugo. "De-Basing the San Francisco Bay Area: The Racial, Regional, and Environmental Politics of the 1991-1995 Brac Military Closures". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1383584349.
21
Junior, Sergio Simoni. "Política distributiva e competição presidencial no Brasil: Programa Bolsa-Família e a tese do realinhamento eleitoral". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-09112017-164955/.
Resumen
As eleições presidenciais são a principal competição do sistema político brasileiro. Há duas proposições dominantes que perpassam as análises da literatura sobre sua natureza e dinâmica: o Programa Bolsa-Família (PBF) é considerado central e determinante para os resultados eleitorais e teria contribuído, no pleito de 2006, para conformar um realinhamento das bases eleitorais do PT, único partido competitivo em todas as eleições. O programa social é considerado fundamental para explicar a força deste partido no Nordeste e entre eleitores pobres. Nesta tese, por meio de replicação de modelos da literatura e da análise de modelos originais a partir de survey, de dados agregados ao nível municipal e ao nível das urnas, e com a aplicação de diferentes metodologias, procuro debater essas hipóteses, apontando inconsistências e deficiências teóricas, metodológicas e empíricas. Os resultados apontam para diagnósticos alternativos às teses vigentes. Primeiro, procuro argumentar que a relação entre as mudanças eleitorais de 2006 e os perfis sociais dos eleitores ocorrem de forma heterogênea pelas regiões e tipos de localidade, e que, após mensuração adequada, essas flutuações são melhor compreendidas como movimentações de eleitores voláteis, e não como realinhamento de bases eleitorais. Além disso, contrariamente às análises correntes, ressalto que a investigação sobre o efeito eleitoral do PBF não deve ser restrita aos seus beneficiários e nem se pode inferir sua importância no resultado eleitoral a partir da sua distribuição regional. Antes, as análises conduzidas nesta tese revelam que o impacto do programa social para as decisões eleitorais foi mais importante no Sudeste que no Nordeste, e não se restringe a eleitores diretamente beneficiários do programa. Por fim, mostro que, após enquadramento adequado, é possível dizer que o impacto do PBF para o resultado eleitoral não foi tão pronunciado ou determinante dos resultados eleitorais. Do ponto de vista mais geral, meu argumento ressalta que as bases eleitorais de longo-prazo dos partidos influenciam os resultados presentes, matizando a importância das mudanças ocorridas em 2006, e sublinha que o efeito do PBF, assim como de qualquer outra política pública com peso político-eleitoral, não pode ser tomado isoladamente, fora do contexto da disputa eleitoral e política.The presidential elections are the main competition of the Brazilian political system. The current literature on the subject pointed out two thesis about the nature and dynamic of presidential elections: The Bolsa-Família (PBF) conditional cash transfer program is considered to be central and determinant to the electoral results and in 2006 would have contributed to realign the electoral bases of PT, the only party competitive in all elections. The policy is considered to be fundamental to explain the strength of the party on Northeast among poor electors. On this dissertation I examine these hypothesis and debate the theoretical, methodological and empirical inconsistences and deficiencies of the current literature. In order to do so, I replicate models, analyze novel models looking at surveys and aggregate data on the municipal level and on ballot level, among other methods. The results highlight conclusions different from the standing literature. First, I argue that the correlation between the electoral changes of 2006 and the social profile of electors occur heterogeneously over different regions and localities. If the proper measure is applied, these variations are better understood as a movement of volatile electors and not as realignment of electoral bases. Moreover, contrary to the current literature, I emphasize that the investigation over the electoral effect of the PBF shouldn\'t be restricted to its beneficiaries and neither that it is possible to infer its importance on the electoral result based on its regional distribution. Contrarily, based on the data we gathered, the impact of the PBF to the electoral results was more important on the Southeast than on the Northeast and it is not restricted to electors directly beneficed by the program. Still, I argue that if the adequate framework is adopted, it is possible to say that the impact of the PBF on the electoral results wasn\'t very strong or determinant to the electoral result. I conclude that the parties\' long term electoral bases influence on present results, minimizing the fluctuations that occurred in 2006. As it happens with all the policies with high potential to impact on voters decisions, the effect of the PBF cannot be analyzed separately, it has to be considered inside the context of the electoral and political dispute.
22
Thielemann, Gregory Scott. "The reality of realignment in the post World War II South". Thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16191.
Resumen
In recent years, much has been written about the political change that is sweeping the South. This is unusual in that the history of the region is one of stability rather than change. Investigations into the political shifts have tended to center around shifts in partisan electoral preferences. In some cases, scholars even suggest that the South is undergoing a process of partisan realignment. This thesis dissents from that opinion. The historical/cultural explanations of Southern politics describe a society and political structure that was, and is dominated by the individual. Given the history of this one-party region, the competition which emerged was one of factionalism dominated by individuals. Even recent Republican gains reflect the power of individuals in Southern elections.
The thesis explores change at three levels. Initially, it analyzes change in partisanship. While the data indicate that survey respondents are less likely to claim loyalty to the Democrats, their actual voting patterns do not show any commitment to the G.O.P. This factor leaves partisan identification suspect as a predictor of change. The thesis follows with an analysis of inter-party competition by looking at the effects of incumbency and presidential coattails, and intra-party competition where Democrats have a long history of primary competition that Republicans do not share.
The final portion of the thesis links these electoral shifts to institutions by looking at the effects of change on conservative coalition support. In this regard the region's conservatism is shown to be bi-partisan. The conclusion that can be drawn from this analysis is that political change is overstated in the South and not linked to the theory of partisan realignment.
23
Pudsey, Ian. "Reshuffling the deck : an examination of the Canadian Alliance's attempt at political realignment". 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/19725.
24
Furnish, Mark Allan. "A southern man of northern principles Michael C. Garber and the political realignment of the 1850s /". 2004. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-1051.pdf.
25
Ansolabehere, Stephen y James Snyder. "Reapportionment and Party Realignment in the American States". 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/18098.