Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Political Realignment"

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1

Nardulli, Peter F. "The Concept of a Critical Realignment, Electoral Behavior, and Political Change". American Political Science Review 89, n.º 1 (marzo de 1995): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2083071.

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The realignment perspective has exerted an enormous amount of influence on thinking about American politics, but recently it has fallen into disfavor. As a theory of political change, this dissatisfaction is warranted. However, in rejecting the realignment perspective, scholars risk losing a valuable concept, the notion of a critical realignment. My thesis is that, properly defined, the concept of a critical realignment can be a powerful tool in the study of electoral behavior and an important component of a broader theory of political change. This thesis derives from an analysis of presidential elections between 1828 and 1984. This analysis provides dramatic evidence for the proposition that critical realignments are important electoral phenomena. The evidence is equally clear, however, that critical realignments are subnational phenomena that vary considerably in form, not the majestic national movements some believed them to be. The analyses reported here reveal broadly based electoral eruptions of 40 to 50 points that endure for decades.
2

Schofield, Norman, Gary Miller y Andrew Martin. "Critical Elections and Political Realignments in the USA: 1860–2000". Political Studies 51, n.º 2 (27 de marzo de 2003): 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00181-i1.

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The sequence of US presidential elections from 1964 to 1972 is generally regarded as heralding a fundamental political realignment, during which time civil rights became as important a cleavage as economic rights. In certain respects, this realignment mirrored the transformation of politics that occurred in the period before the Civil War. Formal models of voting (based on assumptions of rational voters, and plurality-maximizing candidates) have typically been unable to provide an account of such realignments. In this paper, we propose that US politics necessarily involves two dimensions of policy. Whatever positions US presidential candidates adopt, there will always be two groups of disaffected voters. Such voters may be mobilized by third party candidates, and may eventually be absorbed into one or other of the two dominant party coalitions. The policy compromise, or change, required of the successful presidential candidate then triggers the political realignment. A formal activist-voter model is presented, as a first step in understanding such a dynamic equilibrium between parties and voters.
3

Black, Errol. "Political Realignment in Canada?" Monthly Review 39, n.º 6 (3 de noviembre de 1987): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-039-06-1987-10_3.

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4

Franklin, Mark y Matthew Ladner. "The Undoing of Winston Churchill: Mobilization and Conversion in the 1945 Realignment of British Voters". British Journal of Political Science 25, n.º 4 (octubre de 1995): 429–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007304.

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We explore the reasons for the unexpected defeat of Winston Churchill's Conservatives by Labour in the British general election of 1945. Was the outcome a result of Churchill's election campaign errors, as many have supposed, or did the coming-of-age of a new political generation make it a foregone conclusion? Much controversy in the partisanship literature centres on whether electoral realignments result primarily from conversion of existing voters or from mobilization of previously non-voting individuals. In particular, the 1930s US realignment has been the focus of considerable debate. In this article we shed new light on realignment processes by examining the 1945 British realignment that brought the Labour party to power. We find that, in this more straightforward case, the critical impetus came from new voters rather than from converts. Our findings raise questions that need to be confronted in the analysis of other realignments, such as that accompanying the American New Deal. They also shed new light on a much-interpreted episode in British electoral history.
5

Lin, Jeffrey L. "The Diversity of Decarceration: Examining First-Year County Realignment Spending in California". Criminal Justice Policy Review 29, n.º 8 (26 de abril de 2016): 771–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403416644491.

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In recent years, California has dramatically restructured its correctional system through a policy called “Realignment,” which shifts responsibility over thousands of offenders from the state to its counties. To help manage this influx, the state allocated US$2 billion through 2014 to the counties. Counties have used these funds in different ways. Some have adhered to Realignment’s intended focus on evidence-based programming, whereas others have focused on expanding enforcement and custodial capacities. I analyze first-year (2011-2012) county Realignment budgets to identify political, economic, and criminal justice factors that explain different spending emphases. Using quantitative and comparative methods, I find that counties focus on enforcement spending because of pressing local needs related to crime and justice, and counties focus on services spending when sheriffs—key figures in Realignment administration—are politically secure. These findings have practical implications for correctional policies in California, and for other states that seek to reduce their prison populations.
6

Claassen, Ryan L. "Political Awareness and Partisan Realignment". Political Research Quarterly 64, n.º 4 (8 de septiembre de 2010): 818–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912910379228.

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7

Mair, Peter y Tomokazu Sakano. "Japanese Political Realignment in Perspective". Party Politics 4, n.º 2 (abril de 1998): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068898004002003.

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8

Brady, David W. y Patricia A. Hurley. "The Prospects for Contemporary Partisan Realignment". PS: Political Science & Politics 18, n.º 01 (1985): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021302.

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With the exception of 1976, all national elections since 1964 have generated commentary among both media analysts and political scientists about the possibility of realignment. Reports have varied from the straightforward—yes or no—to the contrived—realignment has been realized at the presidential but not the congressional level. In this essay, we outline our view of those factors that are necessary for a realignment, and we evaluate the 1984 elections with respect to those factors. Our focus in this analysis is on the tripartite structure of American party systems: party in the electorate, party in government, and party as organization. In addition, we discuss the policy consequences associated with realignments.Theories of RealignmentsSchlesinger (1984: 371) reminds us that “[the parts of parties] are treated as though each leads a life of its own with little attention to what if anything holds them together.” This admonition also holds for students of realignments. One school of thought, centering around the University of Michigan's Survey Research Center, focuses attention on party in the electorate. In this view, a realigning election is one in which the normal party vote shifts from one party to another, and because of the influence of individual partisan identification on electoral outcome, this new majority party dominates elections for a generation or more. This emphasis on the distribution of party identification in the electorate is beneficial in that it gives us an operational definition of realignment and allows us to assess both critical and secular (gradual) realignments.
9

Bass, Harold F. "Review Essay: Whither Realignment?" American Review of Politics 11 (1 de enero de 1991): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1990.11.0.137-150.

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The “realignment era” in American political science began thirtyfive years ago, when Key (1955) proposed “A Theory of Critical Elections.” In his wake, realignment scholarship has proliferated far and wide (Bass 1991). The concept of realignment pervades contemporary scholarship on American political parties. The “textbook” treatment of the history of party competition in the United States posits periodic realigning elections that substantially alter group bases of party coalitions and establish enduring party systems. The initial analytical focus of the party in the electorate now extends to the party in government, linking elections with public policy. Since political parties constitute central integrating institutions in the political process, realignment has become a key conceptual lens for viewing and interpreting the whole of American political life. Indeed, it has escaped the bounds of scholarship and entered into popular discourse. Further, as subjects of realignment studies, the United States and its component political units now compete with numerous non-American systems.
10

Plakhtiy, Taras Oleksiiovych. "ARCHETYPAL PRINCIPLES BEHIND POLITICAL SPACE REALIGNMENT". UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, n.º 14 (16 de junio de 2018): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i14.115.

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Based on our archetypal model of interaction of political party members, we have provided a rationale for and developed a strategy for their activation, involving a willful and conscious choice and introduction by leaders of an integrated set of organizational instruments for streamlining the activity of party units that can ensure direct management of recurrent situations and contexts of competitive interaction in order to prevent initiation and maintenance of interpersonal and intergroup conflicts within such units. Implementation of this strategy is based on launching and using a natural, biologically determined source of activation of political party members, supported by neurohumoral reactions in their brain aimed to carry out the ranking process in competitive interaction situations that coherently occur and transform into situations of cooperation within the framework of an integrated set of organizational tools introduced by leaders. Analysis of the main components of the proposed version of such a set (namely, our method of conflictless teamwork of large groups of people in a dynamic network in combination with strategic planning as a well-known methodology of activity) based on the three basic principles of social psychology attests to its potential to activate party members in the process of their collective activity in the framework of party units. In our opinion, by opting for the recommended integrated set of organizational tools, politicians will help political parties to generate their internal moral code and to spread it outward in the absence or weakening of an external moral code, similarly to the Protestant one, for instance, which to a large extent governed the making of the modern Western world. By creating the initial “crystal” of a new social construction based on the proposed variant of such a set politicians will be able to establish a new generation of political parties through its multiplication, self-propagation and self-dissemination among elite groups, and subsequently to restructure the majority of other organizations following this model in order to overcome the growing social complexity, which over time will lead to realignment of the political space at both national and global levels.
11

Herman, Sandra E., Maureen O. Marcenko y Kelly L. Hazel. "The political development of ‘Program realignment’". Journal of Mental Health Administration 23, n.º 3 (junio de 1996): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02522310.

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12

Brady, David W. "A Reevaluation of Realignments in American Politics: Evidence from the House of Representatives". American Political Science Review 79, n.º 1 (marzo de 1985): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956117.

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This article reevaluates American realignment literature based on Clubb, Flanigan, and Zingale's (1980) admonition to focus on control of government and political leadership rather than electoral results. I put forward a theory of policy change in the House of Representatives which shows, like Sinclair (1977), that the effect of electoral realignments is to create a strong and unified majority party in the Congress. However, unlike other work that focuses on electoral courses, I show that structural features of elections created the new majority party in both the Civil War and the 1890s realignments. Specifically, I argue that in these two realignments a strong regional seats-to-votes distortion created the Republican majorities that enacted the policy changes associated with these realignments.
13

RODGERS, WILLIAM. "REALIGNMENT POSTPONED?" Political Quarterly 58, n.º 4 (octubre de 1987): 404–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1987.tb02627.x.

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14

Eden, Robert. "Tocqueville on Political Realignment and Constitutional Forms". Review of Politics 48, n.º 3 (1986): 349–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500039310.

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Tocqueville's argument that great revolutions will become more rare is sobering, if not chilling. But we may warm to it when we realize that it is a prospectus of realignment, intended to raise the sights of democratic statesmen and political scientists. The problem of constitutionalist statesmanship it exhibits is to combine two antithetical moralities: revolutionary morals and the morals of commerce. This paper takes seriously Tocqueville's view that “the books that have made men reflect the most and have had the most influence on their opinions and actions are not those in which the author has sought to tell them dogmatically what it is suitable to think, but those in which he has set their minds on the road leading to truths and has made them find these truths for themselves” (to Corcelle, 17 September 1853). By highlighting Tocqueville's understanding of realigning statesmanship, it seeks to reopen his approach to the study of realignment as an exercise of significant choice by the electorate, a choice of constitutional forms.
15

Tuggar, Fatimah. "Montage as Tool of Political Visual Realignment". Visual Communication 12, n.º 3 (8 de julio de 2013): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357213482607.

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16

Meffert, Michael F., Helmut Norpoth y Anirudh V. S. Ruhil. "Realignment and Macropartisanship". American Political Science Review 95, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2001): 953–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400400122.

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Aggregate party identification (macropartisanship) has exhibited substantial movement in the U.S. electorate over the last half century. We contend that a major key to that movement is a rare, massive, and enduring shift of the electoral equilibrium commonly known as a partisan realignment. The research, which is based on time-series data that employ the classic measurement of party identification, shows that the 1980 election triggered a systematic growth of Republican identification that cut deeply into the overwhelming Democratic lead dating back to the New Deal realignment. Although short-term fluctuations in macropartisanship are responsive to the elements of everyday politics, neither presidential approval nor consumer sentiment is found responsible for the 1980 shift.
17

Macdonald, Stuart Elaine y George Rabinowitz. "The Dynamics of Structural Realignment". American Political Science Review 81, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1987): 775–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962676.

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Governments render decisions on how resources and values are allocated in a society. In the United States, Congress is the institution in which most of the key allocating decisions are made. To the extent the U.S. political system is integrated, the coalitions that form around the issues debated in Congress should be reflected in the coalitions that support presidential candidates and those that support the major political parties. We formulate a spatial theory of political change in which new ideological cleavages appear in congressional behavior and presidential elections and gradually reorganize the mass party base. The theory leads us explicitly to consider the question of dealignment and to specify conditions under which the parties will lose support from voters.
18

Stonecash, Jeffrey M. y Everita Silina. "The 1896 Realignment". American Politics Research 33, n.º 1 (enero de 2005): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x04263824.

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19

Lusztig, Michael. "Commerce et Constitution : une analyse de la stratégie de marchandage dans l'Accord canado-américain de libre-échange". Études internationales 26, n.º 1 (12 de abril de 2005): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703426ar.

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This paper attempts to explain the controversial, and politically risky, Canada-us Free Trade Agreement (CUFTÀ) as a by-product of political entrepreneurship in pursuit of electoral realignment. Upon becoming Prime Minister of Canada in 1984, Brian Mulroney harbored one overriding ambition : to engineer electoral realignment whereby his Conservative Party would supplant the Liberals as the dominant federal party in Quebec, and by extension, in Canada. Mulroney sought realignment by satisfying Quebec's fundamental institutional demands, which took the form of the Meech Lake constitutional Accord. This objective necessitated the construction of a coalition that married the trade and constitutional issues. Mulroney's brokerage skills ensured that CUFTA progressed in tandem with Meech Lake as a means to realizing his first-order objectives.
20

Darmofal, David. "The Political Geography of the New Deal Realignment". American Politics Research 36, n.º 6 (16 de mayo de 2008): 934–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x08316591.

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21

Lawrence, David G. y Richard Fleisher. "Puzzles and Confusions: Political Realignment in the 1980s". Political Science Quarterly 102, n.º 1 (1987): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151486.

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22

Barclay, Andrew, Maria Sobolewska y Robert Ford. "Political realignment of British Jews: Testing competing explanations". Electoral Studies 61 (octubre de 2019): 102063. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2019.102063.

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23

Fiorina, Morris P. "Professionalism, Realignment, and Representation". American Political Science Review 91, n.º 1 (marzo de 1997): 156–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952266.

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The critique of my 1994 article by Stonecash and Agathangelou reflects a series of misconceptions and misunderstandings—about measures, methods, arguments, and findings. In this rejoinder I attempt to correct these. In addition, I clarify my methods and findings. First, I show that a formal statistical test indicates that limiting the analysis to the northern states is justified. Less formally, the professionalism hypothesis cannot work the same in the South as in the North unless levels of Democratic legislative strength can rise above 100%. Second, although clearly inferior to a pooled analysis, I show that a disaggregated (state-by-state) analysis is far more supportive of the professionalization hypothesis than the flawed results Stonecash and Agathangelou report. Third, despite the repeated assertions of Stonecash and Agathangelou, I demonstrate that there is no evidence that a long-term partisan realignment to the Democrats is occurring, and that, contrary to their methodological recommendations, the variables included in my analysis would capture it if it were. Finally, Stonecash and Agathangelou interpret my research as indicating a lack of relationship between constituencies and who gets elected. That is simply not a correct reading of my article.
24

Buchanan, Scott E. "The Realignment of 1964?" Politics & Policy 30, n.º 1 (marzo de 2002): 140–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2002.tb00638.x.

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25

Bird, Mia y Ryken Grattet. "Realignment and Recidivism". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 664, n.º 1 (18 de febrero de 2016): 176–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215603319.

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California’s 2011 Public Safety Realignment created an unprecedented policy experiment by transferring the authority over lower-level felony offenders from the state correctional system to fifty-eight county jail and probation systems. While centered in California, these changes are reflective of an ongoing national conversation about the appropriate level of government at which to focus crime control efforts. In this article, we first situate Realignment in criminological and sociolegal literatures, showing how the reform offers opportunities to further inquiry as to the effectiveness of a wide variety of correctional strategies, implementation, and local variation in correctional law and policy. We then review early research focused on the statewide effect of Realignment on recidivism, which has produced mixed findings depending on the measure of recidivism applied. We then examine variation in recidivism outcomes across county sites and present findings that indicate there is an important relationship between local Realignment implementation strategies and recidivism outcomes. Throughout, we focus on two overarching themes. The first is the challenge of disentangling the roles of offender behavior from justice system response in meaningfully interpreting changes in recidivism outcomes. The second is the challenge of evaluating the effects of policy or practice changes under limited data. Although the need for better and more expansive data is a common theme, we highlight it here in the context of a larger data collection that we have under way.
26

Green, Donald, Bradley Palmquist y Eric Schickler. "The Coming Democratic Realignment". PS: Political Science and Politics 33, n.º 2 (junio de 2000): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420892.

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27

Häusermann, Silja. "Dualization and Electoral Realignment". Political Science Research and Methods 8, n.º 2 (12 de noviembre de 2019): 380–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.48.

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AbstractThe growing research on post-industrial labor market inequality bears a strong—yet widely misunderstood—relevance for the literature on electoral realignment. In this contribution, I contend that the assumption of “labor market outsiders” being equal to “globalization/modernization losers” is largely mistaken. Rather, atypical work and unemployment is most widespread among service workers, whose primary electoral choice is to abstain from voting. This implies that the ongoing reconfiguration of European party systems—through the rise of right-wing populist parties—is driven by skilled and routine workers in the manufacturing sector (the traditional “insiders”). Hence, the rise of right-wing populist parties reflects a political mobilization of the formerly well-protected industrial working class, rather than of labor market outsiders.
28

Bosi, Lorenzo. "The Dynamics of Social Movement Development: Northern Ireland's Civil Rights Movement in The 1960s". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2006): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.1.9658501u00023453.

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This article extends our understanding of social movement development through a qualitative longitudinal analysis of Northern Ireland's civil rights movement during the 1960s. It applies Diani's (1996) approach that links categories of master frames with political opportunity structures. The analysis chronicles how political context shaped the evolution of the moveSment's dominant message and traces how political opportunities imparted advantages to a reformist civil rights message that reflected a realignment master frame in early stages of Northern Irish mobilization. Later, changes in political context—police repression, lack of political responsiveness, and countermobilization—rendered reformist political realignments impossible and gave advantages to elements in the civil rights network that stressed the traditional ethnonational divisions and revanchist, antipartitionist messages. Specifically, this article asks how the inclusive and reformist mobilizing messages of the 1960s Northern Irish civil rights movement came about and then reverted to the exclusivist Nationalist message of the 1970s, and how the shifting political opportunities brought about these changes.
29

Knutsen, Oddbjøm. "Political Cleavages and Political Realignment in Norway: The New Politics Thesis Reexamined". Scandinavian Political Studies 9, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1986): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00347.x.

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30

Wade, Rex A. "Political Realignment and Understanding the Russian Revolution of 1917". Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 24, n.º 1 (1997): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633297x00022.

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31

Dyer, James A., Arnold Vedlitz y David B. Hill. "New Voters, Switchers, and Political Party Realignment in Texas". Western Political Quarterly 41, n.º 1 (marzo de 1988): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448463.

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32

Olson, John Kevin y Ann C. Beck. "Religion and Political Realignment in the Rocky Mountain States". Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 29, n.º 2 (junio de 1990): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387428.

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33

Dyer, J. A., A. Vedlitz y D. B. Hill. "New Voters, Switchers, and Political Party Realignment in Texas". Political Research Quarterly 41, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 1988): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298804100111.

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34

Alemán, Eduardo y Sebastian Saiegh. "Political realignment and democratic breakdown in Argentina, 1916–1930". Party Politics 20, n.º 6 (18 de septiembre de 2012): 849–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068812458613.

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35

Brunell, Thomas L. y Bernard Grofman. "Using US Senate Delegations from the Same State as Paired Comparisons: Evidence for a Reagan Realignment". PS: Political Science & Politics 51, n.º 03 (25 de marzo de 2018): 512–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000409.

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ABSTRACTThe fact that two senators are elected from each state offers the potential for natural paired comparisons. In particular, examining historical and geographic patterns in terms of changes in the number of divided US Senate delegations (i.e., states whose two senators are of different parties) is a useful route to testing competing models of American politics, including theories of split-ticket voting, party polarization, and realignment. Brunell and Grofman (1998) used divided Senate delegations to indirectly examine evidence for realignment. We hypothesized that a partisan realignment will necessarily lead to a cyclical pattern in the number of divided Senate delegations. We predicted that the number of divided Senate delegations at the state level would decline after 1996 because we conjectured that there had been a realignment cusp around 1980. We tested this prediction with data from 1952–2016 and our prediction was confirmed.
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Still, Wendy S. "A Practitioner’s Perspective on Realignment". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 664, n.º 1 (18 de febrero de 2016): 221–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215606676.

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This article offers a practitioner’s perspective on California’s criminal justice Realignment. Drawing on my direct experience implementing Realignment as the chief probation officer in the city and county of San Francisco, I argue that the San Francisco case illustrates how decarceration can occur without compromising public safety, and I offer a set of lessons for practitioners and policy-makers about how to achieve decarceration despite local political, organizational, and cultural barriers. Specifically, I identify interagency collaboration, investment in community corrections and a commitment to alternatives to incarceration and community engagement with the families of both victims and offenders as key facilitators of decarceration at the local level. I urge observers not to dismiss these lessons as idiosyncratic to San Francisco’s unique locale. Rather, my experience has been that even San Francisco’s exceptionally hospitable local culture is not enough to successfully implement reform; structural arrangements that institutionalize the practical implementation of cultural commitments to reduce reliance on incarceration are required.
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Allen Beck, Paul. "Micropolitics in Macro Perspective: The Political History of Walter Dean Burnham". Social Science History 10, n.º 3 (1986): 221–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200015443.

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It has now been over twenty years since The American Political Science Review published “The Changing Shape of the American Political Universe” by Walter Dean Burnham (1965). This remarkably rich work is at once a study of historical variations in citizen electoral behavior, of the partisan realignment of 1896 and the realignment process in general, and of the connections between voter behavior and the patterns of American politics and public policy. It also raises fundamental epistemological issues about the relationship of micro-level and macro-level phenomena in politics—especially the inherent limitations of single-shot public opinion surveys or of a focus on a single political period in understanding the full range of possibilities for citizen involvement in a democratic political order. Unlike many scholarly works which rise meteor-like to prominence then rapidly vanish, “Changing Shape” remains at least as influential today as it was twenty years ago.
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Chagas-Bastos, Fabrício H. "Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn". Revista de Estudios Sociales, n.º 69 (julio de 2019): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08.

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39

Morrill, Richard L. y Gerald R. Webster. "Spatial and political realignment of the U.S. electorate, 1988–2012". Political Geography 48 (septiembre de 2015): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2015.07.002.

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40

Perlman, Bruce J. y J. Edwin Benton. "Devolutionary Realignment: Shedding Services, Ad Hoc Collaboration, and Political Reconfiguration". State and Local Government Review 46, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2014): 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x14553474.

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Huston, James L. "The Illinois Political Realignment of 1844-1860: Revisiting the Analysis". Journal of the Civil War Era 1, n.º 4 (2011): 506–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2011.0077.

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Altfeld, Michael F. y Won K. Paik. "Realignment in ITOs: A Closer Look". International Studies Quarterly 30, n.º 1 (marzo de 1986): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600439.

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Marcus, Jonathan. "Israel's general election: realignment or upheaval?" International Affairs 68, n.º 4 (octubre de 1992): 693–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622710.

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Stent, Angela y Lilia Shevtsova. "America, Russia and Europe: a realignment?" Survival 44, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2002): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330212331343532.

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45

Lustig, Joshua. "Terrestrial Thinking". Current History 118, n.º 804 (1 de enero de 2019): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2019.118.804.39.

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Bullock, Charles S. "Regional Realignment from an Officeholding Perspective". Journal of Politics 50, n.º 3 (agosto de 1988): 553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131458.

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47

Brunell, Tom y Bernard Grofman. "Divided Senate Delegation Indicator of Realignment". PS: Political Science & Politics 40, n.º 02 (abril de 2007): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096507210674.

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Coleman, John J. "State Formation and the Decline of Political Parties: American Parties in the Fiscal State". Studies in American Political Development 8, n.º 2 (1994): 195–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001243.

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Resumen
The shifting salience of political parties is a central issue in American political development. From the debates over colonial “parties” to debates over the relevance of realignment theory in the 1980s and 1990s, scholars have attempted to assess the impact of political parties on political development. One topic that has provoked particularly extensive debate is the status of parties since World War II. Scholars point to confidence gaps, realignment, and institutional displacement, among other factors, to explain the postwar decline of political parties. But there are problems: Analytical frameworks explaining decline cannot account for recent signs of party resurgence; frameworks explaining resurgence typically account for little of the decline. Those focused on one aspect of the party system (e.g., parties in Congress) rarely offer insights on other aspects (e.g., parties in the electorate). What is needed is an approach that places parties within their structural settings. If these settings change, parties may change.
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WEATHERFORD, M. STEPHEN. "After the Critical Election: Presidential Leadership, Competition and the Consolidation of the New Deal Realignment". British Journal of Political Science 32, n.º 2 (28 de marzo de 2002): 221–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123402000091.

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The concept of critical realignment has shaped much of the thinking of political scientists and historians about the processes and patterns of change in American politics. Research on re-alignment has, however, tended to focus on successful cases and to concentrate on the electoral breakpoints rather than the process of regime formation, with the result that little systematic thinking has been devoted to the question of why some electoral upheavals lead to party realignment while other large vote shifts do not. This article begins from the proposition that the election does not so much constitute the realignment as offer the opportunity and the momentum for the new party to build a lasting national coalition. Whether the party capitalizes on this potential depends on processes and events that follow the critical election, during what could be called the ‘consolidation phase’ of the realignment. The question is ultimately one about public opinion, but the concept of consolidation needs to take in the interaction between the public and political elites, since mass opinion is formed in the context of elite initiatives and interpretations. The model of consolidation depicts two interrelated processes. The first involves strategic competition among elites, including elected officials and organized societal interests, who frame the conflict, by prioritizing issues and cleavages, and by relating policy proposals to group identities and widely-shared values. The second focuses on the public. Their standing loyalties disrupted by the crisis and the incumbents' inability to deal with it successfully, citizens engage in a process of experiential search as they seek to re-establish the stable political orientation given by attachment to a political party. The article draws on qualitative and quantitative information from the New Deal to illustrate the model of consolidation.
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Williams, Philip. "Party Realignment in the United States and Britain". British Journal of Political Science 15, n.º 1 (enero de 1985): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004087.

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Realignment theory is a recent but flourishing sub-branch of the study of American political parties. Over the last thirty years, the original suggestions of its inventor, V. O. Key, have been elaborated and refined in several directions and through several phases, gradually being modified to take variations in historical circumstances more carefully into account. Problems of the same kind often occur, and are likely to prove even less manageable, when efforts are made to apply the theory to another political system and culture as authors from both countries (and from neither) have in recent years tried, more or less explicitly, to use it to explain developments in the British party system. Some techniques travel quite well, and some useful insights can be obtained by looking afresh at familiar patterns in the light of similar experiences elsewhere. But the differences between the two nations and states preclude any rigorous attempt to apply a theory derived from the history of one country with a view to explaining the experiences of the other.

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