Bibliografías temáticas / Post election violence

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Post election violence"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021
Última modificación: 12 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Post election violence"

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Angerbrandt, Henrik. "Deadly elections: post-election violence in Nigeria". Journal of Modern African Studies 56, n.º 1 (marzo de 2018): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000490.

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AbstractTwo decades after the ‘third wave of democratization’, extensive violence continues to follow elections in sub-Saharan Africa. Whereas national processes connected to pre-election violence have received increased scholarly attention, little is known of local dynamics of violence after elections. This article examines the 2011 Nigerian post-election violence with regard to the ways in which national electoral processes interweave with local social and political disputes. The most affected state, Kaduna State, has a history of violent local relations connected to which group should control politics and the state. It is argued that electoral polarisation aggravated national ethno-religious divisions that corresponded to the dividing line of the conflict in Kaduna. A rapid escalation of violence was facilitated by local social networks nurtured by ethno-religious grievances.
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von Borzyskowski, Inken. "The Risks of Election Observation: International Condemnation and Post-Election Violence". International Studies Quarterly 63, n.º 3 (17 de junio de 2019): 654–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz024.

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Abstract Research on international election observation shows that observation reduces fraud, encourages participation, and boosts confidence in the election. However, this conventional account misses the negative, violence-inducing potential of observer criticism. This is the first study examining how observer criticism influences post-election violence. Democracy depends on the loser’s consent, and the willingness of election losers to be governed by the winners can be influenced by observer criticism. When reputable observers criticize the credibility of an election, they can encourage losers to challenge the result. Observer criticism strengthens the electoral loser by legitimizing a challenge and serving as a focal point for mobilization. Using data on post-election violence in thirty-eight countries in sub-Saharan Africa since 1990, I show that internationally condemned elections are more likely to turn violent than not-condemned elections. These results are robust to various control variables (including observer presence and election fraud) and accounting for potential selection, spuriousness, endogeneity, and omitted variables.
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Daxecker, Ursula E. "The cost of exposing cheating". Journal of Peace Research 49, n.º 4 (julio de 2012): 503–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312445649.

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This article investigates the relationship between international election observation, election fraud, and post-election violence. While international electoral missions could in principle mitigate the potential for violence by deterring election fraud, the ability of international observers to detect manipulation may in fact induce violent uprisings. Serious irregularities documented by international observers provide credible information on election quality, which draws attention to election outcomes and alleviates coordination problems faced by opposition parties and society. When elections are manipulated to deny citizens an opportunity for peaceful contestation and international observers publicize such manipulation, violent interactions between incumbents, opposition parties, and citizens can ensue. Consequently, the author expects that fraudulent elections monitored by international organizations will have an increased potential for subsequent violence. This expectation is evaluated empirically in an analysis of post-election conflict events for African elections in the 1997–2009 period. Using original data on electoral manipulation and reputable international election observation missions, findings show that the presence of election fraud and international observers increases the likelihood of post-election violence. Matching methods are employed to account for the possibility that international observers’ decisions to monitor elections are endogenous to the occurrence of violence in the electoral process. Results for matched samples confirm the findings in the unmatched sample. A variety of robustness tests show that the results are not influenced by the operationalization of independent variables and influential observations.
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Hafner-Burton, Emilie M., Susan D. Hyde y Ryan S. Jablonski. "Surviving Elections: Election Violence, Incumbent Victory and Post-Election Repercussions". British Journal of Political Science 48, n.º 2 (19 de diciembre de 2016): 459–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341600020x.

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It is often assumed that government-sponsored election violence increases the probability that incumbent leaders remain in power. Using cross-national data, this article shows that election violence increases the probability of incumbent victory, but can generate risky post-election dynamics. These differences in the consequences of election violence reflect changes in the strategic setting over the course of the election cycle. In the pre-election period, anti-incumbent collective action tends to be focused on the election itself, either through voter mobilization or opposition-organized election boycotts. In the post-election period, by contrast, when a favorable electoral outcome is no longer a possibility, anti-government collective action more often takes the form of mass political protest, which in turn can lead to costly repercussions for incumbent leaders.
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Crost, Benjamin, Joseph H. Felter, Hani Mansour y Daniel I. Rees. "Narrow Incumbent Victories and Post-Election Conflict: Evidence from the Philippines". World Bank Economic Review 34, n.º 3 (9 de noviembre de 2019): 767–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wber/lhz014.

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Abstract Post-election violence is a common form of conflict, but its underlying mechanisms are not well understood. Using data from the 2007 Philippine mayoral elections, this paper provides evidence that post-election violence is particularly intense after narrow victories by incumbents. Using a density test, the study shows that incumbents were substantially more likely to win narrow victories than their challengers, a pattern consistent with electoral manipulation. There is no evidence that the increase in post-election violence is related to the incumbents’ political platform or their performance in past elections. These results provide support for the notion that post-election violence is triggered by election fraud or by the failure of democratic ways of removing unpopular incumbents from office.
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Hafner-Burton, Emilie M., Susan D. Hyde y Ryan S. Jablonski. "When Do Governments Resort to Election Violence?" British Journal of Political Science 44, n.º 1 (26 de febrero de 2013): 149–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000671.

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When are governments most likely to use election violence, and what factors can mitigate government incentives to resort to violence? How do the dynamics of election violence differ in the pre- and post-election periods? The central argument of this article is that an incumbent's fear of losing power as the result of an election, as well as institutionalized constraints on the incumbent's decision-making powers, are pivotal in her decision to use election violence. While it may seem obvious to suggest that incumbents use election violence in an effort to fend off threats to their power, it is not obvious how to gauge these threats. Thus, a central objective of this article is to identify sources of information about the incumbent's popularity that can help predict the likelihood of election violence. The observable implications of this argument are tested using newly available cross-national evidence on elections, government use of pre- and post-election violence, and post-election protests from 1981 to 2004.
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Datta, Sreeradha. "Post‐election communal violence in Bangladesh". Strategic Analysis 26, n.º 2 (abril de 2002): 316–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160208450047.

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Krause, Jana. "Restrained or constrained? Elections, communal conflicts, and variation in sexual violence". Journal of Peace Research 57, n.º 1 (enero de 2020): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319891763.

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Anecdotal evidence suggests that sexual violence varies significantly across cases of election violence and communal conflicts but systematic research is scarce. Post-election violence is particularly likely if electoral mobilization further polarizes longstanding communal conflicts and political elites do not instruct security forces to intervene decisively. I comparatively analyse two prominent cases of post-election violence in Kenya (2007/8) and Nigeria (2008) that exhibit stark variation in sexual violence. Patrimonial networks and norms of violent masculinity that increase the probability of (gang) rape were present in both cases and do not explain variation. Civil war research has identified three explanations for the variation in sexual violence: situational constraints; ordered sexual violence or restraint; and bottom-up dynamics of sexual violence or restraint. I examine these for the context of post-election violence. I argue that the type of communal conflict triggered by electoral mobilization explains variation in sexual violence. In Kenya, pogroms of a majority group against a minority allowed for the time and space to perpetrate widespread sexual violence while in Nigeria, dyadic clashes between similarly strong groups offered less opportunity but produced a significantly higher death toll. These findings have important implications for preventing election violence. They demonstrate that civilian vulnerability is gendered and that high levels of sexual violence do not necessarily correspond to high levels of lethal violence. Ignoring sexual violence means underestimating the real intensity of conflict and its impact on the political process.
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Skinner, Ann T., Paul Oburu, Jennifer E. Lansford y Dario Bacchini. "Childrearing violence and child adjustment after exposure to Kenyan post-election violence." Psychology of Violence 4, n.º 1 (enero de 2014): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0033237.

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Mungwari, Teddy. "Zimbabwe Post Election Violence: Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry 2018". International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, n.º 02 (23 de febrero de 2019): 20392–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.675.

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Zimbabwe held its national elections on 30 July 2018. The electoral process was generally peaceful until 1 August 2018, when demonstrators took to the streets of Harare demanding the immediate release of the presidential election results. Arguably, the police failed to contain the situation and sought the assistance of the military which fired live ammunition to unarmed civilians. By end of 1 August 2018, at least six (6) people had been tragically killed; injury of thirty-five (35), and extensive damage and destruction of property had been caused. Following these incidents, on 12 September 2018, the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, His Excellency Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, appointed a Commission of Inquiry in terms of Section 2(1) of the Commission of Inquiry Act [Chapter 10:07] through Proclamation 6of 2018 published in Statutory Instrument 181 of 2018, to investigate matters of public welfare arising out of the tragic events in Harare on 1 August 2018. This article argues that the Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry was biased against main opposition. The article concluded that the coverage of the public hearings was polarized and that Zimbabwe is a divided and polarized state. This article contributes towards policy and reform changes.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Post election violence"

1

Jenkins, Sarah-Ann. "Understanding ethnic violence : the 2007-2008 post-election crisis in Kenya". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/c4a26be7-a0f7-4ee4-9a3d-93511806a3c6.

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The field of ethnic conflict studies is dominated by top-down approaches and elite-centric analyses that emphasise the social construction of group grievances, fears and hatreds, and that highlight the central role played by political entrepreneurs in the manipulation of ethnicity and the organisation of violence. Whilst offering valuable explanations of the macro-context of conflict, existing theories obscure local level agency and oversimplify the nature and dynamics of violence on the ground. The aerial perspective creates the illusion of homogenous ethnic groups waging battle along a clearly defined and stable cleavage line, and it fails to account for localised manipulations of, and individualised resistance to, the macro-ethnic divide. This thesis offers a view of violence from below, complexifying, problematising, and nuancing existing theories through a close-grained, thick descriptive analysis of a particular case. A detailed ethnographic exploration of the localised dimensions of the 2007-2008 post-election crisis in Kenya reveals socio-spatial variations in violence dynamics, as well as localised and individualised contradictions in involvement and participation, that are not easily explained by the dominant perspective. It argues that territories with a clear ethnic majority experienced more intense violence than ethnically mixed spaces, which remained relatively calm and demonstrated greater levels of inter-ethnic cooperation. It further highlights the ambiguities of individual involvement, arguing that local level actors can transcend the meta-narrative of ethnic animosity for a variety of reasons and in a variety of ways. The thesis concludes that cases of ethnic conflict are not marked by singularity and uniformity, but rather by multi-vocality and complexity. They are not coherent and singular conflicts but rather are constituted by multiple locally-ethnicised clashes. Thus, the thesis contributes to the broader project of generating more comprehensive and representative understandings of ethnic violence by exploring the localised proces
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2

Fromet, De Rosnay Amandine. "Kenya and the ICC: the politics of the 2007 post-election violence". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14053.

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In December 2007, Kenya held a presidential election. The incumbent was Mwai Kibaki of the Party of National Unity (PNU). His political opponent was Raila Odinga of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). The vote was peaceful and described by many in positive terms; that is, a continuation of the positive democratic transition that Kenya began toward the end of the 1990s. However, many in Kenya accused the government of foul play, when the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) delayed declaring a winner for two days. The ECK eventually declared Kibaki President, and rushed the swearing - in ceremony, skipping the stipulated 72 hours. Two days after declaring Kibaki president, Samuel Kivuitu, the chair of the ECK, admitted he did not know whether Kibaki had won the elections. He insisted that he had agreed to release the results and announce Kibaki as president, under pressure from above. Kenya then experienced its worst bout of violence since the Mau Mau rebellion, before independence. The Post - Election Violence (PEV) lasted two months. It was resolved following an agreement, the Kenya National and Reconciliation Dialogue (K N D R), negotiated by a Panel of Eminent Personalities. The fighting parties agreed to form a Government of National Unity (GNU), a Commission of Enquiry into the Post - Election Violence (CIPEV) and an Independent Review Commission on the General elections (Kriegler Commission). The GNU was to have Kibaki reinstated as President, to add the post of Prime Minister for Odinga, and was to undertake a reconciliation and accountability process, prosecuting perpetrators. This thesis seeks to determine what were the politics that led Kenya to prosecute those who bore greatest responsibility for the PEV. More specifically, what were the politics that resulted in selecting the ICC, as the court where individuals were going to be held accountable?
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3

Odallo, Beatrice N. "Analysis of the post 2007 general election conflict mediation process in Kenya". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16765.

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In December 2007, Kenya held what by all accounts were historic presidential, parliamentary and local elections which pitted the then President Mwai Kibaki and his Party of National Unity (PNU) against Mr. Raila Odinga, the leader of the Orange Democratic Party (ODM), Mr. Kalonzo Musyoka, head of ODM-Kenya, and six other candidates. There was however, even before the elections were in progress, several indicators of conflict such as pervasive use of inflammatory campaign rhetoric. Within minutes of the Electoral Commission of Kenya’s declaration of President Kibaki's victory, tribe-based rioting and violence broke out across the country. The results announced showed both a rapid disintegration of Odinga’s previously large lead during the tallying of votes, and a 2.5% margin between the two leading candidates. As a result, suspicions of tampering were high, not least because the opposition had won 99 seats to PNU’s 43 at the parliamentary level.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Paulo Comoane of the Faculty of Law, University of Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mozambique. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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4

Ajao, Khadijat Oluwatoyin. "Citizen journalism and conflict in Africa : the Ushahidi Platform in Kenya's 2008 post-election violence". Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65543.

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The fast-growing Internet platform in Africa has given opportunities to a new set of non-state actors to offer nonviolent intervention in addressing protracted conflicts with the use of new media technology/new media. As a departure from a state-centric approach to addressing conflict in Africa, this interdisciplinary study explores the contribution of the public in responding to armed conflicts through citizen journalism. To unearth some of the youth-led nonviolent digital innovations, this research explores the new media technology platform, Ushahidi, which was developed as a response to Kenya’s 2008 post-election violence, as a case study. Using qualitative methods, data was gathered through unstructured in-depth interviews of the Ushahidi’s founders, Kenyan bloggers and partner organisations as well as intermediary groups consisting of professional journalists, writers and civil society activists. The data was analysed using thematic analysis techniques, and revealed how new media technologies are a ‘double-edged sword’, offering opportunities for netizens to both contribute to the instigation of conflict and conflict transformation. The data showed the transformative role the Ushahidi platform played during Kenya’s electoral violence through crisis mapping, the early warning multi-agent consortium, a constitutional referendum and election monitoring. Evidence also emerged regarding the pioneer work of Ushahidi in other nonviolent technological involvements in addressing crisis in Kenya. The evidence allowed for comprehensive understanding of the emergence of new actors in conflict transformation with the use of the new media technology and what Ushahidi offers in terms of people-centred approach to peace processes in Kenya.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2017.
Political Sciences
PhD
Unrestricted
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5

Doles, Alexandra. "The name of the game a framing analysis of media reporting on the 2007 Kenyan post-election violence /". Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1250166136.

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Gergin, Nadir. "The Nexus between the Ballot and Bullet: Popular Support for the PKK and Post-election Violence in Turkey". VCU Scholars Compass, 2010. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/426.

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This study examines the relationship between popular support for the Kurdish Worker’s Party (PKK), which is an ethnic insurgent and terrorist organization mainly operating in Turkey, and its terrorist activities during the pre-and post-election periods in Turkey . Popular support has been measured through popular votes for the political party affiliated with the PKK in 1999 general, 2004 local and 2007 general elections. Two leading theories of social movements, Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT) and Relative Deprivation Theory (RD), were used as theoretical approach. The study uses secondary data and constructs a longitudinal design. An advanced statistical analysis technique, a generalized hierarchical linear model: time nested within subjects (or GHLM repeated measures) was employed in this study. Findings indicate that popular support is positively related to terrorist attacks of the PKK in Turkey. More popular support for the insurgent leads to more terrorist attacks. Furthermore, terrorist attacks gradually increased over the pre-election period of general elections. However, terrorist attacks abruptly increased upon the election but then subsequent terrorist attacks decline over the post-election periods.
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多日帝, 室仁 y David Muroni. "Post-election violence and governance in Kenya : the rise and fall of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC)". Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13142671/?lang=0, 2020. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13142671/?lang=0.

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この論文は、ケニアの選挙後の暴力の年表に焦点を当てています。それがどのように始まり、頂点に達し、減少、そして再発を探ります。ケニアで2008年に創設された真実、正義、和解委員会は、独立後35年間の過去の人権不正と不正行為を文書化に行なった。複数の要因が組み合わされ、複数政党の大統領選挙で暴力を引き起こします。政府が問題の一部であるため、委員会による良心的な最終報告書と勧告は保留中です。
This thesis focuses on the chronology of post-election violence in Kenya. It explores how it started, peaked, faded, and returned. The Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission created in 2008 in Kenya documents 35 years of past human rights injustices and malpractices from independence in 1963. Multiple factors combine and trigger violence in multiparty presidential elections. The conscientious final reports and recommendations by the Commission remain in limbo as the government is part of the problem. Unequally shared land resources and a grave presidential contest cause post-election violence. Empowering the Supreme Court is a necessity for fair justice.
博士(グローバル社会研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
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8

Weighton, Lisa. "The Ghost in the (News) Room: Peace Journalism and its Limits in Kenya's Complex Media Environment". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32571.

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This thesis explores how peace journalism (PJ) translates into practice in the Kenyan media environment. Through the personal accounts of practicing reporters in Kenya, this research reveals the challenges and opportunities Kenyan journalist-participants faced while covering the 2013 presidential election. Through their personal experiences, this research reveals reporters were working in an exceptionally challenging media environment; one significantly shaped by the 2007 election and post-election violence. Participants identified numerous constraints that shaped their reporting practices, including structural constraints within their newsrooms and societal constraints in relation to ethnic identity. This thesis concludes that PJ has yet to offer sufficient concrete or practical solutions addressing these influencing factors, largely because of an overestimation of the agency journalists possess. Therefore, this research validates an existing body of research that suggests there is a need for PJ to consider factors outside of journalists themselves, which may constrain their work. The objective of the research is not to discredit the value of the tools PJ offers, but rather draw attention to the notion that those tools alone are insufficient.
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9

Natolooka, Kepha. "The efficacy of multi-track diplomacy in resolving intrastate and internationalised conflicts in Africa: the case of the 2007/2008 post-election violence in Kenya". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63546.

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Azman, Muhammad Danial. "Resolving the post-election violence and developing transitional justice institutions through power sharing : power and ideology in Kenya's quest for justice and reconciliation : a justice without punishment?" Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9617.

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Libros sobre el tema "Post election violence"

1

(Organization), Article 19, ed. Kenya: Post-election political violence. [London]: Article 19, International Centre Against Censorship, 1998.

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Materu, Sosteness Francis. The Post-Election Violence in Kenya. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-041-1.

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Mazrui, Alamin M. Kayas revisited: A post-election balance sheet. Nairobi, Kenya: Kenya Human Rights Commission, 1998.

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Kenyans for Peace with Truth & Justice. The post-election violence in Kenya: Seeking justice for victims. Nairobi: Kenyans for Peace with Truth & Justice, 2010.

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Ghoshal, Neela. "Turning pebbles": Evading accountability for post-election violence in Kenya. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2011.

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Lest we forget: Insights into the Kenya's post election violence. Nairobi: Jesuit Hakimani Centre, 2009.

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Sevortʹi︠a︡n, Anna. Shattering hopes: Post-election crackdown in Belarus. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2011.

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N, Waki Philip, ed. Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Post Election Violence (CIPEV). Nairobi: Govt. Printer, 2008.

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International Centre for Policy and Conflict, ed. Prosecuting justice for victims of post election violence: Why the Hague option. Nairobi: International Center for Policy and Conflict, 2012.

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Njogu, Kimani. Healing the wound: Personal narratives about the 2007 post-election violence in Kenya. Nairobi: Twaweza Communications, 2009.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Post election violence"

1

Materu, Sosteness Francis. "Background to the Post-Election Violence". En The Post-Election Violence in Kenya, 15–44. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-041-1_2.

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Materu, Sosteness Francis. "The Post-Election Violence and Immediate Aftermath". En The Post-Election Violence in Kenya, 47–84. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-041-1_3.

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Materu, Sosteness Francis. "Introduction". En The Post-Election Violence in Kenya, 1–12. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-041-1_1.

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Materu, Sosteness Francis. "Criminal Accountability at Domestic Level". En The Post-Election Violence in Kenya, 85–140. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-041-1_4.

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Materu, Sosteness Francis. "Alternatives and Adjuncts to Domestic Prosecutions". En The Post-Election Violence in Kenya, 141–74. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-041-1_5.

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Materu, Sosteness Francis. "The Kenya Situation Before the ICC". En The Post-Election Violence in Kenya, 177–263. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-041-1_6.

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Materu, Sosteness Francis. "Conclusion". En The Post-Election Violence in Kenya, 265–70. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-041-1_7.

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Fackler, P. Mark, Levi Obonyo, Mitchell Terpstra y Emmanuel Okaalet. "Media and Post-Election Violence in Kenya". En The Handbook of Global Communication and Media Ethics, 626–54. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444390629.ch33.

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Nichols, Lionel. "Kenya’s Post-Election Violence and History of Impunity". En The International Criminal Court and the End of Impunity in Kenya, 47–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-10729-5_3.

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Kenny, Christina. "‘Women Are Not Ready to [Vote for] Their Own’: Remaking Democracy, Making Citizens After the 2007 Post-Election Violence in Kenya". En Rethinking Transitional Gender Justice, 273–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77890-7_14.

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