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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Russian nationalism"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 25 de abril de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Russian nationalism"

1

Laine, Veera. "“Biggest Nationalist in the Country”". Contributions to the History of Concepts 16, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2021): 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2021.160206.

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Nationalism is an ism rarely used as self-description. This article suggests that nationalist discourses are on the move, meaning the concept may be used in novel ways. In Russia, for example, the president recently identified himself as a nationalist, claiming ownership of the concept in the long-standing struggle against manifestations of oppositional nationalism. The article asks who describes themselves as nationalists in contemporary Russia, how do they define the concept, and how did it change during the years 2008–2018 when nationalism as a political idea became increasingly important in Russian politics? Drawing from Russian newspaper sources, the article suggests that diverse, self-proclaimed nationalist actors rely on narrow ethnic understandings of the concept and do not embrace the president’s interpretation of multinational nationalism.

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2

Horvath, Robert. "The Euromaidan and the crisis of Russian nationalism". Nationalities Papers 43, n.º 6 (noviembre de 2015): 819–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1050366.

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This article examines the reverberations in Russia of the Euromaidan protests and the fall of the Yanukovych regime in Ukraine. It shows how the events in Kyiv provoked a major crisis in the Russian nationalist movement, which was riven by vituperative denunciations, the ostracism of prominent activists, the breakdown of friendships, the rupture of alliances, and schisms within organizations. Focusing on pro-Kremlin nationalists and several tendencies of opposition nationalists, it argues that this turmoil was shaped by three factors. First, the Euromaidan provoked clashes between pro-Kremlin nationalists, who became standard-bearers of official anti-Euromaidan propaganda, and anti-Putin nationalists, who extolled the Euromaidan as a model for a revolution in Russia itself. Second, the events in Ukraine provoked ideological contention around issues of particular sensitivity to Russian nationalists, such as the competing claims of imperialism and ethnic homogeneity, and of Soviet nationalism and Russian traditionalism. And third, many nationalists were unprepared for the pace of events, which shifted rapidly from an anti-oligarchic uprising in Kyiv to a push for the self-determination of ethnic Russians in Crimean and southeast Ukraine. As a result, they were left in the uncomfortable position of appearing to collaborate with the oppressors of their compatriots.

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3

Bobrov, Ivan Vladimirovich y Dmitry Alekseevich Mikhailov. "Three Enemies of Russia: Dmitrii Galkovskii and Strategies of “Enemification” in Contemporary Russian Nationalism". Nationalities Papers 47, n.º 2 (marzo de 2019): 280–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.2.

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AbstractThis article focuses on ideological constructions of contemporary nationalism shaped by the influence of Dmitrii Galkovskii. At the dawn of the Russian Internet, Galkovskii’s website, Samizdat, became the birthplace for intellectuals of contemporary Russian nationalism who emerged around Voprosy natsionalizma magazine and the online magazine Sputnik i Pogrom. Enemification strategies described in this article are understood as forms of self-representation of contemporary Russian nationalism. The goal of this article is to characterize one of the ideologies of contemporary Russian nationalism, which serves as a moral justification for some odious manifestations—xenophobia and racism. Three forces are characterized by contemporary Russian nationalists as the most dangerous challenges for the nation: the West, internal enemies, and migrants. Traditional and fundamental anti-Western rhetoric has turned into Anglophobia in the ideology of contemporary Russian nationalism. The most profound evidence might be found in Galkovskii’s conception of the history of international relations. This idea is also used when defining the internal enemy. Caucasians have taken the place of Russian nationalism’s previous main internal enemies, Jews, and are treated as representatives of the British colonial administration. The third enemy of modern Russian nationalism is migrants. They are seen as tools of the degradation policy toward Russians.

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4

TANRISEVER, OKTAY F. "Why Are Federal Arrangements not a Panacea for Containing Ethnic Nationalism? Lessons from the Post-Soviet Russian Experience". Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, n.º 3 (30 de octubre de 2009): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990065.

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AbstractFederal arrangements have been considered by some thinkers as a panacea for containing ethnic nationalism in the ethnically defined regions. This article challenges this view by arguing that federal institutions may enable ethnic nationalists in the ethnically defined regions to consolidate their power through the guarantees that they receive from the federal centre. Although the post-Soviet Russian leadership under Boris Yeltsin sought to use federalism as a tool for containing ethnic nationalism, Russia's this experiment with federalism demonstrates that federalism may serve not to contain but to strengthen ethnic nationalism. Disillusioned with Yeltsin's failed use of federalism in containing ethnic nationalism, the overwhelming majority of the Russian people supported Vladimir Putin's anti-federalist reforms since 2000 which made federalism redundant in Russia. While undermining the basis for Western style democracy in Russia, Putin's centralism proved to be more effective than Yeltsin's federalism in containing ethnic nationalism.

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5

Laine, Veera. "Contemporary Russian nationalisms: the state, nationalist movements, and the shared space in between". Nationalities Papers 45, n.º 2 (marzo de 2017): 222–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1272562.

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For several years, various nationalist groups and the Russian state have been competing over nationalism as a political concept and for popular support to nationalist claims. This paper analyzes the relationship between the state and anti-government, ethnocentric nationalistic groups that gather annually in an event called “the Russian March.” Emphasis is on the change in that relationship that happened in 2014, when the state added efforts to channel and mobilize the nationalists to its previous repressive and controlling measures. The article conceptualizes the competition over the nationalist argument in contemporary Russia as a case of dissentful and consentful contention in hybrid regimes, and shows how the dissentful nationalists have been forced to make way for the more consentful ones. Until recently, the room for maneuver for the radical nationalists was relatively wide. The events in Ukraine, however, divided the nationalists, and since 2014 radical nationalists have faced increased state repression. At the same time, pro-government nationalist actors have strengthened, and new players have appeared in the field. These developments tell us not only about the Kremlin's diminished tolerance for dissentful contention, but also about the importance of the nationalist argument in Russian politics today.

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6

Bacon, Edwin. "Reflexive and Reasoned Religious Nationalism: The Exploratory Case of Russia". Politics and Religion 11, n.º 2 (26 de marzo de 2018): 396–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000019.

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AbstractNationalism theory has long acknowledged that in its relation to nationalism, “religion” can refer both to a reflexive identity attached to a people group, and to a reasoned value-based position articulated by an élite. Even this bifurcation remains insufficiently precise. Religio-nationalisms reasoned ex patria—that is, beginning with the nationalist and proceeding from there to incorporate religion—tend toward values of exclusivity and animosity toward “the other”. They have been charged with hijacking religion as an identity while being at odds with those who actively practice that religion or lead its practicing community. The exploratory case of the relationship between Russian Orthodoxy and Russian nationalism allows a comparison of ex patria religio-nationalism with its ex religio counterpart. It supports the hypothesis that when reasoned religio-nationalism begins with the religious and proceeds to the nationalist, emphases such as inclusivity and benevolence—rather than exclusivity and animosity—are to the fore.

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7

Offord, Derek. "Nation-Building and Nationalism in Karamzin's History of the Russian State". Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 3, n.º 1 (2010): 1–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023810x534342.

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AbstractThis essay analyzes Karamzin's contribution, through his History of the Russian State, to the formation of national identity and to the development of nationalism in early nineteenth-century Russia. It explores Karamzin's argument that the development of a unified state gave Russia an equal claim to membership in Europe's family of nations, and thus underlines the way that, for Karamzin, Russia's national identity was subsumed in imperial expansion. Karamzin was first and foremost a political nationalist. Yet the essay also explores the humane, cosmopolitan elements of Karamzin's thinking – elements that were in some tension with his statism and which pointed toward a cultural nationalism more complex than this statism.

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8

Knox, Zoe. "Russian Orthodoxy, Russian Nationalism, and Patriarch Aleksii II". Nationalities Papers 33, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2005): 533–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500354004.

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The Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) is a highly visible institution in Russia, and arguably the most prominent and influential religious or cultural body. The Orthodox Church figures prominently in various discussions as the driving force behind Russia's post-Soviet renewal and recovery. Surveys show that Russians trust the Orthodox Church more than any other public institution, including law courts, trade unions, mass media, the military, the police and the government. Estimates of the number of self-identified Orthodox adherents range from 50 million, which amounts to slightly more than one-third of Russia's population, to 70 million, or roughly one half of the population. A leading newspaper consistently ranks Patriarch Aleksii II, head of the Moscow Patriarchate, the governing body of the Orthodox Church, in the top 15 of the country's most influential political figures. These indicators confirm that the Orthodox Church has a significant role in Russia's post-Soviet development. This is widely accepted by commentators both within and without the Orthodox Church, and within and without Russia.

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9

Kuzio, Taras. "Nationalism and authoritarianism in Russia: Introduction to the special issue". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, n.º 1 (7 de enero de 2016): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.002.

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This article discusses different aspects of the political evolution of Russian President and former Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and the impact of his evolution upon the type of regime that has evolved from soft authoritarianism to a ‘militocracy‘ and ‘consolidated authoritarian regime.’ The article discusses eight contributions to this special issue by placing them within the broader context of how the West misread two areas pertaining to Russia. The first is how the West by wrongly believing that Russia, being a member of G8, the NATO-Russia Council and other Western structures, continued to be interested in becoming a Western political and economic system. The second is the tradition, stretching back to Sovietology, of ignoring and downplaying the issue of how the nationalities question and different nationalisms interact with democratic revolutions, transitions and, specifically, with Russian politics. The introductory article next discusses the eight contributions within the context of: Russian messianism, the Russkii Mir (Russian World), how and when nationalists and fascists became mainstream in Russian politics, Putin’s great power nationalism, Ukrainophobia and Russian chauvinism, historical myths and re-Stalinization of Putin’s political system. The final section compares Russia’s invasions of Georgia and Ukraine in 2008 and 2014 respectively and the growing xenophobia in Russian foreign policy.

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10

ROCCHI, T. "REVOLUTION FROM THE RIGHT: THE RUSSIAN BLACK HUNDREDS MOVEMENT AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN FAR RIGHT PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS Part II-I: the Black Hundred understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism and the consolidation of nations: origins and development of varieties of nationalism in the Russian Empire and Europe". Historical and social-educational ideas 10, n.º 3/2 (4 de agosto de 2018): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/2-54-71.

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This series of articles investigates the Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism. In brief, Russianness is the totality of nationally specific characteristics that define Russians as Russians and that distinguish Russians from other peoples. Through Russianness, according to the Black Hundreds, Russians should form a cohesive, selfidentifying community united in loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundred understanding of Russianness strongly differed from the definition of Russianness by other Russian nationalists of the period. Several historians have noted that the Black Hundreds’ definition of a “true Russian” indicated not an ethnic but rather a political affiliation - loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness had contradictory applications. The Black Hundreds emphasized the allembracing nature of the Russian people and considered many members of the non-Russian peoples as members of the Russian nation. However, they also excluded entire categories of Russians from the ranks of the Russian people and divided the non-Russian peoples of the Empire into the categories of “friendly to Russia” and “hostile to Russia”. The Black Hundreds also often used eschatological themes of demonization of external and especially internal enemies of Russia and the Russian people. Note that the Black Hundreds followed general European trends in political eschatology. It is important to note that the debates about Russianness were an integral part of the general European process of the consolidation of both ethnic and political nations against the background of competing understandings of identity of individuals, groups, and societies. The articles will give a comparative analysis of the Black Hundreds’ concept of Russianness with the concepts of Frenchness in the French Revolution and Germanness in Nazi Germany. The articles’ theme has a huge contemporary relevance in light of debates about national identities and values in the Russian Federation and many European countries.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Russian nationalism"

1

Donskikh, O. A. (Oleg Alʹbertovich). "Russian philosophy as an expression of Russian national consciousness". Monash University, School of Philosophy, Linguistics and Bioethics, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9108.

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2

Tuminez, Mary Astrid Segovia. "Russian nationalism, 1856-1995 : content, empowerment, and impact on Russian foreign policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10980.

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3

Degirmen, Burcu Fadime. "Russian Diaspora And The Politics Of Russian Nationalism In The Post Soviet Era". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610042/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT This thesis examines how Russian political elites and intellectuals have approached the issues of Russian nation and diaspora since 1991. This thesis observes that while Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin claim to advocate a civic definition of a nation in the boundaries of Russia
they extend the definition of Russian nation to cover the &lsquo
Russian diaspora&rsquo
as well. This thesis argues that the inclusion of the term Russian diaspora in Russian discourse of nationalism has paved the way for developing a consensus about Russia&rsquo
s new identity among its political elites and intellectuals. Accordingly, Russia which is defined as a homeland of ethnic Russians identifies itself as the protector of the rights of Russians in ex-Soviet republics. Moreover, this diasporic politics has been used to legitimate the Russian engagement in the internal and external affairs of post-Soviet states. Nevertheless, as this thesis demonstrates, ethnic Russians residing in the post-Soviet states have significant diversity in terms of their political orientations towards Russia. There are five parts in this thesis. After the introduction, the first chapter explains the role of Russian diaspora in the politics of Russian nationalism under Yeltsin and Putin. While the second chapter examines intellectual approaches to the issues of Russian national identity and diaspora, the third chapter focuses on the conditions of ethnic Russians in the post-Soviet states. The final part is the conclusion.

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4

Ingram, Alan Robert. "A nation split into fragments : Russian nationalism and the Congress of Russian Communities". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321960.

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5

Spence, Timothy Michael. "The development of Russian nationalism under Gorbachev (1985-91)". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317922/.

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This thesis examines the development of Russian nationalism under Gorbachev, with special reference to new political organisations. Nationalism is defined as a combination of sentiment, political principle and movement. The political principle 'holds that the political and national unit should be congruent'. For Russia, this was not a straightforward matter: some considered the political unit to be a greater (imperial) Russian state; whilst others considered it to be a Russian national state (based on the RSFSR). In addition, the Russian language has two terms to define the national unit: russkii androssiiskii narod. Russian nationalism existed to a limited degree in the Soviet Union before 1985. Glasnost and perestroika reduced the limitations on expressions of Russian nationalism and provided an opportunity for opinions to coalesce, resulting in the appearance of organised movements. At first, most Russian nationalists welcomed this change, although some soon started to display elements of caution - they were worried about possible threats to their conceptions of the Russian state. This work aims to show that Russian nationalism under Gorbachev was not a unified movement, but a collage of opinions attempting to define the Russian state and its national values. The thesis examines: the development of new groups connected with Russian nationalism; the relationship between Russian nationalism and the centre; the issues which became Russian nationalist causes; and the tendencies which became apparent in Russian nationalism. The thesis contends that Russian nationalism can be divided into three tendencies: imperialist nationalism, concerned with the maintenance of a greater Russian/Soviet state; isolationist nationalism, which sought to establish a specifically 'Russian' state, untainted by foreign influence and separated from the non-Russian Union republics; and liberal nationalism, which respected other republics' independence, was receptive to foreign influence and, yet, was concerned with the Russian national identity of a new Russian state.

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6

Demydova, Viktoriia 05064827121. "The Rise Of Russian Nationalism Under Vladimir Putin: 2000 - 2008". Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612332/index.pdf.

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The thesis aims to discuss the process of nation-building and discourse of Russian nationalism of the Russian President Vladimir Putin in 2000 - 2008. It focuses on the rise of the nationalism in Russia since 2000 and analyzes discourse of nationalism at the state level, in culture and religious sphere, as well as its representation in various ultra right-wing political movements. The thesis argues that despite the ethnic elements in Vladimir Putin&rsquo
s discourse of Russian nationalism, his version of nationalism is not ethnic, but rather multiethnic and inclusive that seeks to promote loyalty to the Russian state among the Russian citizens without eliminating their ethnic identities. In fact, Putin&rsquo
s version of nationalism is multidimensional. Unlike ethnicity, religion and other cultural elements, the loyalty to the state constitute the core of this nationalism. The thesis comprises of four main chapters. After the introduction chapter, the second chapter examines the main projects of the Russian nation-building and identity construction that emerged after the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, and explains which of them were chosen by the leadership of the republic. The third chapter focuses on the discussion of the nation-building under Boris Yeltsin. The fourth chapter is the analysis of Vladimir Putin&rsquo
s nation-building policy and his discourse of nationalism. The fifth chapter analyses the foreign policy of Vladimir Putin, paying attention to policy towards compatriots in the near abroad, countries of the CIS and West. The concluding chapter discusses the main findings of the thesis.

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7

Tanrisever, Oktay Firat. "The politics of Tatar nationalism and Russian federalism, 1992-1999". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1382504/.

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The topic of this thesis is Tatarstan's post-Soviet leadership, analysed through its politics of Tatar nationalism and Russian federalism between 1992 and 1999. The main question of the thesis is how Tatarstan's leadership has succeeded in maintaining political power and gaining economic wealth without provoking a backlash both from Moscow and the local Russian population. The thesis argues that Tatarstan's leadership succeeded in maintaining political power and gaining economic wealth through promoting neither the civic nationalism of participating citizens in Tatarstan nor the ethnic nationalism of the Tatar nation bound together by common culture and history, but pragmatic nomenklatura nationalism which demands national autonomy for the Tatars as the only formula for Tatarstan's leadership to secure regional stability against ethnic nationalisms of the Tatars and the Russians in Tatarstan and the adverse regional effects of the federal policies. The thesis considers the weaknesses of the Russian federal centre and Tatarstan's civil society as the main factors enabling Tatarstan's leadership to pursue a politics of survival through manipulating Tatar nationalism and Russian federalism. The thesis begins with an introduction setting out the approach and the argument. The first main chapter examines the historical evolution of Russia's relations with the Tatar elites both in the Tsarist and the Soviet periods. Chapter Two analyses the President of Tatarstan Mintimer Shaimiev's discourse of Tatar nationalism, and demonstrates how Shaimiev's policies served to Tatarise the leading positions in Tatarstan without a backlash from the Russians. Chapter Three deals with Shaimiev's politics of Tatar nationalism vis-A-vis Moscow before and after the conclusion of the power-sharing treaty between Moscow and Tatarstan in 1994. Chapter Four explores society and culture in Tatarstant o account for the weaknesses of Tatar and Russian ethnic nationalisms.The fifth chapter evaluates the stability of Tatarstan's arrangements with Moscow in terms of the trends at the intergovernmental and interethnic levels. The thesis concludes by showing how Tatar nationalism under Shaimiev has accommodated itself with Russian federalism.

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8

Ingram, A. R. "'A nation split into fragments' : the geopolitics of Russian nationalism and the Congress of Russian Communities". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604931.

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This thesis is a study of the Congress of Russian Communities (KRO), a Russian nationalist movement which emerged in 1993, aiming to reunite all ethnic Russians within an enlarged Russian state. It is argued that the movement failed in its own terms due to ideological contradictions, organisational weaknesses, and counter strategies on the part of the Russian state, but did have a significant influence on Russian state policy, and constitutes a theoretically important phenomenon in the geopolitics of the post-Soviet states. A theoretical framework is developed through a critical review of work on nationalism, also taking into account literature on critical geopolitics, identity, social movements and the state. Nationalism is framed as a geopolitical strategy closely related to the geopolitics of the state system. In order to understand the context within which the KRO emerged, the geopolitics of Russian identity in the Russian Empire, Soviet Union and early post Soviet period are discussed. The KRO's ideology is analysed in terms of key discourses which forge a specific form of Russian identity and a programme for geopolitical change. This ideology is contrasted with those of other right wing movements and the policies of the Yeltsin administration. The KRO, and much Russian nationalism in general, is shown to be intimately (yet problematically) related to statism, another important post-Soviet ideology. The KRO's challenge for state power is then analysed. The origins, structure and development of the KRO, and the political careers of its key figures are reviewed. The KRO's emergence from within the Russian right wing, its links with pro-Russian organisations across the post-Soviet states, and its role in the forging of government policy are traced. Counter strategies on the part of Russian state institutions are also considered. The high point of the KRO's challenge came in 1995 with the construction of a broad electoral coalition. The political geography of the coalition and the geography of its performance at the elections to the Russian state Duma are examined and explained, both in terms of the KRO's ideology and organisation, and in comparison with competitor organisations. In conclusion, the consequences of the KRO's challenge for Russian nationalism and the geopolitics of the post-Soviet states in general are considered.

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9

Usitalo, Steven A. "Lomonosov : forging a Russian national myth". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84204.

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The eighteenth-century natural philosopher Mikhail Vasil'evich Lomonosov (1711-1765) has long been represented by Russian writers and scholars as an encyclopedic figure who not only pioneered the dissemination of a scientific ethos in Russia, but whose own innumerable contributions to science make him eminently worthy of inclusion in a pantheon among the greatest scientific minds. A robust mythology extolling Lomonosov's role in Russian science and culture formed in the years immediately following his death, and would increase in vigor while adapting to changing historical circumstances until well into the twentieth century. This dissertation explores the evolution of Lomonosov's imposing stature in Russian thought from the middle of the eighteenth century to the first decades of the Soviet period. It reveals much about the intersection in Russian culture of changing attitudes towards the meaning and significance of science, as well as about the rise of a Russian national identity of which Lomonosov became an outstanding symbol.
The processes by which myths can be used to create and shape historical memory are highlighted throughout this inquiry. At first, Lomonosov was depicted very generally as the pioneering Russian natural philosopher; later his contributions, still broadly framed, were conflated with select institutional agendas; finally historians of various disciplines appropriated his life in order to reinforce their own professional strategies. Even as the myth of Lomonosov grew more elaborate, however, it was the inspiring idea of Lomonosov's heroic determination to propagate science, culture, and education within Russia and his successful struggles against myriad obstacles to achieve this end that remained the primary and enduring biographical element. It is this image with which my study is principally concerned.

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10

Howard, Natalia V. "Kazakh and Russian identities in transition : the case of Kazakhstan". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1907.

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This dissertation concerns the development and interaction of Kazakh and Russian identities in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. My research questions were: (1) what was the character of these identities in 2003/04 (the time of my research); (2) how have these identities interacted to form dominant and subordinate identities, and (3) how can the character of these identities and their interaction be explained? In order to research these questions I used a general questionnaire followed up by open ended interviews of a representative sample of Kazakhstani citizens. While my research findings show continued uncertainty and provisionality in both Kazakh and Russian identities, which confirms the broad trend of previous surveys, they also indicate signs of change in the emergence of more consolidated dominant and subordinate identities in the less Russianised areas like Chimkent and among the younger generation, while by contrast the older generations of Russians, particularly in the more Russianised areas, find it difficult to accept the delegitimation of their dominant status as reflected in the nationalizing policies pursued by the new state. In theoretical terms these findings confirm the importance of the study of ethnic stratification, which has not received sufficient attention in previous research in this area. In explaining these developments I found that the character of the transition and also of the ‘prior regime type’ in Kazakhstan has had a significant effect on ethnic relationships, but also that international factors, such as those presented in Brubaker’s triadic model, and internal factors, elaborated by Schermerhorn and Horowitz, were also important.

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Más fuentes

Libros sobre el tema "Russian nationalism"

1

The new Russian nationalism. New York: Praeger, 1985.

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2

Rancour-Laferriere, Daniel. Russian nationalism from an interdisciplinary perspective: Imagining Russia. Lewiston, N.Y: E. Mellen Press, 2000.

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3

Carter, Stephen. Russian nationalism: Yesterday, today, tomorrow. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.

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4

Carter, Stephen. Russian nationalism: Yesterday, today, tomorrow. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.

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5

Carter, Stephen. Russian nationalism: Yesterday, today, tomorrow. London: Pinter Publishers in association with John Spiers, 1990.

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6

Russian nationalism: Yesterday, today, tomorrow. London: Pinter, 1993.

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7

Hammer, Darrell P. Russian nationalism and Soviet politics. Boulder: Westview Press, 1997.

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8

Hosking, Geoffrey y Robert Service, eds. Russian Nationalism Past and Present. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26532-9.

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9

1959-, Allensworth Wayne. The Russian question: Nationalism, modernization, and post-Communist Russia. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998.

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10

Brudny, Yitzhak M. Reinventing Russia: Russian nationalism and the Soviet state, 1953-1991. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1998.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Russian nationalism"

1

Kuzio, Taras. "Russian nationalism and Ukraine". En Russian Nationalism and the Russian-Ukrainian War, 99–128. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003191438-4.

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2

Devlin, Judith. "Russian Orthodoxy and Nationalism". En Slavophiles and Commissars, 61–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983201_3.

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3

Dukes, Paul. "Russian Nationalism 1801–1855". En A History of Russia, 121–44. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26080-5_8.

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4

Rees, E. A. "Stalin and Russian Nationalism". En Russian Nationalism Past and Present, 77–106. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26532-9_6.

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March, Luke. "Nationalism 1". En Routledge Handbook of Russian Foreign Policy, 79–98. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315536934-6.

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Malik, Hafeez. "Revival of Nationalism in Bashkortostan". En Russian–American Relations, 224–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230535749_13.

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Boobbyer, Philip. "Russian Liberal Conservatism". En Russian Nationalism Past and Present, 35–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26532-9_4.

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Cosgrove, Simon. "Russian Nationalism in Nash sovremennik". En Russian Nationalism and the Politics of Soviet Literature, 21–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230006003_2.

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Cosgrove, Simon. "Epilogue: Paradoxes of Russian Nationalism". En Russian Nationalism and the Politics of Soviet Literature, 138–47. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230006003_9.

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Kuzio, Taras. "Democrats and the ‘red-white-brown’ coalition". En Russian Nationalism and the Russian-Ukrainian War, 179–203. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003191438-7.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Russian nationalism"

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Bulatov, Ivan. "A Few Words About Methodology Of Studying Russian Nationalism History". En SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.70.

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Шаяхметов, Фидаиль. "GLOBALIZATION AND NATIONALISM: INTEGRATION, CRISIS, LOCALISM. WHAT'S NEXT?" En HISTORICAL EVENTS AS A FACTOR IN THE FORMATION OF ETHNIC IDENTITY: a collection of materials of the seminar held within the framework of the All-Russian Youth Scientific School-Conference. Baskir State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33184/iskffei-2022-03-17.11.

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Целищев, Алексей. "THE GREAT FRENCH REVOLUTION AND THE EMERGENCE OF GERMAN NATIONALISM". En HISTORICAL EVENTS AS A FACTOR IN THE FORMATION OF ETHNIC IDENTITY: a collection of materials of the seminar held within the framework of the All-Russian Youth Scientific School-Conference. Baskir State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33184/iskffei-2022-03-17.9.

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Chandra Mumpuni, Kirana, Kirana Chandra Mumpuni y Hendra Kaprisma. "Маша и Медведь (Mashya i Medved’) ‘Masha and the Bear’: the Spreading of Russian Nationalism as an Ideology". En Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Social Sciences and Interdisciplinary Studies (ICSSIS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssis-18.2019.17.

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Gillies, Richard Louis. "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality: Georgy Sviridov’s Russia Cast Adrift". En Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Art Studies: Science, Experience, Education (ICASSEE 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icassee-18.2018.138.

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Yerznkyan, Bagrat y Natalia Vinokurova. "HAS HOMO ECONOMICUS NATIONALITY?" En Theory and Practice of Institutional Reforms in Russia [Text]: Collection of Scientific Works. CEMI RAS, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33276/978-5-8211-0779-4-58-68.

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Gromyko, Sergey Alexandrovich. "Russian-Polish Discussions In The Duma In 1908-1917: Features Of Cross-Nationalist Discourse". En International Scientific Congress «KNOWLEDGE, MAN AND CIVILIZATION». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.05.81.

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Zhu, Haipeng. "The Construction and Enlightenment of Russian National Image in "Becoming the Fighting Nationality"". En Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (ICCESSH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccessh-19.2019.276.

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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov y Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA". En NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.

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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.

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Chkhikvadze, Tinatin y Ermofili Dranidou. "ETHNIC IDENTITY OF GREEKS LIVING IN THEIR HOMELAND AND IN RUSSIA". En NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b1/v2/27.

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Ethnic identity as a sense of belonging based on our ancestry, cultural heritage, values, and traditions helps us to find our place in our homeland. But what if a person migrates to another country for purpose of getting a job or education? Do people living in their homeland and those who study or work abroad have differences in their ethnic identity? These questions became the basis of our investigation. The study`s purpose was to investigate the ethnic identity of Greeks in their homeland and Russia in order to find out how ethnic identity is determined by such factors as country (homeland or foreign country), occupation (work or study) and sex (male or female). We used the following questionnaires: The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) by Jean S. Phinney, The Positive and Uncertain Ethnic Identity Measure by A.N. Tatarko and N.M. Lebedeva, The Twenty Statements Test by Manfred Kuhn & Thomas McPartland adapted by T.V. Rumyantseva. We conducted Mann-Whitney U-test and multivariate analysis of variance. Results indicate the following. There are differences between Greeks living in their homeland and in Russia. Namely, those living in Russia surpass in affective component of ethnic identity, positive and uncertain ethnic identity. They have more answers reflecting their Greek nationality. Greeks living in Greece have a higher level of ethnic identity search. These differences were corroborated among both men and women. Among students, we found out the same differences except for positive ethnic identity. The Greeks working in Greece showed higher uncertain ethnic identity than those working in Russia. There are differences in ethnic identity between Greeks who work or study. Those who work have higher results in ethnic identity and ethnic identity search among all groups. Working women also have higher results in positive and uncertain ethnic identity. Greeks working in Greece also surpass Greeks studying in the homeland in a number of answers reflecting their religion and in uncertain ethnic identity and concede in positive ethnic identity. Among those living in Russia, students have higher results in uncertain ethnic identity and lower in positive ethnic identity. As for the differences among men and women, Greek women have a more positive ethnic identity and men – uncertain ethnic identity. The same results we got among those who live in the homeland. But there were found no differences between Greek men and women living in Russia. Working men have higher results in ethnic identity search and lower positive ethnic identity in comparison to working women. Male students have higher results in uncertain ethnic identity and affective components of ethnic identity. As for the multivariate analysis of variance, it showed us the following. The factor sex determines ethnic identity, ethnic identity search, positive and uncertain ethnic identity. The factor country (homeland or Russia) determines affective component and ethnic identity search, positive and uncertain ethnic identity. The factor employment (work or study) determines ethnic identity search and positive ethnic identity.

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Informes sobre el tema "Russian nationalism"

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Terzyan, Aram. The Rise of Nationalism and Xenophobia in Putin’s Russia: Implications for Immigrants from Central Asia and Caucasus. Eurasia Institutes, diciembre de 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-1-2019.

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This paper explores rising nationalism and xenophobia in Putin’s Russia, focusing on their implications for immigrants from Central Asia and Caucasus. There is a broad consensus among the students of the Russian politics, that Vladimir Putin’s presidency has led to new Russian national identity construction and rising nationalism. The major shift in Orthodox nationalism during Putin’s presidency has taken its toll on immigrants, particularly from Central Asia and Caucasus. While the Kremlin would consistently strive to style the Russian nationalism as “anti-fascist,” it has not done much to address mounting concerns over significant overlaps between nationalism and xenophobia. Rather, the nationalist rhetoric has well resonated with many Russians, who would take to the streets with slogans of “White Power” or "Russia for the Russians."

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Rutland, Peter. The Paradoxical Role of Russian Nationalism in a Future Soviet State. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, agosto de 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada240701.

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Morrison, James W. Vladimir Zhirinovskiy: An Assessment of a Russian Ultra-Nationalist. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, abril de 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada279006.

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Morrison, James W. Vladimir Zhirinovskiy: An Assessment of A Russian Ultra-Nationalist. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, abril de 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada279208.

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Tarasova, M. V. y S. A. Tarasov. NATIONALIST ORGANIZATIONS AS FACTOR OF GEOPOLITICAL INSTABILITY AT SOUTHWEST BOUNDARIES OF RUSSIA. SCIENTIFIC BULLETIN OF CRIM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/0707-0808-2019-77777.

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Bulent, Kenes. Jobbik: A Turanist Trojan Horse in Europe? European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), agosto de 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0002.

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Defined as Turanist, Eurasianist, pro-Russian, pro-Iranian, anti-immigrant but pro-Islam, racist, antisemitic, anti-Roma, Hungarist, and radically populist, Jobbik do not exist in a vacuum. The rise of Jobbik from deep nationalist, antisemitic, and anti-Roma currents in Hungarian politics dates back to the late 1980s and early 1990s. Despite its extensive efforts at “image refurbishment” in recent years, Jobbik remains a populist, revisionist, racist, radical right-wing party that threatens to destabilize Hungary, the neighboring region, and the EU.

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Lyzanchuk, Vasyl. COMMUNICATIVE SYNERGY OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL VALUES IN THE CONTEXT OF THE RUSSIAN HYBRID WAR. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, febrero de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11077.

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The author characterized the Ukrainian national values, national interests and national goals. It is emphasized that national values are conceptual, ideological bases, consolidating factors, important life guidelines on the way to effective protection of Ukraine from Russian aggression and building a democratic, united Ukrainian state. Author analyzes the functioning of the mass media in the context of educational propaganda of individual, social and state values, the dominant core of which are patriotism, human rights and freedoms, social justice, material and spiritual wealth of Ukrainians, natural resources, morality, peace, religiosity, benevolence, national security, constitutional order. These key national values are a strong moral and civic core, a life-giving element, a self-affirming synergy, which on the basis of homogeneity binds the current Ukrainian society with the ancestors and their centuries-old material and spiritual heritage. Attention is focused on the fact that the current problem of building the Ukrainian state and protecting it from the brutal Moscow invaders is directly dependent on the awareness of all citizens of the essence of national values, national interests, national goals and filling them with the meaning of life, charitable socio-political life. It is emphasized that the missionary vocation of journalists to orient readers and listeners to the meaningful choice of basic national values, on the basis of which Ukrainian citizens, regardless of nationality together they will overcome the external Moscow and internal aggression of the pro-Russian fifth column, achieve peace, return the Ukrainian territories seized by the Kremlin imperialists and, in agreement will build Ukrainian Ukraine.

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Just, David y Amir Heiman. Building local brand for fresh fruits and vegetables: A strategic approach aimed at strengthening the local agricultural sector. United States Department of Agriculture, enero de 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2016.7600039.bard.

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Abstract The debate about whether to reduce import barriers on fresh produce in order to decrease the cost of living and increase welfare or to continue protecting the local agricultural sector by imposing import duties on fresh vegetables and fruits has been part of the Israeli and the US political dialog. The alternative of building a strong local brand that will direct patriotic feelings to support of the agricultural sector has been previously discussed in the literature as a non-tax barrier to global competition. The motivation of consumers to pay more for local fresh fruits and vegetables are better quality, environmental concerns, altruism, and ethnocentrism. Local patriotic feelings are expected to be stronger among national-religious consumers and weaker among secular left wing voters. This project empirically analyzes consumers’ attitude toward local agricultural production, perceptions of the contribution of the agricultural sector to society and how these perceptions interact with patriotic beliefs and socio-political variables perhaps producing an ethnocentric preference for fruits and vegetables. This patriotic feeling may be contrasted with feelings toward rival (or even politically opposing) countries competing in the same markets. Thus geo-political landscape may help shape the consumer’s preferences and willingness to purchase particular products. Our empirical analysis is based on two surveys, one conducted among Israeli shoppers and one conducted among US households. We find strong influences of nationalism, patriotism and ethnocentrism on demand for produce in both samples. In the case of Israel this manifests itself as a significant discount demanded for countries in conflict with Israel (e.g., Syria or Palestine), with the discount demanded being related to the strength of the conflict. Moreover, the effect is larger for those who are either more religious, or those who identify with right leaning political parties. The results from the US are strikingly similar. For some countries the perception of conflict is dependent on political views (e.g., Mexico), while for others there is a more agreement (e.g., Russia). Despite a substantially different religious and political landscape, both right leaning political views and religiosity play strong roles in demand for foreign produce.

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