Literatura académica sobre el tema "Slavery Slavery Police"

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Slavery Slavery Police"

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Parry, Tyler D. y Charlton W. Yingling. "Slave Hounds and Abolition in the Americas*". Past & Present 246, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 2020): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz020.

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Abstract The lash and shackles remain two primary symbols of material degradation fixed in the historical memory of slavery in the Americas. Yet as recounted by states, abolitionists, travellers, and most importantly slaves themselves, perhaps the most terrifying and effective tool for disciplining black bodies and dominating their space was the dog. This article draws upon archival research and the published materials of former slaves, novelists, slave owners, abolitionists, Atlantic travelers, and police reports to link the systems of slave hunting in Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, and the US South throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Slave hounds were skillfully honed biopower predicated upon scenting, hearing, sighting, outrunning, outlasting, signaling, attacking, and sometimes terminating, black runaways. These animals permeated slave societies throughout the Americas and bolstered European ambitions for colonial expansion, indigenous extirpation, economic extraction, and social domination in slave societies. as dogs were bred to track and hunt enslaved runaways, slave communities utilized resources from the natural environment to obfuscate the animal's heightened senses, which produced successful escapes on multiple occasions. This insistence of slaves' humanity, and the intensity of dog attacks against black resistance in the Caribbean and US South, both served as proof of slavery's inhumanity to abolitionists. Examining racialized canine attacks also contextualizes representations of anti-blackness and interspecies ideas of race. An Atlantic network of breeding, training and sales facilitated the use of slave hounds in each major American slave society to subdue human property, actualize legal categories of subjugation, and build efficient economic and state regimes. This integral process is often overlooked in histories of slavery, the African Diaspora, and colonialism. By violently enforcing slavery’s regimes of racism and profit, exposing the humanity of the enslaved and depravity of enslavers, and enraging transnational abolitionists, hounds were central to the rise and fall of slavery in the Americas.
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Chalhoub, Sidney. "The Precariousness of Freedom in a Slave Society (Brazil in the Nineteenth Century)". International Review of Social History 56, n.º 3 (26 de agosto de 2011): 405–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085901100040x.

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SummaryOne of the main features of slavery in Brazil was that slaves had a better chance of achieving freedom than was the case in other slave societies. However difficult freedom may have been to obtain, significant rates of manumission resulted in a high percentage of free and freed people of color in the population of the country throughout the nineteenth century. This article analyzes facets of the structural precariousness of freedom in nineteenth-century Brazil. It deals with such themes as the constitutional restrictions on the political rights of freed persons; the masters’ interdiction of their slaves’ learning how to read and write; the practice of granting conditional manumissions; the masters’ right to revoke liberties; the illegal enslavement of free people of color; and police profiling of free and freed blacks under the allegation that they were suspected of being slaves. The idea is to highlight situations which often blurred the distinction between slavery and freedom, therefore rendering insecure the condition of free and freed people of African descent.
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Wyman-McCarthy, Matthew. "Perceptions of French and Spanish Slave Law in Late Eighteenth-Century Britain". Journal of British Studies 57, n.º 1 (enero de 2018): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2017.179.

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AbstractThis article examines British understandings of the laws and legal traditions that regulated slavery in French and Spanish colonies in the late eighteenth century, particularly between the American and French Revolutions. Based on reports from those with firsthand knowledge of different slave systems, many imperial commentators contended that enslaved persons under French and Spanish rule were treated more humanely—and consequently worked more efficiently—than those in British jurisdictions. Advocates of slavery reform therefore looked to the slave management strategies of competitors to help advance their cause. For some, appropriating foreign slave regulations became a central feature of programs designed to lessen the brutality of slavery and eventually bring about emancipation. For others, highlighting the comparatively benign treatment of enslaved workers in French and Spanish islands served as a way to pressure the British government to more proactively police slaveholding in its own colonies. By exploring calls to emulate the slave regulations of rival empires, this article provides a window onto shifting British attitudes toward both slavery and imperial governance during a period of major political and economic change in the Atlantic World.
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Huzzey, Richard. "THE MORAL GEOGRAPHY OF BRITISH ANTI-SLAVERY RESPONSIBILITIES". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 22 (diciembre de 2012): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440112000096.

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ABSTRACTBy examining British anti-slavery debates across a longue durée – before and after West Indian emancipation – the basis of moral responsibility for political action may be reassessed. Recent interest in humanitarian or transnational compassion may have underappreciated the geographical limitations of the moral responsibility Britons assumed for slavery and the slave trade. The notion of national complicity was crucial in mobilising individual Britons to petition, abstain from slave-grown produce or otherwise pressure parliament. While the peculiar aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars created a British responsibility for other nations’ slave trading, there was little comparable appetite for the internationalising responsibility for the slave-labour origins of traded goods. This meant that transnational obligations to police the slave trade did not translate into concern about the slave production behind overseas trade. By tracing these national debates over time, it is possible to discern the dominant and recessive arguments for how and when moral revulsion should translate into political action by Britons and the British state. This suggests a need to revisit scholarly conclusions about abolitionist campaigning, the basis of moral responsibility for slavery, and the antecedents of modern consumer responsibility.
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Ramiz, Adam, Paul Rock y Heather Strang. "Detecting Modern Slavery on Cannabis Farms: The Challenges of Evidence". Cambridge Journal of Evidence-Based Policing 4, n.º 3-4 (28 de agosto de 2020): 202–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41887-020-00052-1.

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Abstract Research Question To what extent could police identify victims of modern slavery among growers arrested on cannabis farms as suspects under drug laws, and what challenges of evidence would have to be met to separate offending from victimisation? Data A purposive sample of criminal history data of all Vietnamese nationals arrested for cannabis cultivation offences in Surrey/Sussex in the 3 years to 2017 (N = 19) was identified and collected. Three ‘cannabis farm’ cases from the period 2014–2017 were analysed to produce key information about growers, including their nationality, criminal history and possible status as modern slavery victims. The case records and interviews provide key information about the extent to which growers on farms were treated as slaves under the 2015 Modern Slavery Act. Methods Semi-structured interviews were conducted with the three arrested growers to explore their lived experiences of recruitment and labour on the farms. Arresting police officers were also interviewed to explore how they frame the problem of cannabis cultivation and make decisions about their role in confronting it. Interview transcripts were prepared for analytic purposes. All interviewees were informed that the research was focused on the management of the policing of cannabis farms alone and full anonymity was assured. Findings Five of the 19 Vietnamese nationals had previous criminal disposals. Of the remaining 14 individuals, five had no record and nine had various charges, but the prosecutions had not reached court. Of the three cases examined in depth, the arrested growers provided stories consistent with their having been trafficked and subjected to ‘debt bondage’. They described precarious journeys before being forced to work on UK farms. All three had been exposed to threats of violence or death for themselves and/or their families, should they attempt escape. Varying levels of mental and physical hardship were evidenced. There were a priori reasons to conclude that they were eligible to be considered modern slavery victims. When arrested, however, none had pleaded victimisation. Police officers demonstrated an ignorance of related legislation and varying levels of awareness of the possibility of modern slavery. They responded to the first impression made by the grower as a person culpable under drugs laws. Even where officers had concerns about modern slavery, no appropriate crime was recorded, and no formalised investigation followed. Conclusions Given reluctance or inability to frame the police response to cannabis farms under modern anti-slavery legislation, policing agencies should consider adopting more detailed practice guidelines to officers on how to react to the complex challenges involved, including the investigative opportunities that may help unearth modern slavery on cannabis farms through greater encouragement of victim accounts.
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Chazal, Nerida y Kyla Raby. "The Impact of Covid-19 on the Identification of Victims of Modern Slavery and their Access to Support Services in Australia". Journal of Modern Slavery 6, n.º 2 (junio de 2021): 30–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22150/jms/flbr8026.

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This article examines how COVID-19 impacted the identification and access to support of modern slavery victims in Australia during 2020. It is the first comprehensive analysis of the pandemic’s impact on modern slavery victimisation in Australia. The key finding of the research is that COVID-19 exacerbated existing barriers to identifying victims of modern slavery in Australia and referring them to government funded support, related to the linkage of the provision of support with criminal justice processes. The reliance on policing capacity to identify and refer victims meant that when police and other government resources were diverted into the large-scale COVID-19 emergency response, there was less capacity for police to undertake this vital function, resulting in the under-identification and referral to support of victims of modern slavery.
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Tyson, Thomas N., David Oldroyd y Richard K. Fleischman. "ACCOUNTING, COERCION AND SOCIAL CONTROL DURING APPRENTICESHIP: CONVERTING SLAVE WORKERS TO WAGE WORKERS IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES, C.1834–1838". Accounting Historians Journal 32, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2005): 201–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.32.2.201.

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The paper describes the nature and role of accounting during apprenticeship – the transition period from slavery to waged labor in the British West Indies. Planters, colonial legislators, and Parliamentary leaders all feared that freed slaves would flee to open lands unless they were bound to plantations. Thus, rather than relying entirely on economic incentives to maintain viable plantations, the Abolition Act and subsequent local ordinances embodied a complex synthesis of paternalism, categorization, penalties, punishments, and social controls that were collectively intended to create a class of willing waged laborers. The primary role of accounting within this structure was to police work arrangements rather than to induce apprentices to become willing workers. This post-emancipation, pre-industrial formalization of punishment, valuation, and task systems furnish powerful insights into the extent of accountancy's role in sustaining Caribbean slave regimes.
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Brown, Carolyn A. "Testing the Boundaries of Marginality: Twentieth-Century Slavery and Emancipation Struggles in Nkanu, Northern Igboland, 1920–29". Journal of African History 37, n.º 1 (marzo de 1996): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034794.

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In 1914 the Enugu Government Colliery and the construction of its railway link to the Biafran coast used slave-owning chiefs as labor recruiters. Although aware of slavery in the Nkanu clan area the state simply outlawed the slave trade and excessive treatment but left it to slaves to secure their ‘freedom’. Nkanu slavery was unusually pervasive, incorporating over half of some villages, with few opportunities for manumission or marriage to the freeborn. Severe ritualistic proscriptions excluded slave men from village politics. But forced labor destabilized slavery, causing unrest which reached crisis proportions in the fall of 1922. The revolt presents a unique opportunity for historical study of the goals, ideology and strategies of indigenous slave populations creating ‘freedom’ within the emergent colonial order.When owners demanded slaves' wages, the slaves resisted and demanded full social and political equality with the freeborn. Slaves who remained in the village struggled to provision Enugu's urban working class. For both slavery hindered opportunities in the colonial economy. In retaliation owners evicted slave families, increased their labor requirements and unleashed a reign of terror, abduction and sacrifice of slave women and children. By the fall of 1922 local government collapsed forcing the state to develop a policy on emancipation. It is significant that this struggle converted the slaves from a scattered subordinate group of patrilineages to an aggressive and cohesive community.
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Douglass, Patrice D. "On (Being) Fear: Utah v. Strieff and the Ontology of Affect". Journal of Visual Culture 17, n.º 3 (diciembre de 2018): 332–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412918800181.

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This article interrogates the dissent by Justice Sonia Sotomayor in Utah v. Strieff, a Fourth Amendment case on lawful police searches, to track the political assumptions that undergird conceptions of the legal boundaries of police search and seizures. Specifically, the author examines how the vestiges of slavery structure both the constitutive elements of how bodily autonomy and freedom from physical invasion is understood under the law. Thus, by employing critical Black Studies in tension with affect theory, this article questions what limits are present in the law that reify, even or especially through dissent, the ontological arrangements of slavery and its afterlife.
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Freitas, Judy Bieber. "Slavery and Social Life: Attempts to Reduce Free People to Slavery in the Sertão Mineiro, Brazil, 1850–1871". Journal of Latin American Studies 26, n.º 3 (octubre de 1994): 597–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00008531.

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In 1859 the district attorney of Montes Claros, in a long dispatch to the provincial chief of police, enumerating the many evils prevailing in his jurisdiction, included ‘craven traffickers who abduct little free children of colour whom they trick and seduce with fruits and presents, to sell as if they were slaves, trading them for livestock or mere trinkets’. This complaint was not an isolated incident; it reflected a larger trade in free people of colour which took place in the sertão of northern Minas Gerais after the closing of the transatlantic slave trade in 1851 and before the passage of the law of the free womb in 1871. The internal trade in free persons ceased in the early 1870s, when mandatory slave matriculation made illicit transactions more detectable.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Slavery Slavery Police"

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Brown, Alexandra Kelly. ""On the vanguard of civilization" : slavery, the police, and conflicts between public and private power in Salvador da Bahia, Brazil, 1835-1888 /". Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Weimer, Gregory K. "Policing Slavery: Order and the Development of Early Nineteenth-Century New Orleans and Salvador". FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2192.

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My dissertation explores the development of policing and slavery in two early nineteenth-century Atlantic cities. This project engages regionally distinct histories through an examination of legislative and police records in New Orleans, Louisiana, and Salvador, Bahia. Through these sources, my dissertation holds that the development of the theories and practices that guided “public order” emerged in similar ways in these Atlantic slaveholding cities. Enslaved people and their actions played an integral role in the evolution of “good order” and its policing. Legislators created laws and institutions to police enslaved people and promote order. In these instances, local government policed slavery through the surveilling and arresting of enslaved people. By mid-century, the prerogative of policing slavery created a comprehensive bureaucratic structure that policed many individuals within the community, not just slaves. In New Orleans and Salvador, slavery was an important part of policing, but not just in the sense we sometimes assume: as a panicked reaction to real or imagined slave rebellions. As the commercial and demographic development of cities created opportunities for enslaved people, local legislation and institutions formed an important part of policing slavery in New Orleans and Salvador. Local government officials—regional and municipal legislators—responded by passing laws that restricted not only where and how enslaved people worked and lived, but also the police that enforced these laws. Police forces, once created, interpreted and applied the laws passed by legislators. They surveilled and arrested individuals, and their actions sometimes triggered further legislative reforms. Thusly, police forces became representations of public well-being, particularly in relation to slavery. By mid-century, new conceptions of public order made the police an accepted part of urban slavery and urban life more generally in New Orleans and Salvador. At the same time, the police surveilled and arrested free people, not just enslaved people, in the name of promoting orderly slavery.
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Silva, Mairton Celestino da. "Batuque na Rua dos Negros: cultura e polícia na Teresina da segunda metade do século XIX". Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da UFBA, 2008. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11380.

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Em meio a uma manobra política, deu-se, em 16 de agosto de 1852, a transferência da antiga capital do Piauí, Oeiras, para a Vila Nova do Poti, futura, cidade de Teresina. Em pouco tempo, Teresina tornava-se o principal destino de escravos e homens livres da Província do Piauí. As razões estavam tanto na transferência da burocracia provincial como na construção da nova capital, até então com poucos prédios e casas residenciais. À medida que essa elite local ocupava os casarões na parte central das duas freguesias da cidade - Nossa Senhora do Amparo e Nossa Senhora das Dores - escravos e libertos constituíam, dentro e fora dos limites urbanos, mecanismos de sobrevivência e de sociabilidades. Assim, para muitos negros era preciso reinventar, na cidade de Teresina, outras relações, para isso, tiveram no domínio sobre as roças, nos folguedos/batuques e na formação de comunidades negras, conhecidas, na época, como calojis, o fundamento para tais expectativas. Caberia às elites locais, a organização de um aparato policial capaz de manter as relações de dominação vigentes, baseadas no cerceamento e, em alguns casos, na permissão dessas manifestações da identidade negra na cidade de Teresina. Dessa maneira, no espaço público das ruas, a proposta “civilizatória” apoiarse- ia numa enfática política de controle social, alicerçada, sobretudo, numa “suposta” eficiência policial. Isso porque, numa época de desagregação da instituição escrava e de passagem da mão-de-obra servil para a assalariada, forjar, entre aqueles recém-saídos do mundo da escravidão, inclinações ao trabalho, daria novos sentidos às violentas experiências do cativeiro e, portanto, outros significados à idéia de trabalho. É, portanto, tentando analisar as experiências de negros, cativos e libertos, e seus conflitos com a sociedade escravista teresinense do século XIX que a presente dissertação se estrutura.
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Spong, Kaitlyn M. "“Your love is too thick”: An Analysis of Black Motherhood in Slave Narratives, Neo-Slave Narratives, and Our Contemporary Moment". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2573.

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In this paper, Kait Spong examines alternative practices of mothering that are strategic nature, heavily analyzing Patricia Hill Collins’ concepts of “othermothering” and “preservative love” as applied to Toni Morrison’s 1987 novel, Beloved and Harriet Jacob’s 1861 slave narrative, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Using literary analysis as a vehicle, Spong then applies these West African notions of motherhood to a modern context by evaluating contemporary social movements such as Black Lives Matter where black mothers have played a prominent role in making public statements against systemic issues such as police brutality, heightened surveillance, and the prison industrial complex.
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Sacchi, Landriani Martino. "Naissance du moderne régime de mobilité : politique de l'identification en France (1770-1880)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H021.

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Cette recherche vise à tracer une généalogie des rationalités de gouvernement et d’identification de la mobilité du travail dans la France métropolitaine et coloniale du XIXème siècle. Gouverner la mobilité ne comporte pas un pouvoir simplement coercitif, mais plutôt un certain degré de liberté nécessaire à canaliser et orienter la circulation des individus. Plus précisément, la thèse analyse l’histoire du livret ouvrier en tant que révélateur administratif des tensions qui accompagnent la configuration, la crise et la reformulation du contrat civil classique en France. Par cette technologie d’identification on retrace aussi la genèse globale des notions historiques de travail libre, esclavage et domesticité, dont on suit les métamorphoses à la lumière des politiques de la mobilité après l’abolition de l’esclavage. Les derniers chapitres considèrent la naissance de l’État Providence et des nouvelles pratiques d’identification, telles que l’anthropométrie et les empreintes digitales, en tant que reformulations historiques du problème à la base de notre recherche : comment contrôler la force de travail sans insérer une coercition illégitime sur les corps qui en sont les porteurs? La généalogie du régime de mobilité montre la nécessité paradoxale du libéralisme de cycliquement relancer un projet universel (la généralisation de la personne juridique) afin de pouvoir définir des hiérarchies en son sein (multipliant les statuts par lesquelles l’accès à l’usage de la liberté est filtré). À partir de cette complication on peut repenser le rapport entre souveraineté, État et marché mondial
In this research, we genealogically trace the emergence of modern rationality in the government of the mobility of labor in France and its colonies in the XIX century. Governing mobility does not imply a purely coercive power, but rather a certain degree of freedom, necessary to channel and orient the circulation of individuals. More precisely, this PhD thesis analyses the history of the livret ouvrier as administrative markers of the tensions characterizing the configuration, the crisis, and the reformulation of classic civil contract in France. This technology of identification also allows us to trace the global genesis of the historical notions of free labor, slavery, and domesticity, following their evolution through the politics of mobility after the abolition of slavery. The last chapters survey the birth of the welfare state and of new forms of identification, such as anthropometry and fingerprinting, as historical reconfigurations of the underlying question of our investigation: how to control labor power without introducing an illegitimate coercion on the bodies carrying it? The genealogy of mobility regime shows the paradoxical necessity of liberalism to periodically reformulate a universal project (the generalization of the juridical person) in order to organize internal hierarchies (by multiplying the statutes through which the effective access to freedom is filtered). Through the lens of this co-implication we can rethink the relationship between sovereignty, State and world market
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Dickey, Nathaniel. "More than "Modern Day Slavery": Stakeholder Perspectives and Policy on Human Trafficking in Florida". Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3072.

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In recent years, Florida has acquired a reputation as fertile ground for human trafficking. On the heels of state and federal anti-human trafficking legislation, a host of organizations have risen to provide a range of services. In this thesis, I discuss findings from 26 interviews conducted with law enforcement, service providers, legal representatives and trafficked persons to contextualize the variability in the way anti-trafficking work is conceptualized by stakeholders across the state. Additionally, I explore how conflicting organizational policies on the local, state, and federal levels impact stakeholder collaboration and complicate trafficked persons' attempts to navigate already complex processes of social/health services and documentation. Lastly, I provide policy recommendations that attempt to address the major issues associated with anti-trafficking work identified through the analysis of participant interviews.
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Pavlik, Kimberly Anne. "A Global Perception on Contemporary Slavery in the Middle East North Africa Region". Thesis, Walden University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10790470.

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Although human trafficking continues to be a growing problem around the world, there are scarce quantitative methodologies for evidence-based research because it is hard to gather reliable and comparable data on human trafficking. It is also difficult to track patterns in human trafficking on a regional or global scale because the victims are a vulnerable population. Using Datta and Bales conceptualization of modern slavery as the theoretical foundation, the primary purpose of this study was to establish a baseline measurement of trafficking predictors in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) as well as understand the statistical relationship between measurements of corruption, democracy, state of peace, and terrorism on the prevalence of contemporary slavery in the MENA region. Data were collected from the 2016 Global Terrorism Index, 2016 Democracy Index, 2016 Corruption Perception Index, 2016 Global Slavery Index, and the 2016 Global Peace Index and analyzed using multiple linear regression. The results of the study showed that corruption (p=.017) and state of peace (p=.039) were significant predictors for contemporary slavery in the MENA region. Whereas, terrorism and democracy were not significant predictors. The positive social change implications of this study include recommendations to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to create a central repository for the archival of human trafficking data. The creation of this archive will promote a more accurate accounting of a vulnerable population such as victims of trafficking, thereby increasing awareness of contemporary slavery among law enforcement, policy makers, and scholars.

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Muhlestein, Robert M. "Utah Indians and the Indian Slave Trade: The Mormon Adoption Program and its Effect on the Indian Slaves". Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1991. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTGM,33282.

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Niles, Eden Rose. "Disciplining the Nation Within the Nation: Slavery and The Formation of Immigration Policy in The United States". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1378.

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This essay examines the development of immigration policy in the United States through a re-invoking of the early restrictions on the acquisition and scope of citizenship rights as well as freedom of movement of Black people living and brought into the nation to perform slave labor. Reading cases such as Dred Scott v. Sandford and laws such as the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 as foundational to the regulation of immigration and immigrants, I contend that the logic of perpetual alienation continues to manifest in the construction of immigration policy today. This shift away from focus on the sovereignty of a nation regarding its borders to the forms of social control which produce racialized subjects unsuitable for assimilation allows for an analysis of interior enforcement practices as critical to the maintenance of white supremacy. By understanding how immigration policy works to figure subjects within the nation as well as without into the category of foreign alien, this essay provides new insight into how the material forces of anti-blackness must be addressed as critical to the success of current campaigns to end the tenuous positionality of the non-white immigrant in the United States.
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Gresham, Anne Ellen. "Identifying and Mitigating Domestic Minor Sex Trafficking in an Urban Community". ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/280.

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Human trafficking, domestic minor sex trafficking (DMST), and commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) are complex and multifaceted occurrences in the United States. As the numbers of youth ensnared in sexually exploitive situations increase, organizations and communities are called upon to address the ramifications of this abuse; little research was located, however, that examined collaborative networks and partnerships that address victim identification and mitigation of DMST and CSEC. The purpose of this qualitative single case study was to determine whether strategic partnerships existed within the community under investigation. The theoretical framework was environmental theory, as first described by Florence Nightingale; the conceptual framework was centered on collaborative networks. Research questions focused on victim identification and organizational strategies for collaboration and mitigation of sex trafficking. The research population was composed of 8 individuals working in organizations in a metropolitan area on the West Coast that served victims of DMST and CSEC. Data obtained from interviews were coded, compared, and analyzed for major and emergent themes. Findings indicated that, in the effort to identify victims, these 8 individuals needed to consider all children involved in prostitution as victims and not criminals. Further, their efforts toward mitigation needed to center on widespread education across the broader social spectrum of the issues with DMST and CSEC. These workers identified strategies identified to address DMST and CSEC included the "5 Ps": prevention, protection, prosecution, partnership, and policy. These findings may inform organizations and policy makers about how to make informed decisions about the needs and challenges of addressing sexually exploited youth.
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Libros sobre el tema "Slavery Slavery Police"

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Disturbing the peace: Black culture and the police power after slavery. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2009.

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La police des Noirs en Amérique (Martinique, Guadeloupe, Guyane, Saint-Domingue) et en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Matoury, Guyane: Ibis rouge editions, 2011.

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It happens here: Equipping the United Kingdom to fight modern slavery : a policy report. London: The Centre for Social Justice, 2013.

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Nardo, Don. Slavery through the ages. Detroit: Lucent Books, An imprint of Gale Cengage Learning, 2014.

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Slavery in a land of liberty: English civil liberty and wage slavery in Britain. London: Othila, 2000.

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Córdova, Efrén. Modern slavery: Labor conditions in Cuba. [Coral Gables, FL]: Institute for Cuban & Cuban-American Studies, School of International Studies, University of Miami, 2000.

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Dauwe, Fabiano. Estratégias institucionais de liberdade: Um estudo acerca do Fundo de Emancipação dos Escravos em Nossa Senhora do Desterro, 1872-1888. Itajaí: NEAB, 2008.

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Bauer, Mary. Close to slavery: Guestworker programs in the United States. Montgomery, AL: Southern Poverty Law Center, 2007.

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Woodrow, Jones, ed. Public policy and the Black hospital: From slavery to segregation to integration. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1994.

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A proslavery foreign policy: Haitian-American relations during the early republic. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2003.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Slavery Slavery Police"

1

Townes, Emilie M. "From Mammy to Welfare Queen: Images of Black Women in Public-Policy Formation". En Beyond Slavery, 61–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113893_4.

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Erdem, Y. Hakan. "British Policy and Ottoman Slavery". En Slavery in the Ottoman Empire and its Demise 1800–1909, 67–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372979_4.

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Dowlah, Caf. "Anti-slavery policies and measures around the world". En Foundations of Modern Slavery, 364–84. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003160182-26.

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Dormaels, Arne, Bruno Moens y Nele Praet. "The Belgian Counter-trafficking Policy". En The Political Economy of New Slavery, 75–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403937865_5.

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Erdem, Y. Hakan. "Traditional Ottoman Policies towards Slavery before the Tanzimat". En Slavery in the Ottoman Empire and its Demise 1800–1909, 18–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372979_2.

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Enrile, Annalisa y Melanie G. Ferrer-Vaughn. "Landmark Policies in Trafficking and Modern-Day Slavery". En Ending Human Trafficking and Modern-Day Slavery: Freedom’s Journey, 183–204. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320: SAGE Publications, Inc, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781506316789.n9.

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Nizan, Rachel. "Child Labour in Latin America: Issues and Policies in Honduras". En The Political Economy of New Slavery, 137–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403937865_9.

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Connor, Paul, Glenn Hutton, David Johnston y Gavin McKinnon. "Slavery, Servitude and Forced or Compulsory Labour". En Blackstone's Police Investigators' Manual 2016, 458–65. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198745808.003.0034.

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"Neglected but Not Forgotten: Howell M. Henry and the "Police Control" of Slaves in South Carolina". En Slavery, Race and American History, 77–84. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315700779-16.

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Richardson, Allissa V. "The Origins of Bearing Witness While Black". En Bearing Witness While Black, 23–44. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190935528.003.0002.

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Chapter 2 traces the genealogy of black witnesses through three overlapping eras of domestic terrorism against African Americans: slavery, lynching, and police brutality. Black storytellers in each of these timeframes leveraged the technologies of their day to produce emancipatory news. In this manner, advocacy journalism has remained a central component of black liberation for more than 200 years—from slave narratives to smartphones.
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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Slavery Slavery Police"

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Šakočius, Alvydas. "EDUCATIONAL INSPIRATIONS DEVELOPING POLICE-RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES COLLABORATION AGAINST HUMAN TRAFFICKING AND MODERN SLAVERY". En 15th International Technology, Education and Development Conference. IATED, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/inted.2021.0107.

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Paulo, Avner, Carlos Eduardo Oliveira De Souza, Bruna Guimarães Lima e Silva, Flávio Luiz Schiavoni y Adilson Siqueira. "Black Lives Matter". En Simpósio Brasileiro de Computação Musical. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbcm.2019.10459.

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The Brazilian police killed 16 people per day in 2017 and 3/4 of the victims were black people. Recently, a Brazilian called Evaldo Rosa dos Santos, father, worker, musician, and black, was killed in Rio de Janeiro with 80 rifle bullets shot by the police. Everyday, the statistics and the news show that the police uses more force when dealing with black people and it seems obvious that, in Brazil, the state bullet uses to find a black skin to rest. Unfortunately, the brutal force and violence by the state and the police to black people is not a problem only in this country. It is a global reality that led to the creation of an international movement called Black Lives Matter (BLM), a movement against all types of racism towards the black people specially by the police and the state. The BLM movement also aims to connect black people of the entire world against the violence and for justice. In our work, we try to establish a link between the reality of black people in Brazil with the culture of black people around the world, connecting people and artists to perform a tribute to the black lives harved by the state force. For this, the piece uses web content, news, pictures, YouTube’s videos, and more, to create a collage of visual and musical environment merged with expressive movements of a dance, combining technology and gestures. Black culture beyond violence because we believe that black lives matter. such as the Ku Klux Klan, which bring the black population of the world into concern for possible setbacks in their rights. In Brazil, it is not different. Brazil is the non African country with the biggest afro descendant population in the world and one of the last country in the world to abolish slavery. Nowadays, a black person is 3 times more propense to be killed and most part of the murders in the country happened to afro Brazilians. Marielle Franco, a black city councillor from Rio, the only black female representative and one of seven women on the 51-seat council was killed in 2018. The killers were two former policeman. According to Human Rights Watch, the police force in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, killed more than 8,000 people between 2005 and 2015, 3/4 of them were black men. At the same time, the African culture strongly influenced the Brazilian culture and most part of the traditional Brazilian music and rhythms can be considered black music.
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