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Clogg, Rachel. "Abkhazian cultural identity in the twentieth century : the case of Fazil' Iskander". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365597.
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Nilsonne, Carl. "Ryssland i Svenska media under Georgienkrisen". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1731.
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I detta arbete har jag försökt utröna vilken bild av Ryssland som kommer till uttryck i de fyra största svenska dagstidningarnas (Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter) rapportering av konflikten i Georgien sommaren 2008. Med utgångspunkt i Sture Nilssons Rysskräcken i Sverige – Fördomar och verklighet har jag konstruerat en idealtyp, bestående av begreppen fientlighet, rädsla och misstro . Med detta som analysverktyg har jag studerat den rapportering som skedde mellan 2008-08-08 – 2008-08-12, dvs. under den väpnade delen av konflikten. I denna rapportering har idealtypens begrepp med stor tydlighet varit representerade i både ledare och allmän rapportering, dock inte med alla aspekter som ingick i definitionen för fientlighet. Begreppet rädsla har endast yttrats otvetydigt under den sista dagens rapportering. Rapporteringen har varit liknande i alla fyra tidningar till innehållet, dock med något starkare tendenser i lösnummerpressen (Aftonbladet och Expressen) och med större volym i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet.In this essay I have attempted to determine what image of Russia was expressed in the largest newspapers in Sweden (Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter), during the conflict in Georgia in the summer of 2008. Starting with the image presented by Sture Nilsson in Rysskräcken i Sverige – Fördomar och verklighet, I have constructed an ideal consisting of the terms hostility, fear, and mistrust. These factors have then been used to analyse the reports between 2008-08-08 – 2008-08-12, which was the armed part of the conflict. I have found that the factors composing the ideal have been expressed clearly, in editorials as well as in news articles, with the exception of some of the factors that define hostility. The term fear has only been expressed unequivocally in the last day’s reports. Reports have shown little variation between the different newspapers, although the tabloid press (Aftonbladet and Expressen) have expressed these tendencies slightly stronger, and the volume of reports have been noticeably larger in Svenska Dagbladet and Dagens Nyheter.
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Cade, Justin Andrew. ""Frozen Conflict" in paradise origins of the struggle for Abkhazia /". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243793181.
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Beaulieu, Kyle Alexander Vachudová Milada Anna. "The Georgia-Abkhazia conflict critical factors shaping the present stalemate /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2044.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Feb. 17, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Concentration TransAtlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Cade, Justin A. "“Frozen Conflict” in Paradise: Origins of the Struggle for Abkhazia". The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243793181.
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Torun, Nevzat. "Soviet Nationality Policy: Impact on Ethnic Conflict in Abkhazia and South Ossetia". Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7972.
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This study aims to answer two interlinked questions with respect to ethnic conflict in Georgia: Why and how two ethnic groups (Abkhazians and Ossetians) in Georgia sought secession in 1990s rather than accepting unity under a common Georgian roof, and what explains the occurrence of ethnic conflicts between the Abkhazians and Georgians and between the South Ossetians and Georgians?
The central argument of this thesis is that Soviet nationality policy was a foremost driving force in shaping consciousness of being ethnic groups in Georgia and set the stage for the inter-ethnic conflicts of the post-Soviet era. A number of factors explain the particular inter-ethnic conflicts in Georgia among ethnic groups, including a long historical relationship between the Georgian people and the Abkhaz and Ossetian minorities, but I argue that the foremost factor was the role of Soviet nationality policy that evolved from Lenin to Gorbachev, a policy that granted ethnic groups some level of privileges and fostered a wave of national self-assertion, Soviet nationality policy and the Soviet federal structure created numerous ethnic- and territorial-based autonomous units during the Soviet era; these units shaped their own political institutions, national intelligentsias, and bureaucratic elites, forming the basis for later nationalistic movements and developing a wish for self-determination and full independence. These institutions and beliefs made ethnic conflict in a post-Soviet Georgia inevitable.
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Tchilingirian, Hratch. "The struggle for independence in the post-Soviet South Caucasus : Karabakh and Abkhazia". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406909.
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Welt, Cory. "Explaining ethnic conflict in the South Caucasus : Mountainous Karabagh, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28757.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.Includes bibliographical references (p. 305-320).
(cont.) the USSR and finds that a focus on opportunity provides the best explanation for the presence or absence of mass mobilization. Finally, the dissertation argues that conventional state security concerns best explain the start of escalation. Union republic opponents, Azerbaijanis and Georgians, perceived regional mobilization to be manifestations of broader "interstate" conflicts pitting Azerbaijan and Georgia against, respectively, Armenia and Russia. They did not consider the actions of regional groups to be a product of group insecurities. The dissertation concludes by applying the above findings to the practice of conflict resolution.
This dissertation investigates the origins of ethnic conflict in the South Caucasus. It explains the mass mobilization of regional groups in Mountainous (Nagorno) Karabagh, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia from 1987 to 1989, variation in the goals of these groups (and of other regional groups in the USSR), and the start of the conflict-spirals that ultimately led to ethnic war. The dissertation examines three aspects of mass mobilization: group motivation, the commitment problem, and perceptions of opportunity. Utilizing historical memories, leadership rhetoric, signals of opponent intentions, and evidence of shifting capabilities, the dissertation assesses four hypotheses for group motivation: fear of violence, cultural extinction, demographic shift, and economic discrimination. It concludes that all three groups were mainly motivated by a fear of future demographic shifts and economic discrimination. The dissertation argues that the three regional groups also shared a political commitment problem--the absence of a mechanism that guaranteed union republic opponents would protect their demographic and economic interests after they agreed to a compromise. Contemporary signals of intent and historical precedents led groups to believe their opponents were committed to state centralization, not the expansion of regional autonomy. Regarding opportunity, two regional groups believed their demands coincided with Mikhail Gorbachev's commitment to rectify "deviations" from the early Soviet path of state development and could thus persuade the central government to accommodate their demands. The third regional group did not and so pursued a more modest political goal. The dissertation applies the above findings to cases of regional mobilization (and its absence) elsewhere in
by Cory D. Welt.
Ph.D.
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Lundgren, Minna. "Boundaries of displacement : Belonging and Return among Forcibly Displaced Young Georgians from Abkhazia". Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-28661.
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This dissertation explores the implications of borders and boundaries for how forcibly displaced young Georgians from Abkhazia understand issues of belonging and return. My theoretical framework draws from theories on home and belonging as well as theories on border and boundary making, and locates them in geographies of uncertainty – or riskscapes – areas characterized by conflict and/or inequality. Empirical data was collected through two sets of interviews in Zugdidi near the border to Abkhazia and a questionnaire survey in Zugdidi and the capital Tbilisi. These data have been analysed through both qualitative and quantitative methods. The young respondents providing material for this research do not constitute a homogenous group. Some of the respondents have family still living in Abkhazia or even partly grew up in the area; others have never been there. The primary goal of the Georgian government has been that the displaced population should return to their homes, and the government’s efforts for local integration has long been insufficient. Since no peace accords have been signed, a lack of security prevents a large-scale return. Notwithstanding increased border controls that have made it difficult to visit former homes, some young people still cross the de facto border. By doing this they contest both the Abkhazian de facto authorities and the border as a symbol of separation and differentiation, while claiming a right to belong in Abkhazia. Property and social relations in Abkhazia contribute to stronger connections and an imperative to return. On the other hand, experience of hardship in contemporary Abkhazia has resulted in some young people not considering return as a viable option. Youth who never visited Abkhazia depend mainly on other peoples’ memories and political discourse to create emotional bonds to the area their parents fled and to form their ideas of return. Results from the quantitative survey indicate that youth living in Tbilisi, closer to the political centre, to a higher extent intend to return than their peers in Zugdidi. Meanwhile young people’s experiences of everyday life in current dwellings in relative stability create emotional bonds to their present place of living. These experiences challenge both collective processes and experiences from Abkhazia when it comes to maintaining the desire to return. This research offers insights into the human consequences of war and conflict. More specifically, this dissertation sheds light on how young internally displaced persons (IDPs) are living in a borderland (in both temporal and spatial terms) characterized by uncertainty-- between the past and the future as well as between Georgia and Abkhazia. Practices of exclusion and segregation are constitutive of the borders and boundaries that permeate life experiences of the forcibly displaced youth. Furthermore, these borders and boundaries are situated in riskscapes of disputed belongings, which makes this borderland more or less stable for different groups of IDPs. This dissertation contributes to an increased understanding of how political aspirations and personal desire to return preserves instability and uncertainty as long as return is not possible.Denna avhandling undersöker konsekvenserna av gränser och gränsskapande för hur unga georgiska internflyktingar från Abkhazien förstår frågor om tillhörighet och återvändande. Jag utgår från teorier om hem och tillhörighet, liksom teorier om gränser och gränsskapande, och lokaliserar dem till geografier av osäkerhet – “riskscapes” – områden som karaktäriseras av konflikter och/eller ojämlikheter. Det datamaterial som ligger till grund för avhandlingen utgörs av två intervjustudier i Zugdidi nära gränsen till Abkhazien; och en enkätstudie som genomfördes i Zugdidi och i den georgiska huvudstaden Tbilisi. Materialet har analyserats genom användande av både kvalitativa och kvantitativa metoder. Avhandlingens respondenter utgör inte en homogen grupp. Några respondenter har familj och släktingar som bor i Abkhazien eller har delvis växt upp i området, medan andra aldrig ens varit där. Det primära målet för den georgiska regeringen har varit att internflyktingarna ska återvända till sina hem, och regeringens ansträngningar för integration i lokalsamhället har länge varit otillräckliga. Det saknas fredsavtal och bristen på säkerhet förhindrar återvändande i stor skala. Trots de ökade gränskontroller som gjort det svårt att korsa de facto gränslinjen tar sig en del ungdomar ändå over gränsen. Genom att göra detta bestrider de både de abkhaziska de facto myndigheterna och gränsen som symbol för separation och åtskillnad, medan de hävdar sin rätt att känna tillhörighet till Abkhazien. Att ha ett hus och sociala relationer i Abkhazien bidrar till emotionella band och en starkare uppmaning till att återvända. Å andra sidan kan erfarenheterna av vardagens umbäranden inne i Abkhazien resultera i att unga människor inte ser återvändande som ett tänkbart alternativ. Ungdomar som aldrig varit i Abkhazien är beroende av andra människors minnen och politiska diskurser för att skapa känslomässiga band och tankar om återvändande till det område deras föräldrar har flytt från. Resultat från den kvantitativa undersökningen visar vidare att ungdomar som bor i Tbilisi, närmare Georgiens politiska centrum, i högre grad anger att de har för avsikt att återvända än deras jämnåriga i Tbilisi. Ungdomars erfarenheter av vardagslivet i sina nuvarande bostäder i relativ stabilitet bidrar emellertid till att skapa känslomässiga band till den aktuella bostadsorten. Dessa erfarenheter utmanar på så vis både de kollektiva processerna och erfarenheter från Abkhazien när det gäller att upprätthålla drömmen om återvändande. Avhandlingen bidrar med insikter om konsekvenser av krig och konflikter för människors vardagsliv. Mer specifikt belyser jag hur avhandlingens unga respondenter lever i en sorts rumsligt och temporalt gränsland mellan det förflutna och framtiden och mellan Georgien och Abkhazien, och detta gränsland kännetecknas av osäkerhet. Praktiker av isärhållande och segregering är konstituerande för de gränser som genomsyrar internflyktingungdomarnas erfarenheter. Dessa gränser är dessutom situerade i ”riskscapes” av ifrågasatta tillhörigheter, som gör gränslandet mer eller mindre stabilt för olika grupper av internflyktingar. Avhandlingen bidrar med en ökad förståelse för hur politiska ambitioner och personliga drömmar om återvändande håller kvar människor i instabilitet och osäkerhet så länge återvändandet inte är möjligt.
Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 3 inskickat.
At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 3 submitted.
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Skogh, Maja. "Women’s narratives on (in)security in Abkhazia : Theorizing abortion rights as a security issue". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9449.
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This thesis is set out to examine how women in Abkhazia understand their own (in)security and to explore how the participating women understand the prohibition of abortions that is implemented in the breakaway region. Furthermore, the study seeks to, based on the empirical findings, theorize abortion rights as a security issue. The thesis is guided by Feminist Security Theory and previous feminist literature. The data is generated through ten semi-structured interviews with women. Through a thematic analysis the findings from the interviews are categorized into two main themes that are responding to the two first research questions; How do women in Abkhazia understand their (in)security?; How do women understand the prohibition of abortions? The thematic analysis finds that women in Abkhazia understand their (in)security as dependent on four aspects; conflict context; economic insecurity; political representation and participation; structural inequality and gender-based violence. Moreover, it finds that women’s understanding of the abortion prohibition also includes four aspects; economic insecurity; women’s rights; political representation and participation; the nation’s interests. The findings are understood as mirroring and thus this thesis argues that abortion prohibition exacerbates women’s insecurity. Lastly, it suggests that abortion rights should theoretically be understood as a security issue. The study at hand empirically contributes to the existing literature on women’s (in)security narratives and furthermore adds a theoretical contribution on abortion rights as a security issue.
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Shesterinina, Anastasia. "Mobilization in civil war : latent norms, social relations, and inter-group violence in Abkhazia". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/51121.
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What explains individual and small group mobilization for inter-group violence? How does participation in inter-group violence inform high-risk action in subsequent cycles of mobilization? This dissertation poses four puzzles of violent mobilization across the pre-, civil war, and post-war stages in the conflict cycle to analyze mobilization in civil war. These puzzles place the question of civil war mobilization in a historical trajectory of conflict and include pre-war violent mobilization despite the risks of state repression and inter-group opposition; immediate mass mobilization on a weaker side in the war at the stage of civil war onset; retention of fighters in the course of civil war; and protracted violent mobilization in the post-war period.
Analysis is based on over 150 in-depth interviews with participants and non-participants in mobilization and extensive archival and secondary material gathered through fieldwork over 2010-2013 in Abkhazia—a case of civil war and Georgia’s breakaway territory,—Georgia, and Russia. The wide scope of Abkhaz mobilization in the pre- (1921-1992), civil war (1992-1993), and post-war (1993-2008) periods allows examining within-case temporal and spatial variation, tracing the process of mobilization across the conflict cycle, and drawing generalizable conclusions.
The study adopts a normative, socially-embedded approach to mobilization in civil war and critically engages with rationalist approaches to civil war. Explanation of mobilization is achieved through the conceptual and theoretical development of the latent normative framework activation mechanism. This normative framework for action, comprising underlying social norms, emergent understandings of history and identity, and resultant prescribed action, forms in the pre-war period, to be activated at the civil war onset stage through threat-framing triggers at the micro, meso, and macro levels of the social structure. Individuals and small groups adopt varying mobilization roles depending on whether threat perception is self- or collectivity-oriented. The normative framework transforms and continues to affect mobilization in the course of the war and in the post-war period.
This research contributes to our conceptual and theoretical understanding of participation and organization of inter-group violence, the interaction between norms and social relations in civil war mobilization, research methods in conflict zones, and the understudied case of Abkhazia.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Potier, Tim. "The constitutional development of three post-Soviet Transcaucasian autonomies : a comparative analysis". Thesis, Keele University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322164.
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Lönnberg, Linnea. "At the Endpoint of Violence : A comparative study between the genocide in Bosnia Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgian Abkhazia". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341433.
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In an attempt to bridge the gap between theories of violent escalation and those of genocide, this paper theorizes genocide to be a strategic choice by leaders in response to a situation which they perceive to lack alternatives. This situation is expected to evolve out of a violent escalation, more precisely civil war. The empirical test consists of a structured focused comparison of one positive and one negative case; namely the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgia over the region Abkhazia. The finding gives some evidence to the theory, however a more adequate theory needs to also involve a theorization of the ability to perpetrate genocide and not only of a lack of other alternatives. The study builds on previous research on the relationship between violent escalation and genocide, and findings are in line with existing research.
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Prelz, Oltramonti Giulia. "The Exploitation of Economic Leverage in Conflict Protraction :modes and aims. The cases of South Ossetia and Abkhazia (1992-2008)". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/217139.
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This thesis focuses on a key component of societal relations, namely the creation and exploitation of economic leverage. It explores how, in the context of protracted territorial conflicts, relevant actors craft it and use it. Finally, it examines to what ends economic leverage is exploited, if at all. Generally, economic leverage can translate into a considerable form of power. This thesis scrutinizes how this occurs in more specific contexts post-ceasefire agreement conflict protraction, and what the finalities of the actors concerned are. It does so by focusing on a number of relevant actors, and by treating conflict protraction as the specific context in which economic power is exploited. Two cases are examined, namely those of the South Ossetian and the Abkhaz protracted conflicts. This thesis does not focus on the historical conditions and political events that caused the separatist conflicts in Georgia, but on their consequences and on the periods following the ceasefire agreements (signed respectively in 1992 and 1993), which came to a close with the Russo-Georgian war over South Ossetia in August 2008.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Jackson, Nicole Janine. "Russian policy towards the CIS, 1991-1996 : debates about the military and political involvement in the Moldova-Transdniestria, Georgia-Abkhazia and Tajikistan conflicts". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1616/.
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The most serious foreign policy challenge that the Russian Federation faced from 1991 to 1996 was whether and how to respond to outbreaks of conflict within its neighbouring states. Unlike under the Soviet Union, there were open, diverse and complex debates about whether Russia should react to these conflicts, and if so, by what means. These foreign policy debates among the political elite and the ensuing policies form the subject of this thesis. The thesis asks what the dominant ideas expressed in these debates about foreign policy were, and whether they were reflected in Russia's policies towards specific military conflicts in the CIS States. To answer these questions, the thesis first derives insights about the role of ideas and debates within international relations literature which are helpful for the subsequent analysis of Russian foreign policy debates. It then identifies the dominant foreign policy ideas and foreign policy orientations, traces the major stages in the debates and the policies, and compares Russia's political debates, policies and actions towards the Moldova- Transdniestria, Georgia-Abkhazia and Tajikistan conflicts. Using interviews and both primary and secondary sources, the general finding of the thesis is that broad foreign policy ideas and orientations provided the backdrop against which debates occurred and policies were formulated or pursued. Ideas and debates were crucial factors in developing and defining an official pragmatic nationalist foreign policy orientation that crystallised in the later period. On the whole, there was congruence between the dominant ideas within the debates and the foreign policies enacted towards specific conflicts. Specific foreign policies towards the conflicts developed in response to the general debate (clash of ideas), which in turn responded to the domestic conditions and particular events in the near abroad. Military actions tended to start independently as local initiatives, and then fall in line with government policy.
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Mukhtarova, Mahira. "The EU’s Constraints in Involvement of the Post- Soviet Frozen Conflicts : (A Comparative Case Study on the Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia Conflicts)". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-169727.
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This thesis examines constraints of the EU’s engagement in the frozen conflicts of the South Caucasus, namely, the Abkhazia, the South Ossetia, and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts. The study begins with a puzzle in which the EU’s ambition for prioritizing the resolution of frozen conflicts mismatches with the reality related to the status quo of frozen conflicts. By using an abductive reasoning in an observed surprising fact, the research highlights that the complexity of the region can be the main contributor to the EU’s limitations. With this purpose, the ENP as a normative power of the EU is analyzed to identify how the EU is attempting to be a major actor in the region in order to secure its borders. Subsequently, the limitations of the EU in engaging in frozen conflicts are examined from ‘security dilemma’, ‘balance of power’ and ‘bandwagoning’ neorealism perspectives together with a comparative study on the three conflicts. The results show that the complexity of the region is a principal constraint for the EU. In particular, geopolitical rivalries with Russia and small states with their alliances contribute to the complexity of the region. However, this study also explores the idea that the complexity of the region is not only the best explanation for the EU’s limitations, but also the EU’s structure per se creates a lack of credibility with relations to the respective Caucasian states. For future studies, I suggest that the analysis of the social learning mechanism of the EU will be an asset for understanding the region and avoiding Eurocentric approaches towards Caucasian political systems and people. Regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, policymakers can consider that it is possible to change the EU’s low profile either by having clear strategies concerning the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict or replacing one of the co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group with the EU.
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Kizilbuga, Esra. "Russian Involvement In The Abkhaz-georgian Conflict". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607208/index.pdf.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the motives, means and implications of the Russian involvement in the Abkhaz-Georgian conflict. It seeks to find answers to the following questions: what are the dynamics of the Russian policy towards Abkhaziahow the contradictions in Russian domestic policy are reflected in the Russian policy towards Abkhazia
what are the implications of the Russian involvement in the conflict and the peace process. This dissertation argues that the Russian involvement in the Abkhaz-Georgian conflict has not contributed to the settlement of the conflict and peace in the region but rather to the realization of Russia&rsquo
s own interests by deepening the crisis in the region. Thus, Russia has conducted neither a pro-Abkhaz nor pro-Georgian policy in this conflict. The second chapter of this thesis examines the historical background of the conflict. The emergence, evolution and nature of the conflict are analyzed in the second chapter. The third chapter focuses on the reasons of the Russian involvement during the war between the Abkhaz and the Georgian forces. The Russian policy towards the Abkhaz conflict before and after the Rose Revolution is analyzed in the fourth and fifth chapters.
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Svensson, Martin. "Rysk-georgiska kriget : Rysk maskirovka eller georgisk rundgång?" Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-104.
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This essay aims to analyse if the Russian military operation carried out against Georgia between the 7th and 12th of august 2008 were executed with adherence to the Russian principles for military deception, maskirovka. A superior purpose is to assess the situation according to the Swedish Armed Forces task of identifying possible needs for new or changed needs for abilities and competence. The method used is two-alternative hypotheses which are tried by comparing actual events before and during the Russian-Georgian war with the ten methods of maskirovka, compiled from military analytical literature. Such traces of resemblance are further examined, both individually and as a part of a larger indication. Further the essay describes the Russian art of war, the prerequisites for military surprise, information warfare in Russian doctrine, the disputed territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and the principles for maskirovka. The conclusion is that the Russian operation was executed with some adherence to maskirovka, though unspecified of to what degree. Author of this essay is Cadet Martin Svensson of the Swedish Army, currently a student at the Armed Forces Technical School in Halmstad.
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Kolli, Johanna. "Tracing Varieties of Peace : A case study on three approaches to peace in a frozen conflict". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175177.
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Scholars in the peace and conflict field oftentimes argue that peace is somewhat underconceptualised. The Varieties of Peace network has made a substantial effort in furthering the conceptualisation of peace by creating a comprehensive framework, theorising peace as three different approaches: situational, relational and ideational. In this thesis, I explored how this framework can be applied in an empirical context and how the approaches relate to each other; testing the internal validity and assumptions of the framework. By shifting the common focus of peace from stability to a dynamic process of change, I studied how peace changes in an empirical context that is typically understood as static: frozen conflicts. In a case study on Abkhazia from 1994-2008, I used process-tracing to study how the three approaches relate to each other, either harmoniously or with dissonance, and to describe the changes of peace in a frozen conflict. I conclude that the Varieties of Peace framework has proven to be useful when studying the dynamics of peace and how it changes in a post-conflict setting. It has been especially useful in capturing the cyclical dynamic of change in a frozen conflict. The framework has comparative and comprehensive advantages in studying the peace as a complex, dynamic process, but inhibits some issues regarding the trade-off between complexity and parsimony and concerning the internal validity. Further research is needed in order to utilise its full potential as a framework that can be used to systematically study the varieties of peace in the world.
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Artman, Vincent M. 1981. ""Passport Politics": Passportization and Territoriality in the De Facto States of Georgia". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11506.
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ix, 161 p. : mapsIn 2002, the Russian government began distributing tens of thousands of Russian passports in the de facto states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Some scholarly attention has been devoted to this process, known as passportization, but most of the literature treats passportization as a primarily political process, ignoring its geographic aspects. This thesis shows that passportization in Abkhazia and South Ossetia amounted to a process of "biocolonization," wherein the populations of the de facto states were discursively captured by Russia through individual naturalization. Consequently, passportization served to create "Russian spaces" within the internationally recognized borders of Georgia and, in the process challenged international legal norms rooted in the logic of the modern state system.
Committee in charge: Dr. Alexander Murphy, Chair; Dr. Shaul Cohen, Member; Dr. Julie Hessler, Member
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Welbaum, Andrew James. "The Five-Day Russia-Georgia War: Origins and Interpretations". Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1239823968.
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Ericsson, Cecilia, i Marlene Ögren. "Att möjliggöra säker sexuell och reproduktiv hälsa : - En observationsstudie med etnografisk ansats". Thesis, Röda Korsets Högskola, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:rkh:diva-541.
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Bakgrund: Alla individer innehar grundläggande rättigheter just i egenskap av att vara människa. Rätten till hälsa är en av dessa, och ska bland annat inkludera säker sexuell och reproduktiv hälsa. I den georgiska utbrytarprovinsen Abchazien tillgodoses inte hela befolkningen denna rättighet. Gali-distriktet är beläget nära gränsen till övriga Georgien och anses som ett lågprioriterat område. Kvinnors position beskrivs där extra utsatt, då exempelvis våld i nära relationer är vanligt förekommande. Inom Abchazien finns icke-statliga organisationer som arbetar för att tillgodose människors grundläggande rättigheter. Avangard är en av dessa och arbetar med sexuell och reproduktiv hälsa för kvinnor i Gali-distriktet. Syfte: Studiens syfte var att belysa hur vårdpersonalen på en icke-statlig organisation kan möjliggöra säker sexuell och reproduktiv hälsa för kvinnor i Gali, Abchazien. Metod: Empirisk studie med kvalitativ metod, baserad på deltagande observationer med etnografisk ansats. Materialet har bearbetats genom innehållsanalys, där kategorier samt teman arbetats fram. Resultat: Framkomna fynd presenteras utifrån tre teman med totalt sex inkluderande kategorier: Kompetens – Utbildad personal och Engagemang, Sammanhang - Undervisning i sexuell och reproduktiv hälsa och gynekologisk vård, Resurser – Miljö och Material. Slutsats: Studien belyser hur flertalet komponenter möjliggjorde den sexuella och reproduktiva hälsan. Genom utbildad och lokalt förankrad personal, kunde Avangard bidra till att hälso- och sjukvård samt kunskapsförmedling genomfördes trots vissa hinder. Klinisk betydelse: Denna studie kan bidra till ökad förståelse i hur rättigheter inom sexuell och reproduktiv hälsa kan möjliggöras. Vidare förhoppning är att sjuksköterskan ska reflektera över kvinnors situation världen över, för att kunna bidra till ökad sexuell och reproduktiv hälsa.Background: Everyone has fundamental rights just of being human. The right to health is one of these, which includes safe sexual and reproductive health. In the Georgian breakaway region Abkhazia, all the people can’t claim the right to health. Gali district, near the border to the rest of Georgia, is considered as a low priority area. Domestic violence is common in the region and women’s positions are described as extra vulnerable. In Abkhazia several non-governmental organizations operates to incorporate people's basic rights. Avangard is one of them, and they’re working with women’s sexual and reproductive health in Gali district. Aim: The aim of this study was to illuminate how the staff of a non-governmental organization incorporate safe sexual and reproductive health for women in Gali, Abkhazia. Method: An empirical study using a qualitative method, based on participant observations with ethnographic approach. The data were processed through content analysis, which ended up in categories and themes. Results: The presented findings are collected in three themes, including total six categories: Competence – Educated staff and Engagement, Context - Training in sexual and reproductive health and gynecological care, Resources - Environment and Materials. Conclusion: The study illuminated how several components incorporated safe sexual and reproductive health. By local and educated staff, Avangard created opportunities that made the work possible, despite some obstacles. Implications for practice: This study may contribute to an increased understanding of how fundamental rights in sexual and reproductive health can be made possible. Furthermore, there is a hope that nurses should reflect on women's situations worldwide, to improve the sexual and reproductive health.
Röda Korsets sjuksköterskeförening stipendium 2013
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Sjödin, Hanna. "Participatory communication for a culture of peace in a post-conflict context". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23585.
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This study aims at researching how a sustainable culture of peace can be built through civic engagement in the Abkhaz-Georgian post-conflict context. It does so by learning from locally based NGOs, working for a culture of peace in areas affected by the Abkhaz-Georgian armed conflict which occurred 1993 to 1994. The studied NGOs work for different components within a Culture of Peace such as; women’s rights, peace building, social and economic development, democratic participation and human rights. In order to answer the research question following sub questions are answered: •What can we learn from the experiences of the studied organizations’ participatory communication for social change? •How has the culture of communication in the Abkhaz-Georgian post conflict context been affecting the participatory communication for social change for the different organizations?The method to collect data to the research has been through a field study in Abkhazia and outside its border on the Georgian side, in the city Zugdidi which is the closest city to the Abkhazian border. Participatory observations and interviews with representatives from the different organizations working for a culture of peace were conducted during two and a half months. The theoretical framework used for the study consists of three theories. The first is the theory of “Culture of Peace”, used to analyze how the studied NGOs are working for a culture of peace. The second is the theory “participatory communication for social change” which is used to analyze the work of the studied organizations in order to know how they work for sustainable civic engagement. Lastly, the theory used to look at how the Abkhaz-Georgian post-conflict context is affecting the communication, is the theory “culture of communication”. The findings of the research present solutions of how to practice participatory communication to build a culture of peace in a post-conflict context. However, the research also discovers how certain public values and views in a post-conflict context can hinder effective work through participatory communication as well as ways of overcoming these challenges.
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Lutterjohann, Nina. "The limitations of imagining peace : the relative success and failure of international organisations and the Georgian-Abkhaz and Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts, 1992-2013". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11752.
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This thesis comparatively analyses dilemmas arising from the unresolved Georgian-Abkhazian and Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts. The many existing differences in the nature and dynamics of each conflict point to a sui generis situation, yet, many similarities also exist, including Soviet era legacies. The research premise is based on very considerable resourcing being dedicated to the resolution of these conflicts since their inception, yet no significant conflict transformation (Abkhazia has Russian recognition) has occurred, let alone peace. Given the mandate from the OSCE, EU and UN, the purpose of the thesis is to analyse their involvement. While evidence – local vested interests and strategic interests – illustrates the obvious obstructions, the thesis focuses on the IOs and asks why no tangible successes were achieved. This is done by critically analysing their performance, by assuming that success is often overlooked and by identifying a range of misperceptions. Therefore, by considering conflict transformation and engaging in analysis of many sources, including documents and about five-dozen interviews, the thesis reappraises the ethno-national origins, the geopolitical dimension and the entrenched conflicting party positions in the context of pan-European actors' responses. The analyses of the comparative peace processes illuminate the IOs' own challenges in reaching consensus as well as on the conflicting parties' competing narratives. Answering the question of what to produce first – a political solution to improve societal conditions, or the pursuing exercise of confidence-building measures (CBMs) to settle the status question – is part of the objective. I argue that a typology of success and failure more comprehensively explains IO performance between 1992 and the EU's Vilnius Summit in 2013.
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Fridén, Dennis. "Från de facto till de jure : En komparativ studie mellan tre post-sovjetiska territoriers väg mot diplomatiskt erkännande". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-101028.
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Abstract – From de facto to de jure: A comparative study between three post-Soviet territories path towards diplomatic recognition The purpose of this essay has been to study how well three post-Soviet de facto states live up to the definition of the concepts of state and sovereignty. Basically, the focus has been to, with the help of an analysis scheme constructed specifically for this study, analyse the situation the three de facto states are currently in and then compare their situations to one another. With the study I want to show that the history of the de facto states, as well as their current legal status, carry with them differences and similarities that play a major role in their future. By analysing a number of scientific articles and other research material within the social science sphere, I have been able to compile a table that shows how well the case studies live up to the seven criteria of the state outlined by Martin Glassner in Political Geography (2004). The main result of the study has been that various historical and demographic circumstances in the three de facto states have distinguished them from one another during the more than three decades that have passed since the fall of the Soviet Union. However, this is in stark contrast to the strong ties they all have to a patron state, which in all cases is crucial to the legal state of limbo they are all currently residing in.
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Mehrabi, Wais. "Politics of International Recognition: The Case of Aspirant States". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1546318678351285.
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Melikyan, Gevorg. "Paradoxical South Caucasus: Nations, Conflicts and Alliances". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281673619.
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Drahoňovská, Soňa. "Právo národů na sebeurčení jako faktor mezinárodních vztahů". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-16106.
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This paper explores the current understanding of the right of peoples to self-determination and its impact on international relations. A number of new states have gained international recognition outside the scope of decolonisation, several of which have not fulfilled the usual criteria for statehood, based on existing state practice. In addition, the parent states of Bangladesh, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Kosovo have not consented to the secession of these territories. The main purpose of this paper is to determine whether based on the stipulations of international documents and mainly on existing state practice, it is possible to verify the existence of a customary law enabling peoples to unilaterally secede. Such a right would pose a threat to the future application of the principle of territorial integrity as one of the basic principles of international relations. In order to answer this question I compare case studies of successful and unsuccessful nations striving for their own state outside the realm of decolonisation. Based on this comparison I analyse the current understanding of the right to self-determination and its impact on international relations. I conclude by stating that it is not possible to unambiguously confirm the existence of such a right. However, in practice the principle of territorial integrity is being breached nonetheless, due to persisting uncertainties regarding the possible application of secession by peoples whose internal right to self-determination was not respected. Together with the fact that the current concept of self-determination ignores collective rights of national groups, this poses a threat to international stability.
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McBrayer, William Daniel. "Let There Be War: Competing Narratives and the Perpetuation of Violence in Georgia". Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1230892552.
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Fawaz, Ahmed M. Abdel Hafez. "Opportunity, ethnic identity and resources in ethnic mobilisation : the cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1919.
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The cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia were chosen to illustrate how ethnic entrepreneurs play a crucial role in the ethnic mobilisation process. The study argues that in both cases a combination of variables was at work. These cases seem unlikely comparisons at first. The primary challenge appeared to be dealing with cases that involve different contexts and identities. However, in both cases entrepreneurs exploited an appropriate domestic environment to start the process and they perceived the opportunities provided by external intervention and the state’s policy towards their groups as incentives. Choosing the intermediate variables depends on the understanding that each one provides part of the explanation. Political opportunity structure directs the attention to the cost-benefit analyses of ethnic entrepreneurs and their perceptions of the available opportunity. Ethnic identity politicisation illustrates the role of ethnic entrepreneurs in choosing and activating identities. Finally, resource mobilisation is essential in conflict as any conflict requires resources that are consumed throughout its various stages. These resources are also used by ethnic entrepreneurs to reward their followers and guarantee loyalty, or sometimes to provide material incentives to reassure those unconvinced of the movement's potential success against the central authorities.
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Huang, Guan-Ming, i 黃鸛名. "Russian-Georgian Relations: the Problems of Abkhazia and South Ossetia(1991-2008)". Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/66021287845811554260.
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碩士淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所碩士班
98
A part of Georgia, Caucasus region is regarded by Russia as its southern security barrier. Since 1991, however, Georgia has been affiliated with NATO, which has led Russia to see this as a threat of its safety and the influence on Soviet-controlled areas. On the one hand, Russia needs Georgia’s support to keep its influence; on the other hand, however, Russia needs to take measures to counteract Georgia’s affiliation with NATO. Since its independence, Georgia has faced serious ethnic problems. After Kosovo’s independence in February 2008, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, another two regions of Georgia, have been more eager for the independence movement, which creates more conflicts between Russia and Georgia. The aim of this essay is to discuss the diplomatic relations between Russia and Georgia and their future from Abkhazia and South Ossetia''s ethnic problems.
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Johnston, Andrew Michael. "Powerplays in a de facto state : Russian hard and soft power in Abkhazia". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-08-4294.
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The conceptual divide between “hard power” and “soft power,” and the resources that constitute the basis of each, remain hotly debated topics among International Relations theorists as well as foreign policy advisors and analysts. Two developments in the last decade that have greatly influenced the study of the hard-power/soft-power dichotomy are: (1) the pursuit by many single-state actors of foreign policy strategies identifying and actively incorporating soft-power instruments, and (2) the realization by political theorists that individual policy instruments often exhibit unexpected hard and soft-power characteristics and effects, sometimes resulting in hard power acting soft and soft power acting hard. Exploring this dichotomy further, I examine the Russian Federation’s use of its hard and soft power with respect to the de facto independent Georgian separatist region of Abkhazia from 1999-2009 by identifying specific Russian foreign policy instruments employed in the bilateral relationship and analyzing how these instruments draw upon and project Russian hard and soft power. My findings support research addressing instances when traditionally defined hard-power instruments display soft-power effects, and vice versa, and highlight examples of individual policy instruments producing both hard and soft-power effects simultaneously; coercing a subject while they co-opt its interests. In addition, I find that the Russian Federation is actively employing soft-power methods of engagement in its contemporary foreign policy strategy, having substantially increased this employment between 1999-2009— particularly with respect to Abkhazia. Concerning the Russia-Abkhazia relationship specifically, I conclude that, based on Russia’s engagement of the region from 1999- 2009, ties between the country and the de facto state will continue to strengthen, however, with Abkhazia in an increasingly supplicant position.text
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Demurishvili, Tamar. "Možné dopady Akčního plánu členství na vztahy Gruzie a Ruské federace". Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-373175.
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Thesis focuses on the issue of Georgia's possible receipt of Membership Action Plan (MAP), Thesis strives to represent the possibility of Georgia's MAP receipt and then subsequently in the geopolitics of NATO's enlargement. Main research areas of the thesis include the 1997. Second area of research is focused on the costs and benefits of Georgia's NATO gia's breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South
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Koelle, Heidi. "Russian influence and Authoritarianism in Defacto States: Case comparison of Transnistria and Abkazia". Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-384538.
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Abstract: This master's thesis focuses on the obstacles of state building for the defacto states Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic ( Tranistria) and the Republic of Abkhazia. Both of which are break-away states from former soviet republics: Moldova and Georgia. The purpose is to give a cross country comparison of factors which hinder state building. Both states have their unique sets of challenges to integrating into a fully recognized state yet share many of the same obstacles. The factors that will be analyzed are relations to their Patron states; The Russian Federation and how this patron state contributes to these de facto states inability to democratize and gain outside recognition with other member state. These challenges for integration as full dejure states and participation within international institutions are a result of ethnic tension, corruption, authorities and complete dependence on Russia as a parent state. The other factors that will be analyzed is the Foreign policy of the Russian within its near abroad and their soft power tactics towards their compatriots.
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Ganjaliyeva, Farahkhanim. "Third parties' role in the frozen conflicts of the South Caucasus. The Cases of Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia". Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-388752.
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The thesis aims to discuss effectiveness of the international conflict resolution in the region of the South Caucasus, analyzing the challenges to international efforts to solve the three conflict cases: the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh is among the frozen disputes in the region, the others Abkhazia and the South Ossetia are nominally independent states, however de facto occupied by Russia. It is the fact that three regional players Russia, Turkey and Iran and global players Russia, US, EU have different type of impacts to conflict settlements in the region which directly relate to their political and economic interests. Therefore, after two decades of mediation by powerful states provided no final resolution with numerous attempts at mediation, wherein the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has taken the lead. The complicated and interdepended relations of states make this region highly sensitive area for war and peace in the world theatrical chessboard. Author also analyzes the effectiveness of conflict management between the parties by focusing on conflicts in the South Caucasus region mentioning their historical, political, security and ethnic dimensions, where international organizations, namely OSCE, UN, EU involve.
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Rochambeau, Mathieu. "Udržování zmrazených konfliktů de facto státy pro získání mezinárodního uznání: případové studie Podněstří a Somalilandu". Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-396730.
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This thesis has for major aim to present the de facto state through another approach, by placing their intrinsic frozen conflict situation as a rational choice rather than a symptom of the lack of recognition. To do so, the case studies of Transnistria and Somaliland have been chosen since, the de facto state's academic field had, so far, focus more on the Caucasus' cases - therefore lack of similar comparisons. It appears indeed that, both these cases possess numerous similarities - such as not basing their identity on ethnicity or religion. Thus, through an empirical research, it has been possible to approach the establishment of these two de facto states and the reason behind the lack of international recognition; but also the role and influence of the frozen conflict within their internal evolution as well as their role in its perpetuation; and finally, the place of their parent state and the international community in the continuation of the status quo. It seems thus that, if it remains unlikely to find out if Somaliland and Transnistria do use the frozen conflict as a political tool to reach their political goals - namely international recognition but also identity building -, it appears that all actors involved in these conflicts do benefit from the perpetuation of such status quo.
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Barrière, Jean-Philippe. "Rôle des missions de paix dans la lutte contre le nettoyage ethnique en analysant le cas du district de Gali en Abkhazie de 1994 à 1998". Mémoire, 2010. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/3664/1/M11662.pdf.
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Ce mémoire se propose d'interroger le lien entre la façon dont les opérations de paix fonctionnent et la façon de lutter contre le nettoyage ethnique. Pour y parvenir, l'auteur a tout d'abord défini une typologie des missions de paix afin de dégager leurs principales caractéristiques. Cette typologie fut appliquée à l'étude des missions de paix ayant œuvré en Abkhazie de 1994 à 1997. L'Abkhazie fut le théâtre d'un conflit sécessionniste ayant affecté la République caucasienne de Géorgie lors de son indépendance. Les caractéristiques du territoire abkhaze et la nature des combats auront mené à la conduite de nettoyage ethnique. Les accords de paix mettant fin aux hostilités auront mobilisé la venue de deux missions de paix dont on a comparé les actions sur le terrain en matière de lutte contre le nettoyage ethnique. Il apparaît que la manière dont une mission de paix fait usage de la force constitue la caractéristique des missions de paix leur permettant le mieux de lutter contre le nettoyage ethnique. Cependant, l'usage de la force entretient des liens importants avec le consentement et l'impartialité que les acteurs du conflit accordent à une mission de paix. Ces facteurs limitent les actions des missions de paix en vertu de considérations politiques et pratiques.
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Achvlediani, Ketevan. "Gruzínsko-ruské vztahy v období let 2004 -2011 Boj za nezávislost Gruzie". Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-326506.
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This master thesis deals with the mapping and analysis of Russian-Georgian relations in the period between 2004-2011. It focuses primarily on the development of relations after the onset of the new Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili and after his transformation of Georgian Policy. The work is divided into chronological historical axis of events, from the history of Georgia and Georgian people, the author gets to the problems of August war in 2008. The main objective of this work is to find the causes of the war between Russia and Georgia, to map out its long-standing hostile relations and try to find its solutions. Starting point of this work is the assumption that Georgia and Russia have always been nations culturally very similar and therefore its friendly relations are essential for the regulation of conflicts on Georgia's borders. Russia as a powerful neighbor, has always had a superiority over Georgia. Therefore, in subsequent chapters is enhanced the need for intervention by international organizations such as NATO, OSCE, EU, etc. issues in Russian-Georgian conflict, in order to offset the forces of power on both sides. In the last chapters the thesis deals with the intervention of the international community, whether their pressure on Russia will be still intense and if in the future...
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Pinto, José Miguel Bernardes. "O conflito armado Russo-Georgiano - Um bloqueio no espaço pós-soviético". Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/70303.
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O fim da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas desencadeou um vastíssimo
conjunto de consequências geopolíticas que causou profundas modificações no equilíbrio
de poderes a uma escala global. Como é evidente, o epicentro das maiores mudanças
tomou lugar nas repúblicas que outrora integravam o bloco. Uma das que mais sentiu a
turbulência dessa nova etapa da história do mundo foi a Geórgia, vizinha da Rússia a sul,
já que este novo país contava no território sob sua responsabilidade com duas regiões de
aspirações independentistas, a Abecásia e a Ossétia do Sul. Ora esses sentimentos de
separatismo foram responsáveis por altos níveis de tensão e conflitualidade violenta que
viriam a conhecer o seu apogeu em agosto de 2008, altura em que se registaram
confrontações entre georgianos e russos, que se afirmaram apoiantes das pretensões
abecásias e ossetas. A presente dissertação irá levar a cabo uma investigação destinada a
compreender com clareza as motivações que estiveram no cerne destas discórdias, ao
mesmo tempo que procurará compreender o que é um conflito congelado e de que forma
pode este conceito enquadrar-se neste tipo de crise.The collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has originated a wide variety of geopolitical consequences which were responsable for deep modifications in the power balance of the world as a whole. Arguably, the most affected areas by this new changes were the republics that used to integrate the former block. Among them, one felt with particular impact this new chapter of the world history, Georgia, a neighbour in the south of Russia, since in this region were located two independentista regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. In that context, those goals feeded high levels of violence and conflicts, being the most chaotic moment in august 2008, when georgians fought against russians, supporters of the secessionists causes. Therefore, this dissertation will go deep into the motivations and circunstances that led to this severe confrontations, meanwhile it will understand what represents a frozen conflict and how it can be adapted to this crisis situation.
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Achvlediani, Ketevan. "Gruzínsko-ruské vztahy v období let 2004 -2011 Boj za nezávislost Gruzie". Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-305419.
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This master thesis deals with the mapping and analysis of Russian-Georgian relations in the period between 2004-2011. It focuses primarily on the development of relations after the onset of the new Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili and after his transformation of Georgian Policy. The work is divided into chronological historical axis of events, from the history of Georgia and Georgian people, the author gets to the problems of August war in 2008. The main objective of this work is to find the causes of the war between Russia and Georgia, to map out its long-standing hostile relations and try to find its solutions. Starting point of this work is the assumption that Georgia and Russia have always been nations culturally very similar and therefore its friendly relations are essential for the regulation of conflicts on Georgia's borders. Russia as a powerful neighbor, has always had a superiority over Georgia. Therefore, in subsequent chapters is enhanced the need for intervention by international organizations such as NATO, OSCE, EU, etc. issues in Russian-Georgian conflict, in order to offset the forces of power on both sides. In the last chapters the thesis deals with the intervention of the international community, whether their pressure on Russia will be still intense and if in the future...
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Michalec, Petr. "Separatismus v postsovětském prostoru: Rozbor a srovnání případů Podněstří a Abcházie". Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-341461.
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The topic of this thesis is a comparation of separatist tendencies of Transnistria in Moldova with Abkhazia in Georgia in the post-Soviet space. From the point of view of separatism in these de facto government departments the focus of this work is not only on the current sate and development. Motives and historical traumas are shown and reflected in today's context because understanding of history is the key for present explanation. It seems that the situation in both areas is similar, but explanations and reasons for secession are in some points different. However, comparation and explanation of the different aspects of the development is the basis to understand the past, present and future state in Transnistria and Abkhazia not only in terms of separatism, but also locally-political, geo-political and socio- economic progress or stagnation. Key words: Moldova, Transnistira, Gruzia, Abkhazia, separatism, Russia, Soviet Union, soviet heritage, European Union, secession