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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Australia Foreign economic relations Japan”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 30 stycznia 2023

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1

Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian fore

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Gordon, Joy. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.

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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada

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3

Robb, Thomas K., and David James Gill. "The ANZUS Treaty during the Cold War: A Reinterpretation of U.S. Diplomacy in the Southwest Pacific." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00599.

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This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Bri

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4

Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.

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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as

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5

He, Kai, and Mingjiang Li. "Understanding the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific: US–China strategic competition, regional actors, and beyond." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz242.

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Abstract As a geographical concept, ‘Indo-Pacific’ has existed for decades. As a political and strategic concept, it has since 2010 gradually become established in the foreign policy lexicon of some countries, especially Australia, India, Japan and the United States. However, China seems to be reluctant to identify itself as part of the Indo-Pacific; Chinese leaders believe that the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy aims to contain China's rise. While the battle between the two geographical concepts ‘Indo-Pacific’ and ‘Asia–Pacific’ may be fairly easily settled in the future, US–China strategic com

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6

Ryazantsev, S. V., and L. S. Ruban. "GEOPOLITICAL TRANSFORMATION AND NEW TRENDS OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION." BULLETIN 2, no. 390 (April 15, 2021): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.75.

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The article analyzes the process of globalization and the role of the Russian Federation in this process. The relevance of considering the current stage of globalization is due to the strengthening of the inter-connectedness and interdependence of the world, which requires the improvement of interstate relations and mechanisms of global governance with the primacy of the economic aspect of the development of society in the conditions of the functioning of the global scale of production. The historiography presents the regulation of international relations from the Westphalian system (state-cen

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7

Anwar, Syed Tariq. "FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (April 1, 2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.

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The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the

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Baykov, A. A., and V. A. Gnevasheva. "Econometric Estimates of Russia's Turn to the East." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 6 (December 31, 2020): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-175-207.

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The emerging trend in Russia’s foreign policy is its reorientation from active interstate and socio-economic interaction with the states of the "collective West" to the countries that make up the Asian macroregion. The article presents the qualitative and quantitative assessment of the emerging relations between Russia and the countries of the East, namely the ASEAN countries, Northeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. Assuming that the prerequisites for the strengthening of such relationships between countries should be reflected in changes in trade relations, increased migration flows, and

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9

Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.

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East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically

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10

Lebedev, S., A. Kazantsev, L. Fljyan, and S. Medvedeva. "The Debate about Collective Goods in the Context of Contemporary Issues of Global Governance." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 2 (2021): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-109-116.

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This article is dedicated to three interconnected concepts – “collective goods”, “free rider” and “hegemony” in the context of modern politics. We analyze three theoretical approaches to the problem of provision of collective goods by hegemonic states. These approaches are: neoliberal, (neo) realist and World-System Theory. Basing on these theoretical premises, we analyze the debate about free-ridng in the Western political discourse (especially among US allies) and we point out that particular interests of US can be disguised as “collective goods”. Basing on this, we analyze discussions about

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11

Ostrovska, Natalia. "WORLD EXPERIENCE OF TAX AND FEES MANAGEMENT." Economic discourse, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2021): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.36742/2410-0919-2021-1-10.

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Introduction. Given the deepening disparities in the economic and social system of the state, political confrontations, resulting in imbalances in public finances and increased debt risks, the tax component should be the basis for the formation of budgetary resources of the state. State revenues determine the social and economic level of development of regions and countries, as well as financial support of the population. Looking at this, the main task of the state is to balance its revenues with expenditures. Since a significant excess of expenditures over revenues lead to an economic crisis,

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12

Jouanjean, Marie-Agnes, Jean-Christophe Maur, and Ben Shepherd. "US phytosanitary restrictions: the forgotten non-tariff barrier." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 15, no. 1 (March 21, 2016): 2–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-10-2015-0027.

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Purpose This paper aims to provide new evidence that the US phytosanitary regime is associated with a restrictive market access environment for fruit and vegetable products. One chief reason seems to be that the US regime uses a positive list approach, under which only authorized countries can export. Design/methodology/approach The methodology of the paper is primarily qualitative. This paper reviews the US sanitary and phytosanitary measures (SPS) system and its scope for use to protect markets, in addition to protecting life and health. The approach is institutional and political economic.

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13

Lebedeva, Liudmila F. "Transcontinental Partnerships at the Crossroads: Factors, Risks, Consequences." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-54-69.

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Transcontinental partnerships – Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TATIP) – have been analyzed in view of the new challenges in polycentric world, US foreign economic policy changes, risks for the national economies of the block’s participants, as well as for the other countries. The TPP and the TATIP are in focus as the new stage of the world integration process. The TATIP can deepen the already substantial economic ties between the US and the European Union. But what will be included in the chapters of the agreement on financial services, agr

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14

Shupyk, S. "Foreign experience in the development of dairy cattle and directions of its use in domestic practice." Ekonomìka ta upravlìnnâ APK, no. 1 (155) (May 21, 2020): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33245/2310-9262-2020-155-1-36-46.

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The article analyzes the support for the US market, where the government has allocated almost $ 22.2 billion for the development of dairy cattle. direct and indirect subsidies to the country's dairy sector (35.02 c/l), which is equivalent to 73% of farmers' milk sales, showed relatively high domestic support, export subsidies, conservation programs, risk management programs, disaster relief programs, loan programs, crop insurance, livestock support. Surveys to support the Indian market, which ranks second in the world in raw milk production (9.5%), have shown that almost 80% of small-scale far

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15

Kovalkov, Oleksandr. "US sanctions against the USSR in response to soviet aggression in Afghanistan (1980 – 1988)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.7.

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The aim of the article is to studу the sanctions against the Soviet Union imposed by the United States in response to Soviet aggression in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. At the core of the research methodology is the method of a content analysis of historical sources, problem-chronological, typological, comparative methods. Main results and conclusions. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in December 1979 was condemned by most countries in the world. The reaction to those events on the part of the United States, which led to the escalation of the Cold War and the deterioration of S

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16

YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.

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17

Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.

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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition

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18

Phong, Nguyen Quoc. "Vietnam - Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (VJEPA) in Bilateral Foreign Economic Relations Between Vietnam and Japan." International Journal of Research and Review 9, no. 8 (August 10, 2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijrr.20220808.

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Vietnam - Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (VJEPA) is the first bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) of Vietnam after the country joined the World Trade Organization (WTO). The article outlines the main trade and investment commitments of the agreement. The implementation of the VJEPA has promoted the flow of goods from Vietnam to Japan, and at the same time has attracted FDI capital from Japan. The role of VJEPA is confirmed as a catalyst to promote bilateral foreign economic relations between Vietnam and Japan in the article. Keywords: VJEPA, agreement, international trade, FDI.

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19

Miller, Geoff. "Australia–Japan economic relations: ten years after the NARA Treaty." Australian Journal of International Affairs 60, no. 4 (December 2006): 506–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710601007000.

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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.

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21

Beeson, Mark. "Bilateral Economic Relations in a Global Political Economy: Australia and Japan." Competition & Change 2, no. 2 (June 1997): 137–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102452949700200201.

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This paper argues that despite the internationalisation of economic activity, and a concomitant diminution of economic policy-making autonomy, national policy settings continue to display a surprising degree of divergence and remain important determinants of economic outcomes. Similarly, there are distinctively different and enduring patterns of corporate organisation across nations which confer specific competitive advantages. Important theoretical and practical questions are raised, therefore, about the potential efficacy of national economic policies and their capacity to accommodate such d

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Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges

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23

Lee, Suman, and Byungwook Kim. "A Time-Series Analysis of International Public Relations Expenditure and Economic Outcome." Communication Research 45, no. 7 (April 19, 2015): 1012–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650215581370.

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This study tested a causal relationship between international public relations (PR) expenditure and its economic outcome at the country level by using a time-series analysis. International PR expenditures of four client countries (Japan, Colombia, Belgium, and the Philippines) were collected from the semi-annual reports of the Foreign Agency Registration Act (FARA) from 1996 to 2009. Economic outcome was measured by U.S. imports from the client countries and U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) toward them. This study found that the past PR expenditure holds power in forecasting future economi

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Drzymała, Agnieszka. "Economic Cooperation Between The European Union And Japan." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 20, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2017-0016.

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The aim of the paper is to show the history of economic relations between the European Union and Japan. This economy is very important to the EU and the countries of the EU are interested in further deepening areas of cooperation. Therefore it seems important to indicate the political will to continue mutual economic relations through the signing of contracts and bilateral agreements, as well as meetings at various levels, including SPA and EPA negotiations and summits. The course of the current economic cooperation will be shown through trade volume and foreign direct investment outflows from

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25

Sato, Kazuo. "Economic Growth, Foreign Trade, and Trade Policy in Japan." World Economy 18, no. 2 (March 1995): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1995.tb00210.x.

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Wong, Audrye. "PEDDLING OR PERSUADING: CHINA'S ECONOMIC STATECRAFT IN AUSTRALIA." Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (July 2021): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.19.

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AbstractWith the globalization of Chinese capital, economic statecraft has become an increasingly prominent component of China's foreign policy. In this article, I examine China's use of economic inducements in developed democracies, a topic of growing concern for policymakers, focusing on the case of Australia. I show how Beijing's attempts to coopt public voices and influence Australia's foreign policy using non-transparent political donations and academic funding generated a strong backlash. At the same time, economic interdependence has provided a buffering effect, with key domestic actors

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Nakane, Ikuko, Chihiro Kinoshita Thomson, and Satoko Tokumaru. "Negotiation of power and solidarity in email." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 24, no. 1 (April 18, 2014): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.24.1.04nak.

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The issue of e-politeness has been attracting increasing attention in the field of foreign language teaching and learning. This article examines how students of Japanese as a foreign language in Australia negotiated power and solidarity in their email correspondence with ‘facilitators’ in Japan who provided support in essay writing tasks. Their relationships, which were neither completely status-unequal nor status-equal, offer a unique social context for an examination of politeness. The study examines whether and how power and solidarity shifted over the 12 weeks of email exchanges. The resul

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Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.

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Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic t

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CHIANG, Min-Hua. "China’s Economic Relations with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan Sustained by Persistent Technological Gaps." East Asian Policy 11, no. 02 (April 2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000138.

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Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are China’s leading sources of imports, a result of China’s efforts to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to develop its high-technology industry in the 1990s and beyond. Foreign firms in China have relied on importing key components and capital equipment from their home countries. Despite its industrial upgrading in recent years, China continues to run an increasingly large trade deficit with the three economies due to its lack of key technology.

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Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.

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Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China

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QINGSONG, TIAN, and IRINA ZELENEVA. "JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA (2001-2006)." Sociopolitical Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-105-112.

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The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s eco

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Chudinova, K. O. "Scale and development of foreign economic interaction between the USA and Japan in 2009–2021." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 12 (November 30, 2022): 902–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2212-06.

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The article analyzes the dynamics of economic cooperation between the US and Japan for the period 2009–2021: bilateral trade, export and import, FDI flows. Particular attention is paid to Japanese FDI and activities of Japanese manufacturing companies in the United States. Bilateral economic relations are a part of the broader context of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific, activities of multinational enterprises and their global production networks. A "triangular" model of trade relations has developed between Japan, China and the United States, with significant part of trade going throu

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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 197

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Moldicz, Csaba. "Geopolitical Tensions in East Asia and the Effects on Japanese and Hungarian Economic Relations." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 1 (2021): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.76-97.

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The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview

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Fry-McKibbin, Renée, and Than Thuong Nguyen. "Does Commercial Diplomacy Overcome Impediments to International Economic Flows? The Case of Australia." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 379–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14011015.

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Summary This article empirically examines the effectiveness of commercial diplomacy in contributing to Australia’s merchandise exports and inbound foreign investment with 181 countries over the period 2010-2015. The combined effect of diplomatic entities increases Australian exports by 12.9 per cent and increases inbound foreign investment by 16.1 per cent compared to countries without representation. Commercial diplomacy is effective when there are impediments to exporting, such as markets being outside the region and having low economic freedom. Commercial diplomacy substantially boosts inbo

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Schmiegelow, Michèle. "Cutting across doctrines: positive adjustment in Japan." International Organization 39, no. 2 (1985): 261–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300026977.

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Japan's economy keeps changing too fast, its economic policies are too active and independent, and its domestic structures seemingly deviate too much from Western patterns to conform to theories that rely on general equilibrium in mature economies. Static economics, including recent monetarist, supply-side, and rational expectations models, some aspects of dynamic and development economics, and most of the neoliberal current in international relations theory are seriously challenged. On the other hand, the mercantilist paradigm, theories focusing on the role of the state, and analyses exclusiv

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Vivoda, Vlado. "‘Steady as She Goes’: Effect of the Fukushima Disaster on Australia-Japan Relations." International Studies Review 19, no. 2 (October 19, 2018): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01902005.

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This paper analyses the effect of the March 11, 2011 (3/11) disaster on bilateral relations between Australia and Japan. It explores key areas of cooperation and conflict in the bilateral relationship and evaluates the extent to which these were affected by the Fukushima disaster. While the main focus is on bilateral energy relations, the paper also considers broader security and trade relationship between Canberra and Tokyo. The paper accounts for change and continuity in mutual political and economic interests, perspectives towards security cooperation, and ideational factors. The argument p

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Kokubun, Ryosei. "The Politics of Foreign Economic Policy-making in China: The Case of Plant Cancellations with Japan." China Quarterly 105 (March 1986): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000036754.

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The following analysis of China's foreign economic policy-making will focus particularly on the decision of 1980–81 to suspend contracts with foreign countries, taking Baoshan and the petrochemical complexes as specific examples. I discuss this issue in terms of Sino-Japanese relations because Japan was the main target of the cancellations and because the relevant Japanese materials are plentiful. The decision-making process of Chinese foreign economic policy has barely been touched upon in previous research. However, recently there has been some study of the decision-making process in domesti

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Nelson, Kim, and Amie Louise Matthews. "Foreign presents or foreign presence? Resident perceptions of Australian and Chinese tourists in Niseko, Japan." Tourist Studies 18, no. 2 (July 11, 2017): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468797617717466.

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Over the past decade Niseko, a small ski resort in Japan, has experienced rapid growth in international tourism. Informed by a small-scale qualitative study, this article provides an account of Niseko residents’ perceptions of tourism and, more specifically, compares their responses to two key groups of inbound tourists, those from Australia and China. Where increases in the number of Australian tourists and tourism business owners have had significant influence on this previously homogeneous town, the reaction of residents to Australians is generally more positive than the response reserved f

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Govindasamy, Geetha, and Muhammad Danial Azman. "Regime Change and Malaysia – Japan Relations: Explaining Shifts and Continuity In Foreign Policy." International Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol9no1.6.

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The article offers an initial exploration into the causal linkage between domestic political regime change and foreign policy recalibration in Malaysia. While not popular, the notion that foreign policy objectives are more often than not shaped by internal dynamics is rather true in the Malaysian case. The discussion examines Malaysia’s relations with Japan during the Pakatan Harapan government which began in May 2018 but collapsed by February 2020. After being sworn in as the Prime Minister of Malaysia for the second time, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad pledged to re-energize the Look East Policy to fa

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Madaminova, Durdona, Khilola Mustapova, and Barno Suyunova. "ESTABLISHING AND DEVELOPING PROSPECTS OF CENTRAL ASIAN VECTOR IN JAPANESE FOREIGN POLICY." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 23, no. 2 (December 8, 2019): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2019-23-11.

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This article is devoted to the analysis of Japanese politics in Central Asia. The interests and opportunities of Japan have been carefully studied. The article discusses the social,political and cultural issues between Japan and Central Asian countries. The author examines the current state and prospects of political and economic cooperation between Japan and Central Asian countries, joint efforts to address the problems and threats facing sustainable development of the region, which must be addressed in the development of bilateral and multilateral relations - logistics and investment coopera

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Hosoe, Nobuhiro. "Economic de-integration in North America and foreign direct investment from Japan." Japan and the World Economy 61 (March 2022): 101114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.japwor.2021.101114.

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Alunaza, Hardi, and Virginia Sherin. "The Strategic Value of China's Foreign Policy and The Rivalry of The Majors Power in The Indo-Pacific." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 21, no. 1 (January 3, 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.1-13.

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The Indo-Pacific in the development of world politics is a meeting place for stakeholders from the US, China, Japan, India, Australia, and ASEAN to articulate each country's strategic interests. The rivalry between the US and China has been referred to as the new cold war in Southeast Asia. This momentum is an excellent opportunity for ASEAN to develop and expand its role in the Indo-Pacific by emphasizing centrality and putting its role to good use. Including the challenges of how China projects its strategic values to Australia, Japan, and India. This research analyzes the strategic value an

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Kálmán, Botond, and Arnold Tóth. "The Success of Japanese Foreign Market Investments in Hungary." International Journal of Trade, Economics and Finance 12, no. 4 (August 2021): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijtef.2021.12.4.700.

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This study examines the recent history and current state of a special area of Japanese-Hungarian economic relations, foreign direct investments (FDI) in Hungary. We reviewed the flow of Japanese capital into Hungary. Foreign direct capital investments can improve productivity on the one hand via technology transfer, and one the other hand, they may have further positive effects through corporate relationships, such as market access or improved financing conditions. Through these means, they strengthen economic growth. When analyzing the data on the historical development of Japanese investment

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Smirnova, О. V. "Development of Foreign Policy Relations Between Japan and Russia: a Retrospective Analysis." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 1 (June 12, 2021): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-1-163-176.

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The article provides a retrospective analysis of the development of political relations between Japan and Russia from the middle of the XIX century to the present. The international relations have a nearly three-hundred-year history that reflects various periods of recession and recovery, stability and tension. There was and is a diplomatic struggle of states for financial strength, influence on the world stage, standing up for the national interests in the territorial issue, etc. But despite such moments, these relations did not go beyond the boundaries of “peaceful”. Russia and Japan, as str

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Vekasi, Kristin, and Jiwon Nam. "Boycotting Japan: Explaining Divergence in Chinese and South Korean Economic Backlash." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, no. 3 (December 2019): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797019886725.

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Japan has a ‘cold politics, hot economics’ relationship with both China and South Korea where political relations are tense and business overall flourishes. Despite the similarities, the political mobilisation of consumers in response to Japanese business interests diverge: event, trade and tourism data show that South Koreans are less likely to link economic interests with their political grievances with Japan compared to their Chinese counterparts even though the sources of the tensions are largely parallel. The divergence arises from different ways economic globalisation has shaped national

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Самедов, Фарман Фамиль. "Foreign Economic Relations of Sumgait city (On the Chemical Industry. 1991-2003)." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 8 (August 15, 2022): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/81/42.

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В статье анализируется экономический кризис в сумгаитской химической промышленности в результате распада СССР и разрыва традиционных экономических связей с бывшими советскими республиками после обретения Азербайджаном независимости и меры, предпринятые для выхода из этого кризиса. Кроме того, рассмотрены установление экономических связей и обмен опытом в химической промышленности с экономически развитыми странами: Германией, США, Турцией, Японией, Великобританией, Кореей, Италией, Болгарией и Испанией, замена физически и морально устаревшего оснащения сумгаитских химических предприятий новым и

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Chirkin, S. A. "NEW NON-R EGI ONAL PARTNERS OF LATIN AMERICA: CHALLENGES AND LESSONS FOR RUSSIA." International Trade and Trade Policy 8, no. 1 (April 15, 2022): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2022-1-66-83.

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The article examines the trade and economic relations of Latin American countries with individual non-regional partners represented by Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey. The main focus is on the evolution of the foreign economic relations of these countries with the Latin American region and the efforts of the governments of these states to develop them. The main features and trends of bilateral economic cooperation are revealed. The main indicators of trade and economic interaction of the studied countries with the Latin American region are given. Special attention is paid to the analysis

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Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva, and Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.

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This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the Unite

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WEEDE, ERICH. "Comparative Economic Development in China and Japan." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 1 (May 2004): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810990400132x.

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Three hundred years ago per capita incomes in China and Japan were about equal and fairly close to the global mean. At the end of the twentieth century Japanese per capita incomes are about as high as Western incomes and about seven times as high as Chinese incomes. How could this happen? Manchu China and Tokugawa Japan did not establish equally safe property rights for merchants and producers as the West did. But political fragmentation and feudalism within Japan provided something like checks and balances against arbitrary government which China lacked. Moreover, a similar lack of respect fo

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