Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Australia Foreign public opinion”
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Zobacz listy aktualnych artykułów, książek, rozpraw, streszczeń i innych źródeł naukowych na temat „Australia Foreign public opinion”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Australia Foreign public opinion"
1
GOLDSMITH, BENJAMIN E., i MATTHEW LINLEY. "Engaged or Not? Perceptions of Australian Influence among Asian Publics". Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, nr 4 (1.11.2012): 525–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000254.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractDespite Australia's increasing economic ties with Asia, little is known about how it is perceived by the typical citizen in the region. This paper seeks to contribute to the Australian discussion on ‘Asian engagement’, as well as to a general understanding of the structure of foreign policy beliefs, by examining perceptions of Australia's influence among the mass publics of 14 Asian polities. Despite some anxiety in Australia on national op-ed pages and among political leaders over how the country is perceived, we find that the average person in Asia probably does not have a strong or meaningful opinion about Australia's foreign policy. Using survey data covering the years 2006 through 2008 from the AsiaBarometer project, we find that, on average, far more people view Australia's influence on their country favorably (40.5%) than view it unfavorably (6.1%). A similar percentage (41.5%), however, have neutral views of Australia's influence, and 12% of people in Asian nations express no opinion on the topic. We suggest these high frequencies of neutral perceptions and non-response are evidence of considerable indifference towards Australia. Furthermore, we investigate the correlates of perceptions of Australia's influence and find that in almost all cases citizens’ views about US and Chinese influence on their country are much better predictors of their views of Australia's influence than core values, identity, information, and demographic characteristics. We posit that opinions about Australia, even those that are favorable, may have less to do with perceptions of Australia specifically, and more to do with respondents’ general internationalist sentiment or perceptions of major powers.
2
Ma, Yuhanyin. "Social Media and Marriage Equality in Australia: The Media Roles in the Public Sphere and the Agenda-Setting". Insight - News Media 3, nr 1 (21.09.2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/inm.v3i1.335.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
<p align="justify">Marriage equality or the equal status of same-sex marriage has undergone a rather tough road in Australia, involving diverging opinions in parties at the state and federal levels and constitutional amendments. It appears that people in power set the agenda on the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, it cannot be denied that social media played an almost decisive role in this process because it enabled the gathering of massive public opinion to pressure the government to make changes. To be specific, social media or social networking sites offered platforms for people concerned to share reports about the progress of foreign countries in legalizing same-sex marriage, to express their opinions and to launch campaigns in support of their beliefs. This essay explores the role that social media played in the legalization of marriage equality movement in Australia from the perspectives of the public sphere theory and the agenda-setting theory.</p>
3
Nathania, Christina, i Megahnanda Alidyan K. "An Analysis of Australia’s Foreign Policy through its Domestic Factors to Combat Child Sex Tourism in Project Childhood". ARISTO 11, nr 1 (11.07.2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24269/ars.v11i1.5318.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
2010 was the year Australia initiated and signed Project Childhood, a grant and partnership to protect children from sexual exploitation due to travel and tourism. Four countries in the Greater Mekong Subregion, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, are in a sub-region where child sex tourism occurs a lot. The phenomenon of transnational borders will involve sending country as the country of traveling child sex offenders, and receiving country for victims coordinates to make serious law enforcement regarding this issue. In formulating foreign policy, domestic factors are one way of looking at why Australia provides funding, assistance, and initiate international cooperation to combat child sex tourism in GMS. Through this research, the authors will explain the domestic factors that influence Australia in initiating Project Childhood as its foreign policy, using domestic determinants as the level of analysis. Then, it will be divided into 3 sub-determinants, they are; highly stable, demonstrating an Australian responsibility for TCSO originating in the country. This is related to one of the demographic components that cause migration problems. Moderately stable, in relation to the domestic reforms that are actively being carried out in the context of enforcing the extraterritoriality. The last, unstable, the factor of public opinion which also has played an important role so that the government gives attention to this phenomenon
4
Hynd, Alasdair. "Making Australian foreign policy on Israel-Palestine: media coverage, public opinion and interest groups". Continuum 27, nr 6 (17.10.2013): 944–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2013.843642.
Pełny tekst źródła
5
Ames, David. "The things that batter". International Psychogeriatrics 28, nr 6 (27.04.2016): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610216000387.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Over 20 years ago, the Australian Liberal/National Party Federal Opposition had a set of policies with which it hoped to persuade the Australian people to return it to government in the election due in 1996. This particular collection of proposed initiatives was called “The things that matter”. When the then leader of the opposition, Alexander Downer (later Australia's Foreign Minister 1996–2007 and now Australian High Commissioner in London), launched the Opposition's policy on family violence (the Coalition parties, like their Labor opponents, were and are against it in principle), his introductory line was: “From the things that matter to the things that batter”. Not long afterwards he lost his job as Opposition Leader, his engagement with what was and is a serious and troubling issue having been deemed too glib by half by the shapers of public opinion.
6
Farooq, Mohammad, i Tariq Mahmood. "WTO Regulations and the Audio-visual Sector— An Analytical Framework for Pakistan". Pakistan Development Review 42, nr 4II (1.12.2003): 587–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v42i4iipp.587-606.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Audio-visual services play a crucial and formative role in any society. These services are closely linked to the preservation of cultural identity and social values, and play a major role in shaping public opinion, safeguarding democratic system and developing creative potential. Due to these reasons, governments of both developed and developing countries not only provide direct and indirect incentives to their domestic industries but also strictly regulate the content of audio-visual media. During the Uruguay Round of WTO (World Trade Organisation) negotiations, audio-visual service sector witnessed limited liberalisation. Even major players such as the EU, Australia and Canada did not make any commitments to liberalise trade in these services. This was primarily to protect the domestic industries from foreign competition, promote their growth and to protect the cultural heritage of the nations from foreign influence. Many countries have repeatedly raised concerns about the capability of the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services) framework to take into account the democratic, cultural and social aspects. Others have explained that audio-visual sector is largely covered by domestic regulations and normal trade rules are not applicable to these services.
7
Голованова, Наталья, i Natalya Golovanova. "Seized Property Regulation Issues". Journal of Russian Law 4, nr 10 (19.09.2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21525.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article provides some insight into foreign states’ regulation of seized property and weaknesses and opportunities for increasing effectiveness of existing regimes. Asset confiscation through proceeds of crime legislation, as well as assets originated from corruption, has taken on a new lease of life over the past few years. The main object of criminal proceeds confiscation laws is to divestiture the financial gain derived from criminal activity and to relinquish it to the state. The author evaluates the legislation and practice in the framework of regulation of seized property in Europe, USA and Australia, and lays stress on social reuse of propriety. In author’s opinion, Italian experience in transferring confiscated assets to local authorities in favour of the society is especially interesting for Russia. It is noted that besides achieving the common goal to seize illicit assets from criminals to the subsequent payment of compensation to victims of crime, to fight against organized crime, terrorism and economic crimes, it is important to create an economically viable asset recovery system, preserving their value in the interests of the state, society and victims, as well as ensuring accountability, transparency and public confidence in the system of asset recovery.
8
Gomes, Catherine. "Living in a Parallel Society". Journal of International Students 10, nr 1 (15.02.2020): xiii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1850.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Whenever I write an opinion piece in any online media outlet about international students in Australia, I brace myself for the responses that appear in the comments section below the article. Often, a repeated complaint is that international students refuse to engage with local culture and society and hence keep to themselves by hanging out with co-nationals and speaking their native languages. While the general public in Australia does not engage in open conflict with international students over such grievances, they will instead discuss these anonymously online and with each other. Often these grievances have public airing through the media (e.g., Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Four Corners episodes “Degrees of Deception,” 2015, and “Cash Cows,” 2019) or for political point scoring by Australian politicians (e.g., Senator Pauline Hanson of the right-wing, nationalist and anti-immigration party One Nation; Kainth, 2018).
However, the reception international students receive in terms of the attitudes of the citizenry unsurprisingly does not assist in any way in helping them feel a sense of belonging to their host country Australia. In 2013 I interviewed 47 Asian international students in the Australian city of Melbourne on their self-perceived identities, social networks, and engagements with media and communication technologies, in order to understand how they create a sense of belonging for themselves while overseas (Gomes,2015, 2017). The results revealed that international students create a parallel society with other international students in order to cope with living in a foreign country without the familiarity of family or loved ones who they left behind. While this parallel society allows international students to create a sense of community in Australia, its side effect is a perceived distancing from local society.
An International Student Parallel Society
International students strongly identify themselves more so as international students than their nationality. A student from India, for instance, explained that while in Australia, he prefers to be identified as an international student rather than by his nationality. Taking this point further, a student from Vietnam explained that while he is proud of his nationality, he prefers not to reveal that he is from Vietnam for fear of any negative assumptions the citizenry make about Vietnamese people. These negative assumptions he felt, would then be translated into ways the citizenry might treat him.
At the same time, the Asian international students also revealed that they did not consider ethnicity as significant to them. This was played out interestingly in how they viewed Asian Australians. Here the students felt that they had very little in common with Asians who were born or grew up in Australia. An international student from China explained that Australians of ethnic Chinese descent or ABCs (Australian-born Chinese) as she called them, were more Australian than they were Chinese. Meanwhile an Indian student undertaking postgraduate study vividly explained that he thought Indian-Australians were “not true Indians.” He said that while they may look like him, they were significantly different because he considered Indian-Australians culturally Australian and not culturally Indian. These responses are not surprising. In a separate study where colleagues and I surveyed 6,699 international students in Australia on who made up their friendship circles, we found that less than 1% of international students were friends with Australians who were of the same ethnicity as them (Gomes et al., 2015).
International students identifying themselves according to their status as foreigners studying in Australia also provides itself to be a beacon for the development of friendships with other international students. The Asian international students interviewed revealed that their friendship circles were made up of fellow international students who were co-nationals in the first instance, which was followed by international students from the Asian region, and then, to a lesser extent, international students from elsewhere. These friendship circles contribute to the parallel society international students inhabit where they exist, occupy, and mimic Australian communities but do not integrate with them. For instance, international students may adopt and recreate Australian cultural practices that involve their friendship circles (e.g., having backyard barbeque parties) but do not integrate with Australian societies (e.g., the backyard barbeque parties are made up solely of fellow international students).
In addition, forming friendships with fellow international students rather than with local communities has practical benefits. For instance, international students revealed that their local peers were unable to advise them on the everyday challenges they faced especially when they first arrive to Australia such as how to open bank accounts and where to find dependable Asian grocery shops. Clearly being friends with international students is important, if not necessary.
Conclusion
The significance of international student friendships during their study experience is enduring, if not complex. While international students may form a parallel society, they do so in order to feel a sense of belonging in Australia rather than to Australia. Though this is unsurprising, the challenge that emerges affects those international students wanting to stay longer through further study, work, or permanently reside. Not integrating somewhat into Australian society may have consequences for students in terms of their long-term plans (e.g., employment) primarily because they have not tapped into local networks.
9
Rabinovych, Petro, i Anna Nakonechna. "NEED-RESEARCHING APPROACH: DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EXPERIENCE (COMPARATIVE LEGAL ASPECT)". Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 74, nr 74 (30.06.2022): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2022.74.023.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article is devoted to the comparative legal analysis of domestic and foreign experience of the needs approach. It is established that Professor P. Rabinovych made a significant contribution to the development of the issue on the importance of legal regulation to meet the needs of the domestic general theory of law. He was the first to introduce into scientific circulation the term «needs approach» as the idea that the essence of social phenomena are those useful characteristics that can be used by man and society to meet their needs and interests. Associate professors V. Bigun, R. Gavrilyuk, D. Hudyma, Y. Loboda, O. Pankevych, A. Rabinovych, as well as Professor S. Rabinovych and others developed his ideas on the application of the needs approach in their scientific works. Consequently, R. Gavrilyuk defined that law is a way of normative existence of an individual in the society based on the freedom of expression to satisfy his/her personal (private) and general (public) needs on the basis of freedom, equality and justice. O. Pankevych applied the needs approach to establish the essence of the social state, as well as to define the concept of social law, its subject, method and status in the system of positive law. D. Hudyma used the term «need» to reveal the meaning of «the essence of law», to define the need-researching approach as a kind of anthropological approach and argues that «law is objectively designed to help meet human needs.» A. Rabinovych noted that at least two preconditions must be provided for the use of the needs approach: 1) it is necessary to comprehend the general understanding of the needs of subjects, as well as to identify the main types of these needs through their classification; 2) it is necessary to acquire a meaningful knowledge of general social, group and individual needs in the society in which the studied phenomenon was formed and exists. It is found that in the modern European and Australian scientific literature, the theory of the needs approach as a justification of human rights has become somewhat widespread. Fundamental representatives of these theories are Czech jurist Martin Gapla, British political scholar David Miller, professor at the Royal College of Great Britain Massimo Renzo, professor of medical ethics at the University of London Len Doyal, professor at the British Research Center for Social Exclusion Ian Gaff, as well as the Australian scholar James Griffin. The essence of the above approach, in their opinion, is the following: – human needs, namely universal, are the basis for human rights. Such human rights are considered «real» and are able to create and ensure a dignified human life; – people with full capacity are «regulatory agents», that is their needs, the number of which grows over time and are constantly improving, serve as a basis for the creation of regulations, making them, thus, both a guarantor and a tool to meet them; – the effective functioning of legislation depends on the successful functioning of means and mechanisms to meet human needs, which legitimize certain rules of law.
10
Cruz, Isabel Cristina Fonseca da. "A scientific evidence: the OBJN has more quantitative and qualitative links". Online Brazilian Journal of Nursing 3, nr 2 (20.10.2004): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.17665/1676-4285.20044931.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
It is very important to a scientific journal the citation index. The ejournals are emerging and there is not a consensus protocol to evaluate them. But, the OBJN and other Brazilian ejournals were evaluated by a team research. We present and discuss here part of this report.Marcondes et al (2004) evaluated the Brazilian emerging ejournals in science and technology. they created a methodology based on analysis of links to ejournal’s site. They found these results for the ejournals in public health: AREA HEALTH SCIENCES – PUBLIC HEALTH – 3 EJOURNALSEjornalInc. SciELOtot. linkstot. repeated linkstot. Links from SciELOtot.links foreigners(X 2)tot.links authorities(X 3)tot.Simple links (X 1)GradeCadernos de Saúde Pública yes100 87102 27Revista de Saúde Publica(Public Health journal)yes100 9460 12Revista de Saúde Coletiva yes62 5730 8 Marcondes et al (2004) rated also the nursing ejournals. The table below summarizes the results: AREA: HEALTH SCIENCES – NURSING – 2 EJOURNALSEjornalInc. SciELOtot. linkstot. repeated linkstot. Links from SciELOtot.links foreigners(X 2)tot.links authorities(X 3)tot.Simple links (X 1)GradeOnline Brazilian Journal of Nursing No29 271158Revista Latino Americana de Enfermagem(LatinAmerican Journal of Nursing)Yes75 6840311 Marcondes et al (2004) considered that the area of Nursing revealed a surprising result because in spite of quality criteria to be included in SciELO gateway, Revista Latino-americana de Enfermagem(LatinAmerican Journal of Nursing) got a grade of one-fifth of the grade obtained by the recent published, pure electronic Online Brazilian Journal of Nursing. The authors point out that they did not have a feed back from an expert in nursing, so they supposed that these results may be due to the fact that the OBJN is published in English. Beside that, the OBJN has also link of site considered authority (Brazilian university library). The authors observed that in the foreign links, there are many digital reference services from libraries outsideBrazil (and they refer the OBJN). So, they consider that this may indicate the need to adjust and fine tune the methodology and to enlarge the concept of authority, encompassing the foreign digital reference services.But what are the implications of these research results to the OBJN?First of all, it is very good sensation to got a scientific evidence related to what was a common sense.The OBJN has published 07 numbers totalizing 27 original articles, 20 revision articles,07 opinion articles, 11 these abstracts, 09 editorials, 01 book review and 12 professional communications. Since article submission until its publication takes almost 3 months. The OBJN has more than 47 international peer-reviews. The OBJN is indexed or linked to Brazilian Nursing Association, CINAHL, CUIDEN, DOAJ, Free Medical Journals, Latindex, LIS-BIREME, Nurses. Info, RealNurse, and so on.The OBJN has free access and received more than 11.000 page views since its creation. The last number published in April 2004 received 2450 page views! Our visitors came from Brazil (67,2%), United States (9,3%), Portugal (1,8%), Canadá (1,8%), Korea (1,5%), Australia (1,3%), Chile (1,3%), United Kingdom (0,9%), Spain (0,8%), Mexico (0,7%), unkown (4,7%), and the rest (8,7%) (http://www.nedstatbasic.net/s?tab=1&link=1&id=2963790 Access in 08/25/04, 14:23h)Second, these results showed to us that the OBJN is an important tool to the nursing researcher reach out her/his professional reader.Third, the free access by the web and the texts in English permitted to introduce the Brazilian scientific production to the nurse community around the world.We have working hard to accomplish these goals! But we are also sure that we have to work much more to maintain our position and,of course, to expand it!
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Australia Foreign public opinion"
1
Akor, Ambrose. "The media, public opinion and British foreign policy". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.
2
Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
3
Mouron, Fernando. "Public opinion and foreign policy revisited: a Latin American perspective". Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.
4
Yehia, Hanan. "I don't want to pay for that! Representation and the public opinion - foreign policy dynamic: public opinion on U.S. foreign aid spending from 1973 to 2005 /". CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/7001.
Pełny tekst źródła
5
Saksena, Mita. "Framing Infectious Diseases and U.S. Public Opinion". FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/516.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames.
The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion.
Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.
6
Hope-Hume, Bob. "Radio, community and the public : Community radio in Western Australia". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1997. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/889.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis examines community radio in Western Australia and its relationship to "the public sphere". The public sphere is that field in which private. persons interact with other private. persons and in so doing construct a 11public". Public opinion is formed through this interaction in the public sphere. The media provide a major part of that interaction. Moreover, the media determine which voices are privileged within the communicative sphere. Drawing from Jurgen Habennas I explore theories of the public sphere arguing that community radio constructs a new form of public sphere in contemporary culture. I explore notions of democratic radio following the theories of Harold Innis to explore how elites have attempted to control communication. I argue that community radio provides a participatory medium which democratises the medium and allows for a more comprehensive formation of public opinion through the creation of informed rational discussion in the public sphere. This thesis provides an overview of broadcasting and the public in Western Australia with background on the history and development of community radio. It examines the notion of the public as a site of struggle and examines how community radio seeks to challenge the status quo in Western Australian culture. as well as seeking to facilitate- ideas on the role of radio as a democratic medium.
7
Wood, Beverley. "Attitudes toward the elderly : a case study of nursing students' attitudes". Monash University, Faculty of Education, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8808.
Pełny tekst źródła
8
Li, Gao Sheng. "Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America". Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.
Pełny tekst źródła
9
Mead, Jonathan, i mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship". Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.
Pełny tekst źródła
10
McKillop, Dianne R. "Principles in public reasoning about criminal justice : victim vulnerability, trust, and offender status". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1035.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
It is popularly assumed that the public is highly punitive toward criminal offenders and that its reasoning about criminal offences is emotionally and morally based. This assumption has been challenged by social scientists who cite influences of news media and methodological flaws in empirical studies as contributing causes. Public sentiment is a basis for law and the increasing responsiveness of legislator to what is perceived to be public opinion on crime means that accurate information on enduring principles in the public's intuitive reasoning about criminal justice is vital. An initial exploratory study (N = 34) presented members of the public with descriptions of emotionally and morally provocative offences, morally indignant reactions and the assignment of punishments that were disproportionate to the objective harm caused by the offences indicated aspects of offences and associated reasoning principles that were worthy of further, experimental investigation. Important principles appeared to be breach of trust by an offender in a position of trust and the vulnerability of victims. A second study (N = 348) examined the influence of these two variables in a 3 x 3 (offender position of trust x victim vulnerability) between-subjects experiment. Findings confirmed that victim vulnerability exacerbates the public's condemnation of offences in a more prosaic offence. However the results also showed that an offender who occupied a highly trusted position in society was not more highly condemned than offenders in less trusted positions. In addition to the finding that the highly trusted offender was perceived to be significantly less in need of a punishment aimed at individual deterrence, this finding led to a hypothesis that his high status may have protected him from public sanction. It was also concluded that the type of trust whose violation the participants of the initial study strongly condemned may have been the trust that is inherent in relationships, rather than in social positions. Survey research (N1 = 192, N2 = 237) provided an empirical basis for unconfounded representations of status and trust in further investigations. Doctors, lawyers and police officers were selected as exemplars of various levels of trust and status. A subsequent experimental study (N = 122) manipulated offenders' trust and status, and the existence of a professional relationship between the offender and victim in a 3 x 2 between-subject design. Results indicated that the existence of a professional trust relationship interacted with the status and position of trust of an offender in their effect on public condemnation. The high status of an offender became a liability in terms of condemnation when that offender also had a professional relationship with his victim, but only when the offender occupied a trusted position in society. The same study indicated that, in an offence where no professional relationship with the victim existed, high status offered a significant degree of protection from a punishment aimed at general deterrence. It was concluded that, although concerns for victim vulnerability are ubiquitous in the public's reasoning about criminal justice, trust is a principle that is applied complexly and which interacts with offender status and offender-victim relationship. The public's responses to criminal offences are both more complex and more rational than is widely believed. The variability found in the data collected for this series of studies indicated that criminal justice researchers must be cautious in assuming consensus in public evaluations of offences and its reasoning about deserved punishment.
Książki na temat "Australia Foreign public opinion"
1
Nguyen, Anne T. A. Vietnamese representations of Australia. [Nathan] Qld: Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, Griffith University, 1998.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
2
Summo-O'Connell, Renata. Imagined Australia: Reflections around the reciprocal construction of identity between Australia and Europe. Bern: Peter Lang, 2009.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
3
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2.
Pełny tekst źródła
4
Broinowski, Alison. About face: Asian accounts of Australia. Melbourne: Scribe Publications, 2003.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
5
Gwennyth, Zainu'ddin Ailsa, Australian Indonesian Association Victoria i Monash University. Centre of Southeast Asian Studies., red. Nearest southern neighbour: Some Indonesian views of Australia and Australians. Clayton, Vic., Australia: Monash University, 1986.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
6
No casual traveller: Hartley Grattan and Australia--US connections. St. Lucia, Qld: University of Queensland Press, 1995.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
7
Govor, Elena. Australia in the Russian mirror: Changing perceptions, 1770-1919. Carlton South, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 1997.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
8
Kwak, Ki-Sung. A country too far?: Representation of Australia in Korea since the 1980s. Queensland: Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, Faculty of International Business and Politics, Griffith University, 1998.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
10
Hardjono, Ratih. The white tribe of Asia: An Indonesian view of Australia. Clayton, Vic: Monash Asia Institute, Monash University, 1992.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Australia Foreign public opinion"
1
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "Defence, Foreign Affairs and Public Opinion". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 1–15. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_1.
Pełny tekst źródła
2
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "Confidence in Defence and Foreign Policy". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 17–41. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_2.
Pełny tekst źródła
3
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "The Alliance with the United States". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 43–76. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_3.
Pełny tekst źródła
4
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "Forward Defence: Korea, Malaya and Vietnam". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 77–97. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_4.
Pełny tekst źródła
5
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "Overseas Deployments After Vietnam: East Timor and Iraq". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 99–120. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_5.
Pełny tekst źródła
6
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "Trade and Relations with Asia". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 121–49. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_6.
Pełny tekst źródła
7
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "Terrorism and Security". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 151–74. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_7.
Pełny tekst źródła
8
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "International Engagement". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 175–99. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_8.
Pełny tekst źródła
9
Chubb, Danielle, i Ian McAllister. "Conclusion". W Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 201–6. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_9.
Pełny tekst źródła
10
Casey, Steven. "Public Opinion". W The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 79–89. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-8.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenia konferencji na temat "Australia Foreign public opinion"
1
Li, Chunfang, Mengqi Liu i Ke Li. "The Public Opinion Analysis of Chinese and Foreign Remake Movies". W 2019 IEEE/ACIS 18th International Conference on Computer and Information Science (ICIS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icis46139.2019.8940344.
Pełny tekst źródła
2
Schoettle, Brandon, i Michael Sivak. "A survey of public opinion about connected vehicles in the U.S., the U.K., and Australia". W 2014 International Conference on Connected Vehicles and Expo (ICCVE). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iccve.2014.7297637.
Pełny tekst źródła
3
Salsabila, Sandrina, i Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. "German Foreign Policy on Russia: Analysis of Public Opinion and Media on Crimean Annexation Sanctions". W Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280405680574.
Pełny tekst źródła
4
Zhang, Zhenhua, i Li Zhu. "Research on Improving the Science Popularization System of Nuclear-Related Projects in China". W 2022 29th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone29-90546.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract Nuclear power itself has the characteristics of safety, cleanliness and high efficiency, but due to the professional particularity of nuclear energy and the people’s lack of knowledge about nuclear energy, it leads to the “social amplification of risks” in nuclear-related projects. Some basic data in the discipline of nuclear safety and radiation protection are analyzed, and the effects of the nuclear power chain on health, environment and climate were compared with those of the coal power chain and then the advantages of the nuclear energy industry are given. The article also compares and analyzes the nuclear energy risks and other risks, and analyzes the reasons for the public misunderstanding and fear of nuclear and radiation accidents (events). Now there are many problems existing in the nuclear science popularization work, such as the trend that the risk of nuclear-related projects is easy to be amplified by the society hinders the process of the nuclear energy industry to some extent. Also there are many deficiencies of support and popularization, and many problems in the development of high-quality popular science teaching materials and models and the cultivation and sharing of high-quality resources. Based on the above analysis, it is proposed that nuclear power science popularization should make precise efforts, distinguish groups, take measures according to people, classified implementation and precise communication. Specific suggestions and measures have the following aspects: Multilevel nuclear science education should be carried out and it includes nuclear science for nuclear experts and non-nuclear experts (including educators), nuclear science for government staff and public opinion media, and nuclear science for the public; At the same time, it is necessary to improve the form of nuclear science education, and we will actively and extensively carry out popular science activities that are practical, close to the people, distinctive and effective and establish a long-term nuclear science education mechanism; Drawing on foreign experience to accelerate the formulation of China’s atomic energy law, and clarify the status of public participation in the law. So as to improve the legal and regulatory system, improve the public participation system, and strengthen the capacity building of the information disclosure platform.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Australia Foreign public opinion"
1
Bourbeau, Elizabeth A. Public Opinion: The Neglected Instrument of U.S. Foreign Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, marzec 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394013.
Pełny tekst źródła
2
Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, marzec 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.
3
Australia Awards Global Tracer Facility: Case Study Interview Guides. Australia Awards Global Tracer Facility, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/tracer/27.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This document contains the guiding questions used by the Australia Awards Global Tracer Facility (GTF) in its case studies. The purpose of the GTF is to enable the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) to assess the long term development contributions and public diplomacy outcomes of Australia’s investment in Australia Awards. The GTF is designed to provide a strong evidence base to inform DFAT’s management of the Australia Awards.