Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Campus Albano”

Na região sudoeste da Bacia de Campos, a presença de reservatórios carbonáticos é condicionada por feições estruturais e estratigráficas. Neste sentido, pretende-se caracterizar a distribuição e tipo de play associado ao principal reservatório desta natureza, identificado com base numa análise geológico - geofísica em área que contém oito campos petrolíferos maduros, situados na região de estudos. O presente trabalho visa à caracterização de mecanismos que possibilitem as acumulações locais de hidrocarbonetos num nível reservatório principal, de ocorrência generalizada na área. Este objetivo foi atingido por meio da análise de perfis geofísicos, correlação de poços e interpretação de dados sísmicos 2D e 3D, que permitiram constatar a predominância de armadilhas estruturais nos campos de Linguado e Pampo, relacionadas a uma feição dômica regional, e em Bicudo, onde o nível produtor ocorre sobre uma estrutura do tipo roll-over. Já em meio aos campos de Enchova e Bonito, armadilhas mistas foram descritas para as acumulações observadas, com presença de feições elevadas (componente estrutural) associadas à variação lateral de fácies em baixos deposicionais (componente estratigráfica). Verificou-se que, embora o Canyon de Enchova, de idade oligocênica, constitua uma feição estratigráfica de ampla ocorrência nos campos de Enchova, Enchova Oeste, Bicudo e Bonito, importante no trapeamento de hidrocarbonetos em estratos do Paleógeno/Neógeno, na região estudada observa-se que esta feição não exerce controle sobre os níveis reservatórios da Formação Quissamã

WORLD MANUFACTURING CONGRESS '97 18–21 NOVEMBER 1997, MASSEY UNIVERSITY, AUCKLAND, NEW ZEALANDThe World Manufacturing Congress '97 was organised jointly between Massey University and International Computer Science Conventions (ICSC) of Canada. The event was held from 18–21 November at Albany Campus, Massey University in Auckland, New Zealand. This inaugural WMC attracted the participation of over 30 nations and many aspects of manufacturing systems, manufacturing technology and manufacturing management were presented by high profile authors. WMC '97 was dedicated to Philip Crosby for his devotion to the field of quality and more specifically his ÒQuality is Free" impetus to the quality revolution in the late 70's.

ABSTRACT. This study characterizes an Albian carbonate reservoir of Field B in the Campos Basin, based on geophysical well logs and laboratory petrophysical data. This permitted us to estimate the porosity, permeability and water saturation of this reservoir more reliably. In order to achieve this goal, the Cluster Analysis for Rock Typing module of the Interactive Petrophysics software was used to divide the well into electrofacies. For each of them, an equation was determined to find the porosity and the permeability, using the multiple linear regression technique, using as input the log data and as target the laboratory data. The obtained results were compared with different models proposed by other authors, with the best results being found with multiple linear regression. Water saturation, on the other hand, was estimated by Archie equation after identifying the cementation coefficient with the Pickett crossplot. Finally, the porosity and permeability data were again used to now identify three main flow units in the reservoir through the Winland graph. To verify the effectiveness of the adopted methodology, it was successfully applied in a blind test, defining poros-ity, permeability, water saturation and flow units in a well without laboratory data. Keywords: well logging, Field B, petrophysics, carbonate reservoir, Albian.RESUMO. Este estudo caracteriza um reservatório carbonático Albiano do Campo B na Bacia de Campos, a partir de dados de perfis de poço e de petrofísica de laboratório. Uma estimativa da porosidade, da permeabilidade e da saturação de água de forma mais confiável. Com ese objetivo, foi usado o módulo Cluster Analysis for Rock Typing do software Interactive Petrophysics para dividir o poço em eletrofácies. Para cada uma delas, foi determinada uma equação para a porosidade e a perme-abilidade, através da técnica de regressão linear múltipla, usando como entrada os dados de perfis de poço e como alvo os dados de laboratório. Esses resultados foram comparados com modelos propostos por outros autores, sendo os melhores aqueles obtidos com regressão linear múltipla. A saturação de água foi estimada com a Equação de Archie após identificar o coeficiente de cimenta-ção com o crossplot de Pickett. Finalmente, os dados de porosidade e permeabilidade foram usados para identificar três unidades de fluxo através do gráfico de Winland. Para verificar a eficácia da metodologia adotada, a mesma foi aplicada com sucesso num teste cego, definindo a porosidade, a permeabilidade, a saturação de água e as unidades de fluxo num poço sem dados de laboratório. Palavras-chave: perfis de poços, Campo B, petrofísica, reservatório carbonático, Albiano.

Background: The study was designed to evaluate short term effects of commonly used antidiabetic drugs on liver. The objective of the study is to observe and analyze the correlation between percent liver weight and percent liver fat cells in control rats and diabetic, insulin, metformin and insulin-metformin combination treated high fat diet (HFD) / Streptozotocin (STZ) induced diabetic albino rats. Study Design: Experimental comparative study. Setting: Institute of Bio Medical Sciences (IBMS), Dow University of Health Sciences (DUHS), Ojha Campus, Karachi. Period: December 2014 to May 2015. Materials and Methods: The experimental study was conducted on 50 albino wistar rats. 10 rats served as control rats while rest of the rats were experimentally induced for diabetes type 2 and were then randomized into 5 groups. One group was treated with insulin, one with metformin, and the one group with insulin-metformin combination for 4 weeks. All the treated groups were compared with untreated and control group. At the end of experiment, all the rats were sacrificed and livers were isolated and weighed. Percent liver weight calculated. Liver cut sections were processed and stained to analyze the correlation in percent fat cells in liver percent liver weight and in each treated and untreated diabetic groups, then the results were compared with control rats. Results: Data is analyzed by using SPSS Version 22. Pearson correlation was used to identify correlation between the percent liver weight and percent fat cells in liver of control, treated and untreated diabetic groups. Significant and positive correlation (p-value < 0.01) in insulin treated group of diabetic rats was observed indicating that insulin has a role in causing fatty liver. Conclusion: Insulin treated diabetic group shows a significant positive correlation between percent fat cells of liver and percent liver weight.

The objective of this study was to evaluate the agronomic traits of 80 accessions of elephant grass under the soil and weather conditions of Campos dos Goytacazes/RJ, Brazil. The experimental design was set as randomized blocks with 2 replicates. The experiment continued from March 2012 to May 2013, with 5 harvests made in the dry and rainy seasons. The following traits were assessed: percentage of dry matter (%DM), dry matter yield (DMY), number of tillers per meter (NT), plant height (HGT), stem diameter (SD), leaf blade width (LBW) and leaf blade length (LBL). Data from each harvest were subjected to analysis of variance and to the Scott-Knott test (P &lt; 0.05). Tocher&rsquo;s optimization method, Mahalanobis distance, and canonical variables were utilized for the multiple traits, and the importance of the characters in the canonical variables. Genotypes with high yield were Elefante da Col&ocirc;mbia, Taiwan A-25, Albano, Hib. Gigante da Col&ocirc;mbia, Elefante de Pinda, Taiwan A-121, P241 Piracicaba, Gua&ccedil;u/I.Z.2, CPAC, EMPASC 309, EMPASC 307, Australiano, and Pasto Panam&aacute;. Stem diameter (rainy season) and LBW (dry season) were the most important variables to differentiate between genotypes. There was wide phenotypic variation between genotypes, which could be divided into 15 groups by Tocher&rsquo;s optimization method.

POTENCIAL HÍDRICO FOLIAR E DESENVOLVIMENTO VEGETATIVO DO CAFEEIRO CONILON SOB DIFERENTES LÂMINAS DE IRRIGAÇÃO NA REGIÃO E CAMPOS DOS GOYTACAZES - RJ DIEGO ALBANI FURLAN1; ELIAS FERNANDES DE SOUSA2; JOSÉ CARLOS MENDONÇA3; CLAUDIO LUIZ MELO DE SOUZA4; ROMILDO DOMINGOS GOTTARDO 5 E RODOLLPHO ARTUR DE SOUSA LIMA6 1Laboratório de Engenharia Agrícola – LEAG, Universidade Estadual do Norte Fluminense Darcy Ribeiro, Av. Alberto Laqmedo, 2000, Parque Califórnia, Campos dos Goytacazes, RJ, Brasil, diegofurlan_vni@hotmail.com 2Laboratório de Engenharia Agrícola – LEAG, Universidade Estadual do Norte Fluminense Darcy Ribeiro, Av. Alberto Laqmedo, 2000, Parque Califórnia, Campos dos Goytacazes, RJ, Brasil, efs@uenf.br 3Laboratório de Engenharia Agrícola – LEAG, Universidade Estadual do Norte Fluminense Darcy Ribeiro, Av. Alberto Laqmedo, 2000, Parque Califórnia, Campos dos Goytacazes, RJ, Brasil, mendonca@uenf.br 4Laboratório de Engenharia Agrícola – LEAG, Universidade Estadual do Norte Fluminense Darcy Ribeiro, Av. Alberto Laqmedo, 2000, Parque Califórnia, Campos dos Goytacazes, RJ, Brasil, clauddiomelo.edu@gmail.com 5Laboratório de Engenharia Agrícola – LEAG, Universidade Estadual do Norte Fluminense Darcy Ribeiro, Av. Alberto Laqmedo, 2000, Parque Califórnia, Campos dos Goytacazes, RJ, Brasil, rdgottardo@yahoo.com 6Laboratório de Engenharia Agrícola – LEAG, Universidade Estadual do Norte Fluminense Darcy Ribeiro, Av. Alberto Laqmedo, 2000, Parque Califórnia, Campos dos Goytacazes, RJ, Brasil, rodollphoartur@hotmail.com 1 RESUMO Na atividade cafeeira, o Brasil se destaca como maior produtor mundial, porém verifica-se que a sua produtividade é afetada de forma negativa pela seca, o que torna a produção dependente de complementação hídrica. Este trabalho tem como objetivo determinar estresse hídrico e o desenvolvimento do café Conilon em diferentes lâminas de irrigação. O delineamento experimental foi constituído de blocos casualizados, com três repetições, distribuídos em cinco tratamentos, sendo estes as lâminas de água de 0, 25, 50, 100 e 125% da ET0­. Cada parcela foi constituída de seis plantas, sendo as duas primeiras plantas de cada bloco consideradas bordadura. O potencial hídrico foliar foi determinado pela medição da pressão de turgescência da folha, utilizando a bomba de Scholander, em uma planta por bloco e por tratamento. A altura da planta, secção transversal do caule e diâmetro da copa foram avaliados em três plantas por bloco, utilizando régua e paquímetro graduados. Os valores para o potencial hídrico foliar realizado na antemanhã variaram ente –0,15 a -1,18 MPa e, ao meio dia, de -1,17 a -2,3 MPa. As lâminas de irrigação equivalentes a 100 e 125% da ET0 apresentaram maiores valores ao longo do desenvolvimento da cultura até o momento da avaliação. Palavras-Chave: cafeeiro, bomba de Scholander, status hídrico, parâmetros biométricos. FURLAN, D. A.; SOUSA, E.F.; MENDONÇA, J. C.; SOUZA, C. L. M.; GOTTARDO, R. D. E LIMA, R. A. S. POTENTIAL LEAF WATER AND VEGETATIVE DEVELOPMENT OF COFFEE CONILON UNDER DIFFERENT IRRIGATION DEPTHS IN THE REGION OF CAMPOS DOS GOYTACAZES - RJ 2 ABSTRACT In the coffee production, Brazil stands out as the world's largest producer, but its productivity is negatively affected by drought, which makes production dependent on water supplementation. This work aims to determine water stress and the development of Conilon coffee in different irrigation depths. The experimental design consisted of randomized blocks with three replicates, distributed in five treatments, the irrigation depths of 0, 25, 50, 100 and 125% of ET0 -. Each plot was constituted of six plants, being the first two plants of each block considered border. The leaf water potential was is determined by measuring leaf turgor pressure using the Scholander pump in a plant per block and by treatment. The plant height, stem cross-section and crown diameter were evaluated in three plants per block using a graduated ruler and pachymeter. The values ​​for leaf water potential performed in the morning ranged from -0.15 to -1.18 MPa and, for noon, from -1.17 to -2.3 MPa. The irrigation depths equivalent to 100 and 125% of the ET0 presented higher values ​​throughout the development of the culture until the moment of the evaluation. Keywords: coffee, Scholander pump, water status, biometric parameters.

Purpose This paper aims to describe a multifaceted campus-wide initiative to retain transfer students that was undertaken when it was recognized that their retention rates were lower than those of first-time, full-time students. Design/methodology/approach The Enhancing Student Experience (ESE) Working Group at the University at Albany (UAlbany) brought together key parties from Student Affairs and academic units, including the University Libraries, and provided an energizing arena in which existing student engagement and retention endeavors were discussed and coordinated, and new initiatives were inspired. Findings This paper reflects the work of a subcommittee of the ESE group that focused on developing strategies to increase the retention rate of students who transferred to UAlbany, and identifying characteristics of those first-time, full-time students who transferred from UAlbany. The efforts discussed in this paper, which were guided by professional experiences, institutional data and published reports, resulted in a 2 per cent increase in the student retention rate in the past two years. Research limitations/implications The data collection and analysis, and the initiatives, are specific to one public research university. Practical implications Initiatives undertaken to address the retention of transfer students have begun to have an impact. Originality/value The “all-hands-on-deck” approach described in this paper demonstrates how strategic collaborations among the many institutional stakeholders at a public research university were marshalled to have a significant and positive impact on student retention.

ABSTRACT. The current research is based on volumetric seismic interpretation with the aim to visualize the main Albian carbonate reservoirs in shallow, deepand ultra-deep water of the continental Brazilian basins (Santos, Campos and Espírito Santo). It is expected that the method assists geoscientists in order to definecarbonate reservoirs with less geological uncertainty, when compared with the response obtained from the traditional seismic interpretation. The objective proposesa quickly, but confident, methodology to better define Albian carbonates using seismic attribute extraction. To achieve this goal, 25 seismic volumetric and surfaceattributes were analyzed; it was observed that it is possible to visualize the reservoir in most of them, mainly when the acoustic impedance (AI) is included on the analysis. For all the considered oil fields the sweetness attribute presented the best carbonate reservoir visualization and using sweetness any previous seismic interpretation isnecessary. In conclusion, the sweetness attribute allowed the interpretation of the Albian carbonates reservoirs in the Brazilian basins in a short period of time and withless geometrical uncertainty. Due to this fact, is possible to enforce that the method can be applied for seismic characterization of any geological feature that showschanges in its density in comparison with the surrounding stratigraphic layers.Keywords: volumetric interpretation, instantaneous frequency, instantaneous amplitude, envelope, limestone reservoirs.RESUMO. A presente pesquisa é baseada na interpretação sísmica volumétrica com o intuito de visualizar os principais reservatórios de hidrocarboneto do Albianoem águas rasas, profundas e ultraprofundas das bacias da margem continental brasileira (Santos, Campos e Espírito Santo). É esperado que o resultado auxiliegeocientistas na definição de reservatórios carbonáticos com menor incerteza geológica, quando comparado com a resposta obtida numa interpretação sísmica tradicional.O objetivo propõe um método rápido e confiável que melhor defina os reservatórios carbonáticos do Albiano por meio da extração de atributos sísmicos. Para alcançar esta meta, 25 atributos sísmicos volumétricos e de superfície foram analisados, na maioria deles é possível visualizar o reservatório, principalmente quando aimpedância acústica (AI) é incluída na análise. Para todos os campos de hidrocarboneto avaliados o atributo sweetness apresentou a melhor visualização do reservatório carbonático, sendo que para aplicar sweetness não é necessária uma interpretação sísmica prévia. Em conclusão, o sweetness permitiu a interpretação de reservatórios carbonáticos albianos nas bacias brasileiras em um curto período de tempo e com menor incerteza geométrica da distribuição do mesmo. Devido a isso, o método podeser aplicado para a caracterização sísmica de feições geológicas que apresentem mudanças em sua densidade em relação às camadas estratigráficas ao redor.Palavras-chave: interpretação volumétrica, frequência instantânea, amplitude instantânea, envelope, reservatórios carbonáticos.

Recently a monograph appeared dealing with Roman epigraphical monuments from the West-Serbian town of Cacak and its neighbourhood (S. Ferjancic / G. Jeremic / A. Gojgic, Roman Epigraphic Monuments from Cacak and its Vicinity Cacak 2008, Engl. Summary pp. 103-107). Authored by one specialist in Roman history and epigraphy and two archaeologists, the book is rather thin and does not provide much new data, apart from the identification of the equestrian officer Tiberius Claudius Gallus with Severus' senator - which was taken from my PhD thesis without citing it - and from two inscriptions, ? 20 and ? 21, forming the subject of the present paper. Published here for the first time, they both contain important information which the co-authors failed to notice. The consuls of 227 A.D. in an inscription from Cacak The ? 21 (fig. 1) was found in the site of Gradina on the mountain Jelica, S. of Cacak. It is engraved on a whitish limestone monument, apparently an ara, the middle and lower parts of which are preserved after it has been reshaped to be used as building material. The four-line inscription was read by the editors as follows: [- - -] Aur(elius) F[- - - v(otum)] l(ibens) p(osuit) Mal+[- - -]et Al[- - - co(n)s(ulibus)] Idibus [- - -]. Unable to identify the pair of consuls mentioned in lines two and three, the authors interpret the inscription as a funerary one: [- - -]Aur(elius or -elio) F[- - - vix(it) ann(is)] L P. Mal+[- - -]et Al[- - - f(ecerunt) ? die ?] Idibus [- - -]. In fact, they misread the final cluster of the line two, by having mistaken for L the long right serif of M (in ligature with A) together with a trace of a subsequent letter, which proves to be an X. The alignment of the letters at the beginning of the lines suggests that the left side of the inscription is entirely preserved. The inscription reads as folows: ] \ Aur(elius) F+[ -] \ l(ibens) p(osuit) Max[imo] \ et Al[bino co(n)s(ulibus)] \ Idibus [ -]. M. Laelius Maximus Aemilianus (PIR2 L56) - probably son of Marcus Laelius Maximus (PIR2 L55), one of the leading senators under Septimius Severus - and M. Nummius Senecio Albinus (PIR2 N235) were the eponymous consuls of 227. The pair is attested in several inscriptions, e.g. CIL VIII 18831 from Numidia which resembles this one in recording the exact date: Bacaci Aug(usto) \ sac(rum) \ Albino et Ma\ximo co(n)s(ulibus) \ Kal(endis) Mai(is) [3] Si\ttius Novellus \ et Q. Galerius Mu\stianus magg(istri) \ [Thib(ilitanorum?)]. Here Albinus' name precedes that of Maximus, which is usually the case. Nevertheless, a parallel with Maximus named before Albinus is provided by an inscription from Dacia (ILD 774, near Cluj): Deae Ne\mesi sac\rum Aur(elius) Ru[f]inus \ be(ne)f(iciarius) co(n)s(ularis) \ leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae) \ Sever(ianae) v(otum) l(ibens) p(osuit) Maximo et Albi\[no] co(n)s(ulibus). Consequently, ? 21 is a votive inscription, largely restorable and precisely datable. The Collegium curatorum of the Cohors II Delmatarum in an inscription from Cacak Forty years ago within the Ascension Church yard in Cacak the lower part of a Roman limestone monument has been accidentally unearthed, bearing an inscription, three last lines of which are partially preserved (? 20 of the catalogue, (fig. 2), wherein only the mention of a cohort was recognized by the editors, who read: ]\[- - -]ALB[- - -| -]GIATI +[- - -|- - -co]h(ortis) eiusde(m) [- - -|- - - The elegant, shaded letters are lined up one below the other, which suggests that the text was arranged following the principle of centering. Above the L in the first line there is a trace of an O or a Q, unnoticed by the editors. So, there are 4 lines partially preserved. The space left between the lines 2 and 3 being larger than that between 1-2 and 3-4 respectively, the two last lines seem to constitute a separate entry. The genitive case cohortis eiusdem implies a preceding designation of the dedicant(s), and what we have before is a nominative plural ending in ?giati followed by a word of which only the first letter, C or O, is still discernible. As the most probable, if not the only possible, we propose the following restoration of the last two lines (fig. 8): [colle]giati c[urat(ores)]|[co]h(ortis) eiusde[m] possibly with a p(osuerunt) or d(edicaverunt) in the end. Despite its fragmentariness, the present inscription bears an important testimony to the existence, within the Roman army, of professional associations (collegia militaria) independent of regular military structures. The evidence for them is based solely on epigraphic sources; some hundred inscriptions contradict the paragraph of the Digesta (47.22) forbidding the soldiers to organize corporate associations in the camps. The cohort in question is doubtless the cohors II Aurelia Delmatarum milliaria equitata, which is known to have been stationed permanently, from the seventies of the second century A.D. to the fifties of the third century, in the eastern part of Dalmatia around the modern city of Cacak. It was a mixed infantry and cavalry unit, and the rank of curator (curator equitum singularium, curator alae, curator cohortis) is attested exclusively in the mounted units of the Roman army. It was higher than the simple eques; in the auxiliary troops, the curators may have been charged with special tactical or economic-administrative tasks. The lower officers (principales) and the soldiers with special tasks were allowed to form private associations fostering loyalty to the Emperor. All Roman collegia including the military ones, had their religious purpose and their official meeting room (schola) was also a sanctuary of their patron deity. It might be a part of the headquarters building, as in the case of the Castra Nova equitum singularium in Rome, where, beneath the Basilica of St John Lateran an Ionic capitel was uncovered with inscription on it dated with AD 197 recording the dedication of the schola curatorum to Minerva Augusta (AE 1935 156 = AE 1968, 8b).

Aim: To investigate the effects of alcohol consumption on serum biochemistry and histomorphology of liver, kidneys and uterus of pregnant Albino Wistar rats. Study Design: An experimental study which lasted for six weeks was conducted in the Animal house of the Department of Physiology, University of Nigeria Enugu Campus. Methodology: Twenty (20) female albino Wistar rats were used in this study. They were divided into five groups (n=4): Three experimental groups (A - C) and two control groups (pregnant and non-pregnant). Groups A, B and C were treated with 0.3 g/kg, 0.8 g/kg and 2 g/kg Ethanol respectively via oral gavage, once daily for 30 days. Blood samples were collected from the female rats via retro orbital puncture and the sera obtained were used for the determination of serum Alanine transaminase (ALT) and Aspartate transaminase (AST), Alkaline phosphatase (ALP), Urea and Creatinine levels. Liver, kidney and uterus were excised after animal sacrifice for histopathological studies. Results: A statistically significant increase in ALT, AST and ALP levels was observed only in rats treated with 0.3 g/kg/day of ethanol when compared with the controls (P=.000). Serum creatinine and urea levels in all groups showed no difference when compared with the controls. However, varying degrees of micro-architectural changes were observed in the liver, kidneys and uterus of rats in all treatment groups. Conclusion: The present data suggest that alcohol consumption during pregnancy causes histological lesions that may be responsible for the tissue alterations observed in the experimental animals.

Aim: To evaluate the sub-acute toxicity profile of fractions of Vitex doniana using adult albino rats. Study Design: An experimental study that lasted for 28 days. Place and Duration of Study: Department of Medical Laboratory Sciences and Animal House Unit, College of Medicine, University of Nigeria Enugu Campus, between January 2019 and March 2019. Methodology: Methanol, ethyl acetate and hexane fractions of V. doniana were orally administered to 6 groups of animals at doses of 150 mg/kg and 300 mg/kg body weight for each fraction, for 28 days. At the end of the administration, the animals were sacrificed. Body weight changes, Relative Organ Weights (ROW), haematological analysis, serum biochemical assay and histopathological changes of vital organs were used to evaluate the potential toxic effects of the fractions after treatments. Results: The fractions had no adverse effects on the body weights, ROW and gross appearance of the tissues. There were no significant changes in the haematological and biochemical parameters of the treated animals compared to the controls. Histological assessment of the excised organs also showed no overt pathological changes apart from thickened alveolar septa in the lungs of the animals that received methanol and ethyl acetate fractions. Conclusion: The polar fractions of V. doniana at the doses tested did not induce any toxic changes in the treated animals.

ABSTRACT.This study evaluated the petrophysical properties of an Albian carbonate reservoir, positioned in the post-salt layer, located in the Campos Basin,Southeastern Brazil. Geological information, geophysical well logs, and, laboratory experimental data with samples were used to do this. Based on density, neutron andsonic logs, different approaches were used to determine the porosity. The Nuclear Magnetic Resonance log was also used to evaluate both porosity and permeability, thislast with various methods. In the sequence, all these estimates were compared between them and the laboratory experimental data. The results show that, an estimationof the porosity is much easier than an evaluation of the permeability. This is demonstrated when the porosity is determined, with a good fit, in a multiple linear regression,whereas, the permeability is only evaluated, with good fit, in a multiple polynomial regression.Keywords: well logging, petrophysics, carbonate reservoir, Albian.RESUMO.Este estudo petrofísico caracterizou um reservatório carbonático localizado na camada pós-sal da Bacia de Campos, utilizando informações geológicas,perfis geofísicos de poços e dados experimentais de laboratório com amostras. Com base nos perfis densidade, neutrônico e sônico, diferentes abordagens foramutilizadas para determinar a porosidade. Da mesma forma, também foi utilizada a Ressonância Magnética Nuclear para avaliar a porosidade e a permeabilidade utilizandodiferentes métodos. Posteriormente, todos esses parâmetros foram comparados entre si e com dados experimentais de laboratório. Os resultados mostram que estimara porosidade é muito mais simples do que avaliar a permeabilidade, porque a porosidade é bem determinada com bom ajuste em uma regressão linear múltipla e, paraa permeabilidade, um bom ajuste é alcançado apenas com uma regressão polinomial múltipla.Palavras-chave: perfis de poços, petrofísica, reservatório carbonático, Albiano.

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Background: Cinnamomum cassia stem bark is used traditionally for the treatment of digestive disorders, diabetes and to alleviate symptoms of cold or flu. Aim: The present study evaluated biochemical and haematological changes in male albino rats after exposure to the stem bark ethanolic extract of Cinnamomum cassia (SBECC). Study Design: An experimental study which lasted for 19 days. Place and Duration of Study: Department of Medical Laboratory Sciences and Animal House, College of Medicine, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, between April 2019 and August 2019. Methodology: Twenty (20) rats weighing 130-170 g were used. Graded doses (100, 200 and 400mg/kg body weight) of the SBECC were orally administered to the animals in groups B, C and D respectively, once daily for 18 days. Group A served as the normal control and received only the vehicle (5ml/kg of 0.25N sodium carbonate). On Day 19, body weights of the rats were measured and blood samples obtained via retro-orbital puncture, were placed into plain tubes and tri-potassium ethylene diamine tetra-acetic acid (K3EDTA) containers for biochemical and haematological studies respectively. Results: Weight gain was observed in all treatment groups and control. The highest and lowest percentage weight gain was observed in Group C (51%) and Group B (33%) respectively. All the doses of the extract significantly decreased serum cholesterol levels when compared to the control (P<0.05). Treatment with 400mg/kg SBECC (Group D) significantly increased serum Alkaline phosphatase (224.00±12.88iu/l) and creatinine levels (85.60±7.40) when compared to the control (140.00±26.47 and 63.60±7.60 respectively) (P<0.05), whereas treatment with 200mg/kg SBECC significantly increased urea and creatinine levels (P<0.05). No significant changes were observed in the haematological parameters of the treated rats compared to the control. Conclusion: Sub-acute oral administration of Cinnamomum cassia stem bark extract at doses lower than 500 mg/kg may not exert toxic effects on haematological parameters but can alter some serum biochemical parameters in rats.

ABSTRACT. The importance of carbonates reservoirs in the global oil stage justifies studies aimed to determine the distribution of their physical properties. Moreover, as these reservoirs are considered complex in a geophysical context, it is necessary to reduce the geological uncertainty related to the main reservoir facies distribution. Based on this previous issue, this work outlines a method of obtaining pseudo-physical properties such as porosity (φ) and density (ρ) of two carbonate reservoirs using quantitative analysis of seismic attribute maps. These intervals were delimited by a structural-stratigraphic trap (faults and lateral variation of carbonate facies) at the Albian level from the Southwest of Campos Basin, where an oil producer field is located in a structural high. The reservoirs are of good quality, with an average porosity of 20%, directly calculated from well logs (mainly NPhi). This property features a high variation throughout the field, justified by the heterogeneity of the carbonate rock. Qualitatively, the reservoir distribution was obtained from the integration of structural, isoproperties and seismic attribute maps, which were applied above each reservoir surface maps; among them, the Maximum Negative Amplitude, Maximum Absolute Amplitude and Minimum Amplitude showed a linear relation at the correlation crossplot of density and porosity (R2>0.74). So, such process showed to be successful in characterization of the mentioned properties. Keywords: porosity, seismic interpretation, carbonates physical properties, well correlation. RESUMO. A importância dos reservatórios carbonáticos no cenário petrolífero mundial justifica estudos que objetivam determinar a distribuição de suas propriedades físicas. Além disso, como estes reservatórios são considerados complexos de serem caracterizados no âmbito geofísico, é necessário diminuir a incerteza geológica associada à distribuição das principais fácies reservatórios. Com base neste contexto, este trabalho apresenta um método de obtenção de pseudopropriedade, como porosidade (φ) e densidade (ρ), de dois reservatórios carbonáticos com base em análise quantitativa de mapas de atributos sísmicos. Estes intervalos foram delimitados por uma trapa estrutural-estratigráfica (falhas e variação lateral de fácies carbonáticas) no nível Albiano do sudoeste da Bacia de Campos, onde um campo produtor de hidrocarbonetos está situado sobre um alto estrutural. Nesta região, os reservatórios são de boa qualidade com porosidade média de 20%, calculada diretamente de perfis de poços (NPhi). Esta propriedade apresenta alta variação ao longo do campo, justificada pela heterogeneidade da rocha carbonática. Qualitativamente, a distribuição do reservatório foi obtida pela integração de mapas estruturais, de isopropriedades e de atributos sísmicos, os quais foram calculados nos mapas de cada reservatório; entre eles, Máxima Amplitude Negativa, Máxima Amplitude Absoluta e Mínima Amplitude apresentaram uma relação linear nos gráficos de correlação com a densidade e porosidade (coeficiente R2>0.74). Assim, esse processo se mostrou eficaz na caracterização das propriedades mencionadas. Palavras-chave: porosidade, interpretação sísmica, propriedades físicas dos carbonatos, correlação de poços.

ABSTRACT. We examined, in this study, the artificial intelligence techniques ability in deriving parameters of the Nuclear Magnetic Resonance log, starting from conventional logs. To perform this, it was applied Fuzzy Logic and Artificial Neural Network techniques separately, forming independent schemes. On the other hand, Simple Average and Genetic Algorithm approaches were used to assign weighting factors to Fuzzy Logic and Artificial Neural Network estimates, with the objective to optimize the individual contributions of each one. To do this, the methodology used conventional well logs, that is, gamma ray, resistivity, neutron porosity, density and sonic logs. The wells are in an Albian carbonate reservoir in Campos Basin, Southeastern Brazil. The responses were compared with the Schlumberger free fluid porosity and the lateral permeability, both derived from Nuclear Magnetic Resonance log in the same wells. The results indicate that Artificial Neural Network performed better when compared with Fuzzy Logic, but this last was essential in the success of Simple Average and Genetic Algorithm estimates, which presented better results than these techniques individually. However, each approach showed a good fit with the parameters of the Nuclear Magnetic Resonance log, confirming the utility of the present methodology, in the case when there are only conventional logs, in the studied wells.Keywords: geophysical well logging, Nuclear Magnetic Resonance, intelligent systems, Fuzzy Logic, Artificial Neural Network, Genetic Algorithm.RESUMO. Examinamos, neste estudo, a habilidade das técnicas de inteligência artificial na determinação de parâmetros do perfil da Ressonância Magnética Nuclear, a partir de perfis convencionais. Para tanto, foram aplicadas, separadamente, as técnicas da Lógica Fuzzy e da Rede Neural Artificial formando esquemas independentes. Por outro lado, as abordagens da Média Simples e do Algoritmo Genético foram utilizadas para atribuir os fatores de ponderação às estimativas de Lógica Fuzzy e Rede Neural Artificial, com o objetivo de otimizar as contribuições individuais de cada uma. Com esse objetivo, a metodologia utilizou os perfis convencionais de dois poços, ou seja, raios gama, resistividade, porosidade neutrônica, densidade e sônico. Os poços pertencem a um reservatório carbonático Albiano na Bacia de Campos, Sudeste do Brasil. As respostas foram comparadas com a porosidade do fluido livre e a permeabilidade lateral da Schlumberger, ambas derivadas do perfil da Ressonância Magnética Nuclear, nos mesmos poços. Os resultados indicam que a Rede Neural Artificial apresentou melhor desempenho, quando comparada com a Lógica Fuzzy, mas esta última foi essencial para o sucesso das estimativas da Média Simples e do Algoritmo Genético, os quais apresentaram melhores resultados que essas técnicas individualmente. No entanto, cada abordagem apresentou um bom ajuste com os parâmetros do perfil da Ressonância Magnética Nuclear, confirmando a utilidade dessa metodologia, no caso em que existem apenas perfis convencionais nos poços estudados.Palavras-chave: perfis geofísicos de poços, Ressonância Magnética Nuclear, sistemas inteligentes, Lógica Fuzzy, Rede Neural Artificial, Algoritmo Genético.

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If iconophobia is defined as the suspicion and anxiety towards the power exerted by images, its history is an ancient one in all of its Platonic, Christian, and Judaic forms. At its most radical, iconophobia results in an act of iconoclasm, or the total destruction of the image. At the other end of the spectrum, contemporary iconophobia may be more subtle. Images are simply withdrawn from circulation with the aim of eliminating their visibility. In his book Images in Spite of All, French art historian Georges Didi-Huberman questions the tradition of suspicion and denigration governing visual representations of the Holocaust, arguing we have abdicated our ethical obligation to try to imagine. This essay will argue that disruptions to traditional modes of spectatorship shift the terms of viewing from suspicion to ethical participation. By building on Didi-Huberman’s discussion of images and the spectatorial gaze, this essay will consider Laura Waddington’s 2002 documentary film Border. Waddington spent six months hiding with asylum seekers in the area surrounding the Red Cross refugee camp at Sangatte in northern France. I will argue that Waddington proposes a model of spectatorship that implicates the viewer into the ethical content of the film. By seeking to restore the dignity and humanity of the asylum seekers rather than viewing them with suspicion, Border is an acute reminder of our moral responsibility to bear witness to that which lies beyond the boundaries of conventional representations of asylum seekers.The economy managing the circulation of mainstream media images is a highly suspicious mechanism. After the initial process of image selection and distribution, what we are left with is an already homogenised collection of predictable and recyclable media images. The result is an increasingly iconophobic media gaze as the actual content of the image is depleted. In her essay “Precarious Life,” Judith Butler describes this economy in terms of the “normative processes” of control exercised by the mainstream media, arguing that the structurally unbalanced media representations of the ‘other’ result in creating a progressively dehumanised effect (Butler 146). This process of disidentification completes the iconophobic circle as the spectator, unable to develop empathy, views the dehumanised subject with increasing suspicion. Written in the aftermath of 9/11 and the ensuing War on Terror, Butler’s insights are important as they alert us to the possibility of a breach or rupture in the image economy. It is against Butler’s normative processes that Didi-Huberman’s critique of Holocaust iconoclasm and Waddington’s Border propose a slippage in representation and spectatorship capable of disrupting the homogeneity of the mass circulation of images.Most images that have come to represent the Holocaust in our collective memory were either recorded by the Nazis for propaganda or by the Allies on liberation in 1945. Virtually no photographs exist from inside the concentration camps. This is distinct from the endlessly recycled images of gaunt, emaciated survivors and bulldozers pushing aside corpses which have become critical in defining Holocaust iconography (Saxton 14). Familiar and recognisable, this visual record constitutes a “visual memory bank” that we readily draw upon when conjuring up images of the Holocaust. What occurs, however, when an image falls outside the familiar corpus of Holocaust representation? This was the question raised in a now infamous exhibition held in Paris in 2001 (Chéroux). The exhibition included four small photographs secretly taken by members of the Sonderkommando inside the Nazi extermination camp Auschwitz-Birkenau in August 1944. The Sonderkommando were the group of prisoners who were delegated the task of the day-to-day running of the crematoria. The photographs were smuggled out of the camps in a tube of toothpaste, and eventually reached the Polish Resistance.By evading the surveillance of the SS the photographs present a breach in the economy of Holocaust iconography. They exist as an exception to the rule, mere fragments stolen from beneath the all-seeing eye of the SS Guards and their watch towers. Despite operating in an impossible situation, the inmate maintained the belief that these images could provide visual proof of the existence of the gas chambers. The images are testimony produced inside the camp itself, a direct challenge to the discourse emphasising the prohibition of representation of the Holocaust and in particular the gas chambers. Figure 1 The Auschwitz crematorium in operation, photograph by Sonderkommando prisoners August 1944 © www.auschwitz.org.plDidi-Huberman’s essay marks a point of departure from the iconophobia which has stressed the unimaginable (Lanzmann), unknowable (Lyotard), and ultimately unrepresentable (Levinas) nature of the Holocaust since the 1980s. Denigrated and derided, images have been treated suspiciously by this philosophical line of thought, emphasising the irretrievable gap between representation and the Holocaust. In a direct assault on the tradition of framing the Holocaust as unrepresentable, Didi-Huberman’s essay becomes a plea to the moral and ethical responsibility to bear witness. He writes of the obligation to these images, arguing that “it is a response we must offer, as a debt to the words and images that certain prisoners snatched, for us, from the harrowing Real of their experience” (3). The photographs are not simply archival documents, but a testament to the humanity of the members of the Sonderkommando the Nazis sought to erase.Suspicion towards the potential power exerted by images has been neutralised by models of spectatorship privileging the viewer’s mastery and control. In traditional theories of film spectatorship, the spectator is rendered in terms of a general omnipotence described by Christian Metz as “an all-powerful position which is of God himself...” (49). It is a model of spectatorship that promotes mastery over the image by privileging the unilateral gaze of the spectator. Alternatively, Didi-Huberman evokes a long counter tradition within French literature and philosophy of the “seer seen,” where the object of the spectator’s gaze is endowed with the ability to return the gaze resulting in various degrees of anxiety and paranoia. The image of the “seer seen” recurs throughout the writing of Baudelaire, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, Lacan, and Barthes, negating the unilateral gaze of an omnipotent spectator (Didi-Huberman, Ce que nous voyons).Didi-Huberman explicitly draws upon Jacques Lacan’s thinking about the gaze in light of this tradition of the image looking back. In his 1964 seminars on vision in the Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis, Lacan dedicates several chapters to demonstrate how the visual field is structured by the symbolic order, the real, symbolic and the imaginary. Following Lacan, Didi-Huberman introduces two terms, the veil-image and the tear-image, which are analogous with Lacan’s imaginary and the real. The imaginary, with its connotations of illusion and fantasy, provides the sense of wholeness in both ourselves and what we perceive. For Didi-Huberman, the imaginary corresponds with the veil-image. Within the canon of Holocaust photography, the veil-image is the image “where nobody really looks,” the screen or veil maintaining the spectator’s illusion of mastery (81). We might say that in the circulation of Holocaust atrocity images, the veil serves to anaesthetise and normalise the content of the image.Lacan’s writing on the gaze, however, undermines the spectator’s mastery over the image by placing the spectator not at the all-seeing apex of the visual field, but located firmly within the visual field of the image. Lacan writes, “in the scopic field, the gaze is outside, I am looked at, that is to say, I am the picture...I am photo-graphed” (Lacan 106). The spectator is ensnared in the gaze of the image as the gaze is reciprocated. For Didi-Huberman, the veil-image seeks to disarm the threat to the spectator being caught in the image-gaze. Lacan describes this neutralisation in terms of “the pacifying, Apollonian effect of painting. Something is given not so much to the gaze as to the eye, something that involves the abandonment, the laying down, of the gaze” (101). Further on, Lacan expresses this in terms of the dompte-regarde, or a taming of the gaze (109). The veil-image maintains the fiction of the spectator’s ascendency by subduing the threat of the image-gaze. In opposition to the veil-image is the tear-image, in which for Didi-Huberman “a fragment of the real escapes” (81). This represents a rupture in the visual field. The real is presented here in terms of the tuché, or missed encounter, resulting in the spectator’s anxiety and trauma. As the real cannot be represented, it is the point where representation collapses, rupturing the illusion of coherency maintained by the veil-image. Operating as an exception or disruption to the rule, the tear-image disrupts the image economy. No longer neutralised, the image returns the gaze, shattering the illusion of the all-seeing mastery of the spectator. Didi-Huberman describes this tearing exception to the rule, “where everyone suddenly feels looked at” (81).To treat the Sonderkommando photographs as tear-images, not veil-images, we are offered a departure from classic models of spectatorship. We are forced to align ourselves and identify with the “inhuman” gaze of the Sonderkommando. The obvious response is to recoil. The gaze here is not the paranoid Sartrean gaze, evoking shame in the spectator-as-voyeur. Nor are these photographs reassuring narcissistic veil-images, but will always remain the inimical gaze of the Other—tearing, ripping images, which nonetheless demand that we do not turn away. It is an ethical response we must offer. If the power of the tear-image resides in its ability to disrupt traditional modes of representation and spectatorship, I would like to discuss this in relation to Laura Waddington’s 2004 film Border. Waddington is a Brussels based filmmaker with a particular interest in documenting the movement of displaced peoples. Just as the Sonderkommando photographs were taken clandestinely from beneath the gaze of the SS, Waddington evaded the surveillance of the French police and helicopter patrols as she bore witness to the plight of asylum seekers trying to reach England. Border presents her stolen testimony, operating outside the familiar iconography of mainstream media’s representation of asylum seekers. If we were to consider the portrayal of asylum seekers by the Australian media in terms of the veil-image, we are left with a predictable body of homogenised and neutralised stock media images. The myth of Australia being overrun by boat people is reinforced by the visual iconography of the news media. Much like the iconography of the Holocaust, these types of images have come to define the representations of asylum seekers. Traceable back to the 2001 Tampa affair images tend to be highly militarised, frequently with Australian Navy patrol boats in the background. The images reinforce the ‘stop the boats’ rhetoric exhibited on both sides of politics, paradoxically often working against the grain of the article’s editorial content. Figure 2 Thursday 16 Apr 2009 there was an explosion on board a suspected illegal entry vessel (SIEV) 36 in the vicinity of Ashmore Reef. © Commonwealth of Australia 2011Figure 3 The crew of HMAS Albany, Attack One, board suspected illegal entry vessel (SIEV) 38 © Commonwealth of Australia 2011 The media gaze is structurally unbalanced against the suffering of asylum seekers. In Australia asylum seekers are detained in mandatory detention, in remote sites such as Christmas Island and Woomera. Worryingly, the Department of Immigration maintains strict control over media representations of the conditions inside the camps, resulting in a further abstraction of representation. Geographical isolation coupled with a lack of transparent media access contributes to the ongoing process of dehumanisation of the asylum seekers. Judith Butler describes this as “The erasure of that suffering through the prohibition of images and representations” (146). In the endless recycling of images of leaky fishing boats and the perimeters of detention centres, our critical capacity to engage becomes progressively eroded. These images fulfil the function of the veil-image, where nobody really looks as there is nothing left to see. Figure 4 Asylum seekers arrive by boat on Christmas Island, Friday, July 8, 2011. AAP Image/JOSH JERGA Figure 5 Woomera Detention Centre. AAP Image/ROB HUTCHISON By reading Laura Waddington’s Border against an iconophobic media gaze, we are afforded the opportunity to reconsider this image economy and the suspicious gaze of the spectator it seeks to solicit. Border reminds us of the paradoxical function of the news image—it shows us everything, but nothing at all. In a subtle interrogation of our indifference to the existence of asylum seekers and their suffering, Border is a record of the six months Waddington spent hidden in the fields surrounding the French Red Cross camp at Sangatte in 2002. Sangatte is a small town in northern France, just south of Calais and only one and a half hours’ drive from Paris. The asylum seekers are predominantly Afghan and Iraqi. Border is a record of the last stop in their long desperate journey to reach England, which then had comparatively humane asylum seeking policies. The men are attempting to cross the channel tunnel, hidden in trucks and on freight trains. Many are killed or violently injured in their attempts to evade capture by the French police. Nevertheless they are sustained by the hope that England will offer them “a better life.” Figure 6 Still from Border showing asylum seekers in the fields of Sangatte ©Laura Waddington 2002Waddington dedicates the film, “for those I met.” It is an attempt to restore the humanity and dignity of the people who are denied individual identities. Waddington refuses to let “those who I met” remain nameless. She names them—Omar, Muhammad, Abdulla—and narrates their individual stories. Border is Waddington’s attempt to return a voice to those who have been systematically dehumanised, by-products of wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. In his classic account of documentary, Bill Nichols describes six modes of documentary representation (99–138). In Border, Waddington is working in the participatory mode, going into the field and participating in the lives of others (115). It is via this mode of representation that Waddington is able to heighten the ethical encounter with the asylum seekers. Waddington was afforded no special status as a filmmaker, but lived as a refugee among the asylum seekers during the six months of filming. At no point are we granted visible access to Waddington, yet we are acutely aware of her presence. She is physically participating in the drama unfolding before her. At times, we become alert to her immediate physical danger, as she too runs through the fields away from the police and their dogs.The suspicious gaze is predicated on maintaining a controlled distance between the spectator and the subject. Michele Aaron (82–123) has recently argued for a model of spectatorship as an intrinsically ethical encounter. Aaron demonstrates that spectatorship is not neutral but always complicit—it is a contract between the spectator and the film. Particularly relevant to the purposes of this essay is her argument concerning the “merging gaze,” where the gaze of the filmmaker and spectator are collapsed. This has the effect of folding the spectator into the film’s narrative (93). Waddington exploits the documentary medium to implicate the spectator into the structure of the film. It is in Waddington’s full participatory immersion into the documentary itself that undermines the conventional distance maintained by the spectator. The spectator can no longer remain neutral as the lines of demarcation between filmmaker and spectator collapse.Waddington was shooting alone with a small video camera at night in extremely low-light conditions. The opening scene is dark and grainy, refusing immediate entry into the film. As our eyes gradually adjust to the light, we realise we are looking at a young man, concealed in the bushes from the menacing glare of the lights of oncoming traffic. Waddington does not afford us the all-perceiving spectatorial mastery over the image. Rather, we are crouching with her as she records the furtive movements of the man. The background sound, a subtle and persistent hum, adds to a growing disquiet, a looming sense of apprehension concerning the fate of these asylum seekers. Figure 7 Grainy still showing the Red Cross camp in Border ©Laura Waddington 2002Waddington’s commentary has been deliberately pared back and her voice over is minimal with extended periods of silence. The camera alternates from meditative, lingering shots taken from the safety offered by the Red Cross camp, to the fields where the shots are truncated and chaotically framed. The actions of the asylum seekers jerk and shudder, producing an image akin to the flicker effect of early silent cinema because the film is not running at the full rate of 24 frames per second. Here the images become blurred to the point of unintelligibility. Like the Sonderkommando photographs, the asylum seekers exist as image-fragments, shards stolen by Waddington’s camera as she too works hard to evade capture. Tension gradually increases throughout the film, cumulating in a riot scene after a decision to close the camp down. The sweeping search lights of the police helicopter remind us of the increased surveillance undertaken by the border patrols. Without the safety of the Red Cross camp, the asylum seekers are offered no protection from the increasing police brutality. With nowhere else to go, the asylum seekers are forced into the town of Sangatte itself, to sleep in the streets. They are huddled together, and there is a faintly discernible chant repeating in the background, calling to the UN for help. At points during the riot scene, Waddington completely cuts the sound, enveloping the film in a haunting silence. We are left with a mute montage of distressing still images recording the clash between the asylum seekers and police. Again, we are reminded of Waddington’s lack of immunity to the violence, as the camera is deliberately knocked from her hand by a police officer. Figure 8 Clash between asylum seekers and police in Border ©Laura Waddington 2002It is via the merged gaze of the camera and the asylum seekers that Waddington exposes the fictional mastery of the spectator’s gaze. The fury of the tear-image is unleashed as the image-gaze absorbs the spectator into its visual field. No longer pacified by the veil, the spectator is unable to retreat to familiar modes of spectatorship to neutralise and disarm the image. With no possible recourse to desire and fantasy, the encounter becomes intrinsically ethical. Refusing to be neutralised by the Lacanian veil, the tear-image resists the anaesthetising effects of recycled and predictable images of asylum seekers.This essay has argued that a suspicious spectator is the product of an iconophobic media gaze. In the endless process of recycling, the critical capacity of the image to engage the viewer becomes progressively disarmed. Didi-Huberman’s reworking of the Lacanian gaze proposes a model of spectatorship designed to disrupt this iconophobic image economy. The veil-image asks little from us as spectators beyond our complicity. Protected by the gaze of the image, the fiction of the all—perceiving spectator is maintained. By abandoning this model of spectatorship as Didi-Huberman and Waddington are asking us to do, the unidirectional relationship between the viewer and the image is undermined. The terms of spectatorship may be relocated from suspicion to an ethical, participatory mode of engagement. We are laying down our weapons to receive the gaze of the Other. ReferencesAaron, Michele. Spectatorship: The Power of Looking On. London: Wallflower, 2007.Border. Waddington, Laura. Love Stream Productions, 2004.Butler, Judith. 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From the mid-twentieth century, state and public conceptions of deviance and crime control have turned increasingly punitive (Hallett 115; Hutchinson 138). In a Western context, criminal justice has long been retributive, prioritising punishment over rehabilitation (Wenzel et al. 26). Within that context, there has been an increase in punitiveness—understood here as a measure of a punishment’s severity—the intention of which has been to help restore the moral imbalance created by offending while also deterring future crime (Wenzel et al. 26). Entangled with the global spread of neoliberal capitalism, punitiveness has become internationally pervasive to a near-hegemonic degree (Sparks qtd. in Jennings et al. 463; Unnever and Cullen 100).The punitive turn has troubling characteristics. Punitive policies can be expensive, and increased incarceration stresses the criminal justice system and leads to prison overcrowding (Hutchinson 135). Further, punitiveness is not only applied unequally across categories such as class, race, and age (Unnever and Cullen 105-06; Wacquant 212) but the effectiveness of punitive policy relative to its costs is contested (Bouffard et al. 466, 477; Hutchinson 139). Despite this, evidence suggests public demand is driving punitive policymaking, but that demand is only weakly related to crime rates (Jennings et al. 463).While discussion of punitiveness in the public sphere often focuses on measures such as boot camps for young offenders, increased incarceration, and longer prison sentences, punitiveness also has a darker side. Our research analysing discussion taking place on a large, regional, crime-focused online forum reveals a startling degree and intensity of violence directed at offenders and related groups. Members of the discussion forum do propose unsurprising measures such as incarceration and boot camps, but also an array of violent alternatives, including beating, shooting, dismemberment, and conversion into animal food. This article draws on our research to explore why discussion of punitiveness can be so intensely violent.Our research applies thematic analysis to seven discussion threads posted to a large regional online forum focused on crime, made between September and November 2017. One discussion thread per week of the study period was purposively sampled based on relevance to the topic of punitiveness, ultimately yielding 1200 individual comments. Those comments were coded, and the data and codes were reiteratively analysed to produce categories, then basic, organising, and global themes. We intended to uncover themes in group discussion most salient to punitiveness to gain insight into how punitive social interactions unfold and how those who demand punitiveness understand their interactions and experiences of crime. We argue that, in this online forum, the global theme—the most salient concept related to punitiveness—is a “subaltern citizenship”. Here, a clear division emerges from the data, where the group members perceive themselves as “us”—legitimate citizens with all attendant rights—in opposition to an external “them”, a besieging group of diverse, marginalised Others who have illegitimately usurped certain rights and who victimise citizens. Group members often deride the state as too weak and untrustworthy to stop this victimisation. Ironically, the external Others perceived by the group to hold power are themselves genuinely marginalised, though the group does not recognise or see that form of marginalisation as legitimate. In this essay, to preserve the anonymity of the forum and its members, we refer to them only as “the Forum”, located in “the City”, and refrain from direct quotes except for commonly used words or phrases that do not identify individuals.It is also important to note that the research described here deliberately focused on a specific group in a specific space who were concerned about specific groups of offenders. Findings and discussion, and the views on punitiveness described, cannot be generalised to the broader community. Nor do we suggest these views can be considered representative of all Forum members as we present here only a limited analysis of some violent discourse emerging from our research. Likewise, while our discussion often centres on youth and other marginalised groups in the context of offending, we do not intend to imply that offending is a characteristic of these groups.Legitimate CitizenshipCommonly, citizenship is seen as a conferred status denoting full and equal community membership and the rights and responsibilities dictated by community values and norms (Lister 28-29). Western citizenship norms are informed by neoliberal capitalist values: individual responsibility, an obligation to be in paid employment, participation in economic consumption, the sanctity of ownership, and that the principal role of government is to defend the conditions under which these norms can freely thrive (Walsh 861-62). While norms are shaped by laws and policy frameworks, they are not imposed coercively or always deployed consciously. These norms exist as shared behavioural expectations reproduced through social interaction and embodied as “common sense” (Kotzian 59). As much as Western democracies tend to a universalist representation of one, undifferentiated citizenship, it is clear that gender, race, sexual orientation, religion, ethnicity, and migrant status all exist in different relationships to citizenship as an identity category. Glass ceilings, stolen generations, same-sex marriage debates, and Australian Government proposals to strip citizenship from certain types of criminal offender all demonstrate that the lived experience of norms surrounding citizenship is profoundly unequal for some (Staeheli et al. 629-30). An individual’s citizenship status, therefore, more accurately exists on a spectrum between legitimacy—full community membership, possessing all rights and living up to all associated responsibilities—and illegitimacy—diminished membership, with contested rights and questionable fulfilment of associated responsibilities—depending on the extent of their deviation from societal norms.Discussing punitiveness, Forum members position themselves as “us”, that is, legitimate citizens. Words such as “we” and “us” are used as synonyms for society and for those whose behaviours are “normal” or “acceptable”. Groups associated with offending are described as “they”, “them”, and their behaviours are “not normal”, “disgusting”, “feral”, and merit the removal of “them” from civilisation, usually to “the middle of nowhere” or “the Outback”. Possession of legitimate citizenship is implicit in assuming authority over what is normal and who should be exiled for failing the standard.Another implicit assumption discernible in the data is that Forum members perceive the “normal we” as good neoliberal citizens. “We” work hard, own homes and cars, and take individual responsibility. There is a strong imputation of welfare dependency among offenders, the poor, and other suspect groups. Offending is presented as something curable by stripping offenders or their parents of welfare payments. Members earn their status as legitimate citizens by adhering to the norms of neoliberal citizenship in opposition to potential offenders to whom the benefits of citizenship are simply doled out.Forum members also frame their citizenship as legitimate by asserting ownership over community spaces and resources. This can be seen in their talking as if they, their sympathetic audience, and “the City” are the same (for example, declaring that “the City” demands harsher punishments for juvenile offenders). There are also calls to “take back” the streets, the City, and Australia from groups associated with offending. That a space can and should be “taken back” implies a pre-existing state of control interrupted by those who have no right to ownership. At its most extreme, the assertion of ownership extends to a conviction that members have the right to position offenders as enemies of the state and request that the army, the ultimate tool of legitimate state violence, be turned against them if governments and the criminal justice system are too “weak” or “soft” to constrain them.The Illegitimate OtherThroughout the data, perceived offenders are spoken of with scorn and hatred. “Perceived offenders” may include offenders and their family, youths, Indigenous people, and people of low socioeconomic status, and these marginalised groups are referenced so interchangeably it can be difficult to determine which is being discussed.Commenting on four “atsi [sic] kids” who assaulted an elderly man, group members asserted “they” should be shot like dogs. The original text gives no antecedents to indicate whether “they” is meant to indicate youths, Indigenous youths, or offenders in general. However, Australia has a colonial history of conflating crime and indigeneity and shooting Indigenous people to preserve white social order (Hill and Dawes 310, 312), a consequence of the tendency of white people to imagine criminals as black (Unnever and Cullen 106). It must be noted that the racial identity of individual Forum members is unknown. This does constitute a limitation in the original study, as identity categories such as race and class intersect and manifest in social interactions in complex ways. However, that does not prevent analysis of the text itself.In the Forum’s discursive space, “they” is used to denote offenders, Indigenous youths, youths, or the poor interchangeably, as if they were all a homogeneous, mutually synonymous “Other”. Collectively, these groups are represented as so generally hopeless that they are imagined as choosing to offend so they will be sentenced to the comforts of “holiday camp” prisons where they can access luxuries otherwise beyond their reach: freedom from addicted parents, medical care, food, television, and computers. A common argument, that crime is an individual choice, is often based on the idea that prison is a better option for the poor than going home. As a result, offending by marginalised offenders is reconstructed as a rational choice or a failure of individual responsibility rather than a consequence of structural inequality.Further, parents of those in suspect populations are blamed for intergenerational maintenance of criminality. They are described as too drunk or drugged to care, too unskilled in parenting due to their presumed dreadful upbringing, or too busy enjoying their welfare payments to meet their responsibility to control their children or teach them the values and skills of citizenship. Comments imply parents probably participated in their children’s crimes even when no evidence suggests that possibility and that some groups simply cannot be trusted to raise disciplined children owing to their inherent moral and economic dissipation. That is, not just offenders but entire groups are deemed illegitimate, willing to enjoy benefits of citizenship such as welfare payments but unwilling or unable to earn them by engaging with the associated responsibilities. This is a frequent argument for why they deserve severely punitive punishment for deviance.However, the construction of the Other as illegitimate in Forum discussions reaches far beyond imagining them as lacking normative skills and values. The violence present on the Forum is startling in its intensity. Prevalent within the data is the reduction of people to insulting nicknames. Terms used to describe people range from the sarcastic— “little darlings”—through standard abusive language such as “bastards”, “shits”, “dickheads”, “lowlifes”, to dehumanising epithets such as “maggots”, “scum”, and “subhuman arsewipes”. Individually and collectively, “they” are relentlessly framed as less than human and even less than animals. They are “mongrels” and “vermin”. In groups, they are “packs”, and they deserve to be “hunted” or just shot from helicopters. They are unworthy of life. “Oxygen thieves” is a repeated epithet, as is the idea that they should be dropped out at sea to drown. Other suggestions for punishment include firing squads, lethal injections, and feeding them to animals.It is difficult to imagine a more definitive denial of legitimacy than discursively stripping individuals and groups of their humanity (their most fundamental status) and their right to existence (their most fundamental right as living beings). The Forum comes perilously close to casting the Other as Agamben’s homo sacer, humans who live in a “state of exception”, subject to the state’s power but excluded from the law’s protection and able to be killed without consequence (Lechte and Newman 524). While it would be hyperbole to push this comparison too far—given Agamben had concentration camps in mind—the state of exception as a means of both excluding a group from society and exercising control over its life does resonate here.Themes Underlying PunitivenessOur findings indicate the theme most salient to punitive discussion is citizenship, rooted in persistent concerns over who is perceived to have it, who is not, and what should be done about those Others whose deviance renders their citizenship less legitimate. Citizenship norms—real or aspirational—of society’s dominant groups constitute the standards by which Forum members judge their experiences of and with crime, perceived offenders, the criminal justice system, and the state. However, Forum members do not claim a straightforward belonging to and sharing in the maintenance of the polity. Analysis of the data suggests Forum members consider their legitimate citizenship tainted by external forces such as politics, untrustworthy authorities and institutions, and the unconstrained excess of the illegitimate Other. That is, they perceive their citizenship to be simultaneously legitimate and undeservedly subaltern.According to Gramsci, subaltern populations are subordinate to dominant groups in political and civil society, lulled by hegemonic norms to cooperate in their own oppression (Green 2). Civil society supports the authority of political society and, in return, political society uses the law and criminal justice system to safeguard civil society’s interests against unruly subalterns (Green 7). Rights and responsibilities of citizenship reside within the mutual relationship between political and civil society. Subalternity, by definition, exists outside this relationship, or with limited access to it.Forum members position themselves as citizens within civil society. They lay emphatic claim to fulfilling their responsibilities as neoliberal citizens. However, they perceive themselves to be denied the commensurate rights: they cannot rely on the criminal justice system to protect them from the illegitimate Other. The courts are “soft”, and prisons are “camps” with “revolving doors”. Authorities pamper offenders while doing nothing to stop them from hurting their victims. Human rights are viewed as an imposition by the UN or as policy flowing from a political sphere lacking integrity and dominated by “do gooders”. Rights are reserved only for offenders. Legitimate citizens no longer even have the right to defend themselves. The perceived result is a transfer of rights from legitimate to illegitimate, from deserving to undeserving. This process elides from view the actual subalterns of Australian society—here, most particularly Indigenous people and the socioeconomically vulnerable—and reconstructs them as oppressors of the dominant group, who are reframed as legitimate citizens unjustly made subaltern.The Violence in PunitivenessOn the Forum, as in the broader world, a sense of “white victimisation”—the view, unsupported by history or evidence, that whites are an oppressed people within a structure systematically doling out advantage to minorities (King 89)—is a recurrent legitimising argument for punitiveness and vigilantism. Amid the shrinking social safety nets and employment precarity of neoliberal capitalism, competitiveness increases, and white identity forms around perceived threats to power and status incurred by “losing out” to minorities (Sacks and Lindholm 131). One 2011 study finds a majority of white US citizens believe themselves subject to more racism than black people (King 89). However, these assumptions of whiteness tend to be spared critical examination because, in white-dominated societies, whiteness is the common-sense norm in opposition to which other racial categories are defined (Petray and Collin 2). When whiteness is made the focus of critical questioning, white identities gain salience and imaginings of the “dark other” and besieged white virtues intensify (Bonilla-Silva et al. 232).With respect to feelings of punitiveness, Unnever and Cullen (118-19) find that the social cause for punitiveness in the United States is hostility towards other races, that harsh punishments, including the death penalty, are demanded and accepted by the dominant group because they are perceived to mostly injure “people they do not like” (Unnever and Cullen 119). Moreover, perception that a racial group is inherently criminal amplifies more generalised prejudices against them and diminishes the capacity of the dominant group to feel empathy for suffering inflicted upon them by the criminal justice system (Unnever and Cullen 120).While our analysis of the Forum supports these findings where they touch on crimes committed by Indigenous people, they invite a question. Why, where race is not a factor, do youths and the socioeconomically disadvantaged also inspire intensely violent punitiveness as described above? We argue that the answer relates to status. From this perspective, race becomes one of several categories of differentiation from legitimate citizenship through an ascription of low status.Wenzel, Okimoto, and Cameron (29) contend punitiveness, with respect to specific offences, varies according to the symbolic meaning the offence holds for the observer. Crimes understood as a transgression against status or power inspire a need for “revenge, punishment, and stigmatisation” (Wenzel et al. 41) and justify an increase in the punitiveness required (Wenzel et al. 29, 34). This is particularly true where an offence is deemed to make someone unfit for community membership, such that severe punishment serves as a symbolic marker of exile and a reaffirmation for the community of the violated values and norms (Wenzel et al. 41). Indeed, as noted, Forum posts regularly call for offenders to be removed from society, exiled to the outback, or shipped beyond Australia’s territorial waters.Further, Forum members’ perception of subaltern citizenship, with its assumption of legitimate citizenship as being threatened by undeserving Others, makes them view crime as implicitly a matter of status transgression. This is intensified by perception that the political sphere and criminal justice system are failing legitimate citizens, refusing even to let them defend themselves. Virulent name-calling and comparisons to animals can be understood as attempts by the group to symbolically curtail the undeservedly higher status granted to offenders by weak governments and courts. More violent demands for punishment symbolically remove offenders from citizenship, reaffirm citizen values, and vent anger at a political and criminal justice system deemed complicit, through weakness, in reducing legitimate citizens to subaltern citizens.ConclusionsIn this essay, we highlight the extreme violence we found in our analysis of an extensive online crime forum in a regional Australian city. We explore some explanations for violent public punitiveness, highlighting how members identify themselves as subaltern citizens in a battle against undeserving Others, with no support from a weak state. This analysis centres community norms and a problematic conception of citizenship as drivers of both public punitiveness and dissatisfaction with crime control policy and the criminal justice system. We highlight a real dissonance between community needs and public policy that may undermine effective policymaking. That is, evidence-based crime control policies, successful crime prevention initiatives, and falling crime rates may not increase public satisfaction with how crime is dealt with if policymakers pursue those measures without regard for how citizens experience the process.While studies such as that by Wenzel, Okimoto, and Cameron identify differences in status between legitimate citizens and offenders as amplifiers of punitiveness, we suggest the amplification may be mediated by the status relationship between legitimate citizens and authority figures within legitimate society. The offender and their crime may not contribute as much to the public’s outrage as commonly assumed. Instead, public punitiveness may predominantly arise from the perception that the political sphere, media, and criminal justice system respond to citizens’ experience of crime in ways that devalue the status of legitimate citizens. At least in the context of this regional city, this points to something other than successful crime control being integral to building more effective and satisfactory crime control policy: in this case, the need to rebuild trust between citizens and authority groups.ReferencesBonilla-Silva, Eduardo, Carla Goar, and David G. 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