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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Coalition Regime”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 3 czerwca 2025

Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2025

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1

Beiser-McGrath, Janina, and Nils W. Metternich. "Ethnic Coalitions and the Logic of Political Survival in Authoritarian Regimes." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 1 (2020): 144–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020920656.

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Why do authoritarian governments exclude ethnic groups if this jeopardizes their regime survival? We generalize existing arguments that attribute exclusion dynamics to ethnic coalition formation. We argue that a mutual commitment problem, between the ethnic ruling group and potential coalition members, leads to power-balanced ethnic coalitions. However, authoritarian regimes with institutions that mitigate credible commitment problems facilitate the formation of coalitions that are less balanced in power. We test our arguments with a k-adic conditional logit approach, using data on ethnic grou

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Shkel, Stanislav N. "Neo-patrimonial practices and sustainability of authoritarian regimes in Eurasia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 2 (2019): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.04.002.

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The article analyzes authoritarian regimes within the post-Soviet territory in terms of informal practices (clannishness, clientelism and patronage) and their characteristics used by political leaders to form a power coalition. It has been argued that any of these informal practices determine a power coalition of a certain size, which is consequential for regime sustainability. Power coalitions formed on the basis of a clan-like nature is the least effective way to retain power and generally leads to regime destabilization. Clientelism, which allows for forming a power coalition on a wider bas

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Booth, John A. "Global Forces and Regime Change: Guatemala in the Central American Context." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 42, no. 4 (2000): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166342.

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Drawing on theories of regime change, revolution, and democratization, this paper proposes a process theory to account for the 12 major regime transformations that have occurred in Central America since 1970. Political regimes, coherent systems of rule established among a coalition of dominant political actors, change when their prevailing political rules and their ruling coalitions undergo transformation. External forces are important to this process. The focal case is Guatemala and its prospects for democratic consolidation.

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Graham, Benjamin A. T., Erik Gartzke, and Christopher J. Fariss. "The Bar Fight Theory of International Conflict: Regime Type, Coalition Size, and Victory." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 4 (2015): 613–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.52.

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Studies of regime type and war show that democracies tend to win the wars they fight, but questions remain about why this is the case. A simple, if underappreciated, explanation for democratic success is that democracies fight alongside larger and more powerful coalitions. Coalition partners bring additional material capabilities and may also provide intangible benefits to the war effort, such as increased legitimacy or confidence. Democracies may also find it less costly to join coalitions, as democratic war aims may be easier to apportion among the victors without diluting the spoils. Evalua

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Saito, Leland. "Urban Development and the Growth with Equity Framework: The National Football League Stadium in Downtown Los Angeles." Urban Affairs Review 55, no. 5 (2018): 1370–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087417751216.

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In political economy, research on growth coalitions and regime theory concludes that progressive coalitions representing lower-income residents and effectively working for policy change at the local level involving development are unlikely since they lack the resources necessary to build and maintain strong coalitions with long-term influence with elected officials. In Los Angeles, a coalition representing the homeless filed a lawsuit in 2012, which involved one of the most powerful developers in the region, and reached a favorable settlement. Given the strength of growth interests and factors

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Laver, Michael, and Kenneth A. Shepsle. "Government Coalitions and Intraparty Politics." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (1990): 489–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005950.

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A new model of government formation is elaborated and developed to allow consideration of politics within political parties. The impact of coalition bargaining on intraparty politics is considered, as well as the impact of intraparty politics on coalition bargaining. Different intraparty decision-making regimes are shown to affect coalition outcomes. Finally, the potential impact of anticipated coalition bargaining on the choice of decision-making regime within a party is explored.

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Ledyaev, Valeri, and Alla Chirikova. "Urban Regimes in Small Russian Towns." City & Community 18, no. 3 (2019): 812–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12439.

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This article presents the outcomes of a research project conducted in five small Russian towns. Different coalitions between local actors take place in all communities. However, coalitions that meet the criteria of the urban regime (in Stone's classical interpretation) have been discovered, with certain reservations, only in two towns. For a number of characteristics, these coalitions differed from regimes in American and European towns: often not quite voluntary nature of coalitions, prevalence of egoistic motives in the coalition–building, strong dependence of the regimes on the personal fac

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Anghel, Veronica. "“Why Can’t We Be Friends?” The Coalition Potential of Presidents in Semi-presidential Republics—Insights from Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (2017): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417722829.

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Coalition governments are a regularly studied feature of parliamentary democracies. Debates still linger in the field as to what extent the outcomes of these studies are also applicable in determining who has the upper hand over coalition formation in semi-presidential regimes. This article explores the dynamics of government formation under semi-presidential regimes using evidence from Romania (1990–2016) and discusses the formal and informal potential of the president to shape coalitions. It covers a lacuna in qualitative studies by using evidence gathered from in-depth interviews with prime

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Wong, Mathew Y. H. "Selectorate Theory in Hybrid Regimes: Comparing Hong Kong and Singapore." Government and Opposition 53, no. 4 (2017): 707–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.10.

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This article investigates public and private goods provision in two hybrid regimes: Hong Kong and Singapore. We build on the selectorate theory, which analyses all regimes in terms of the size of their leaders’ support coalitions. This research follows a differences-in-differences design, with the exogenous political change in Hong Kong in 1997 as a treatment and Singapore as a control case. This study contributes to the literature in two ways. First, as the aim of the selectorate theory is to transcend traditional regime typologies, a focus on hybrid regimes provides another test of the theor

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Chistikova, A. A. "The potential of coalition theory in international studies: the case of climate change coalitions." Полис. Политические исследования, no. 4 (July 23, 2025): 91–106. https://doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2025.04.08.

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States’ coalition behaviour is a traditional research subject for international relations (IR) science. Each of the key theoretical paradigms provides its own answer as to why coalitions form in international politics. However, with the salience of unconventional security threats in modern era, most IR theories which usually provide a universal scheme of coalition formation cannot fully account for states’ coalition behaviour. In particular, the case of climate change coalitions demonstrates they can form at least on the basis of current political and economic alliances, geographical similarit

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Sanders, Lauren, and Penny Saultry. "Biometrics and new and emerging technologies – future challenges in the use of biometric data in the conduct of military operations." Military Law and the Law of War Review 62, no. 1 (2024): 114–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.2024.01.06.

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The collection of biometric information is subject to domestic, as well as international legal regulation. These regimes can pose complex challenges to military forces seeking to use biometric data during military operations. Using Australia as a case study, this article identifies how the Australian domestic legal regime applies to the collection, disclosure and use of biometric data by the Australian Defence Force (ADF) when conducting military operations outside Australia. It analyses the impact of this legal regime on the ADF’s participation in coalition operations, deriving a range of pri

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Manow, Philip. "WORKERS, FARMERS, AND CATHOLICISM: A HISTORY OF POLITICAL CLASS COALITIONS AND THE SOUTH-EUROPEAN WELFARE STATE REGIME." Revista Direito das Relações Sociais e Trabalhistas 3, no. 1 (2019): 8–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/mestradodireito.v3i1.99.

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The explanatory model behind Esping-Andersen’s ‘three regime’-typology points to the variance in ‘political coalition building in the transition from a rural economy to a middle-class society’, particularly to whether or not farmers and workers were able to form coalitions during this transition. The article reconsiders the relation between party systems and welfare state regimes. It highlights the systematic variation among European party systems with respect to the electoral success of communist parties. The electoral strength of communist parties is argued to be related to the intensity of

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Buehler, Matt, and Mehdi Ayari. "The Autocrat’s Advisors: Opening the Black Box of Ruling Coalitions in Tunisia’s Authoritarian Regime." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 2 (2017): 330–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917735400.

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Why do autocrats retain some elites as core, long-term members of their ruling coalitions for years, while others are dismissed in months? How and why might the type of elites retained within coalitions vary across time and different autocrats? Although what constitutes an authoritarian regime’s ruling coalition varies across countries, often including the military and dominant parties, this article focuses on one critical subcomponent of it—an autocrat’s cabinet and his elite advisors within it, his ministers. Because coalitions function opaquely to prevent coups, scholars consider their inne

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Kim, Nam Kyu, and Jun Koga Sudduth. "Political Institutions and Coups in Dictatorships." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 9 (2021): 1597–628. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414021997161.

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Does the creation of nominally democratic institutions help dictators stay in power by diminishing the risk of coups? We posit that the effectiveness of political institutions in deterring coups crucially depends on the types of plotters and their political goals. By providing a means to address the ruling coalition’s primary concerns about a dictator’s opportunism or incompetence, institutions reduce the necessity of reshuffling coups, in which the ruling coalition replaces an incumbent leader but keeps the regime intact. However, such institutions do not diminish the risk of regime-changing

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15

Toumasatos, Evangelos, and Stein Ivar Steinshamn. "Coalition Formation with Externalities: The Case of the Northeast Atlantic Mackerel Fishery in a Pre- and Post-Brexit Context." International Game Theory Review 20, no. 02 (2018): 1850001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219198918500019.

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The partition function approach is applied to study coalition formation in the Northeast Atlantic mackerel fishery in the presence of externalities. Atlantic mackerel is mainly exploited by the European Union (EU), the United Kingdom (UK), Norway, the Faroe Islands and Iceland. Two games are considered. First, a four-player game where the UK is still a member of the EU. Second, a five-player game where the UK is no longer a member of the union. Each game is modeled in two stages. In the first stage, players form coalitions following a predefined set of rules. In the second stage, given the coa

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Wakhungu Maasi, Kennedy. "Navigating Coalition Politics in Kenya: A Historical Journey Since 1945." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science IX, no. I (2025): 4814–29. https://doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2025.9010371.

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Kenya is among the global nations where formation of political coalitions has molded her socio-economic and political development. The period preceding and after independence in 1963 have seen Kenya experience shifting political setting denoted by various political coalitions. Employing the theory of political coalition and historical research design, the study traces the evolution of coalition politics in Kenya. The results reveal that the ground for formation of political coalitions in Kenya was laid by pre-independence movements traced back as early as the period before 1945 where pre-indep

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Varshavsky, Arseny Y. "Institutional Foundations of Intraparty Coalitions in Presidential Systems: Case of Uruguay." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (2019): 673–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-673-686.

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The article analyzes the institutional foundations of the emergence and functioning of the major party factions in Uruguay and their influence on maintaining the stability of the presidential regime. The Uruguayan parties are historically characterized by fragmentation and consist of many ideologically diverse movements, which allows us to view them as coalitions. The factions competing among themselves for the influence on the political agenda ultimately form the party’s common strategy. Coalition tendency within parties is largely determined by the peculiarities of the electoral system estab

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18

Heberer, Thomas, and Gunter Schubert. "Weapons of the Rich: Strategic Behavior and Collective Action of Private Entrepreneurs in China." Modern China 45, no. 5 (2018): 471–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700418808755.

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This article, the product of several years of extensive fieldwork, seeks to reinvigorate the debate on China’s private entrepreneurs by arguing that they have become a “strategic group” within the Chinese polity. While they do not openly challenge the current regime, they continuously alter the power balance within the current regime coalition, which connects them to the party-state at all administrative levels. As the future of Chinese socialism depends on the sound development of the private-sector economy and, therefore, on the promotion of private entrepreneurship, it can be expected that

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19

SHEIKH, GH MOHD. "COALITION REGIME AND INDUSTRIAL POLICY IN JAMMU AND KASHMIR: AGRO-BASED INDUSTRY IN BARAMULLA DISTRICT OF J&K STATE." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, no. 6 (2017): 437–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i6.2017.2053.

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Since 2002 political structure of the state of Jammu and Kashmir underwent a paradigm shift. A coalition era has deepened its roots in the state politics. PDP and Congress joined the governance of the state as a coalition regime in the year 2002. This coalition regime has brought up the various development policies; one among them was the industry policy which was formulated in the year 2004. Under the policy, food processing including agro-based industry was one among the main thrust areas. Similarly, in the paper an attempt has been made to analyze the factors which were responsible for the

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GH, MOHD SHEIKH. "COALITION REGIME AND INDUSTRIAL POLICY IN JAMMU AND KASHMIR: AGRO-BASED INDUSTRY IN BARAMULLA DISTRICT OF J&K STATE." International Journal of Research - Granthaalayah 5, no. 6 (2017): 437–46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.822265.

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Since 2002 political structure of the state of Jammu and Kashmir underwent a paradigm shift. A coalition era has deepened its roots in the state politics. PDP and Congress joined the governance of the state as a coalition regime in the year 2002. This coalition regime has brought up the various development policies; one among them was the industry policy which was formulated in the year 2004. Under the policy, food processing including agro-based industry was one among the main thrust areas. Similarly, in the paper an attempt has been made to analyze the factors which were responsible for the

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21

Clarke, Killian. "Saying "Enough": Authoritarianism and Egypt's Kefaya Movement." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 4 (2011): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.4.m728m673p7340l23.

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How do reform-oriented social movements in authoritarian states get off the ground? I argue that authoritarian regimes can actually facilitate social movement mobilization by making it easier for movement leaders to form opposition coalitions. When authoritarian states experience a political opening, certain structural aspects of these regimes will ease the process of coalition formation. I describe three ways in which these states facilitate mobilization: (1) they offer a straightforward set of least-common-denominator goals; (2) they establish incentives for existing organizations to get inv

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Just, Petr. "Slovakia’s Oversized Cabinet after the 2020 Parliamentary Elections: Barrier against Extremism Vol. II, or Protection of Its Own Stability?" Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 388–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-388.

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This article deals with one of the major political consequences of parliamentary elections in every parliamentary regime – the process of government formation. It focuses on the formation of the coalition government following the 2020 parliamentary elections in Slovakia, in the context of both pre-election developments as well as the main challenges and appeals of contemporary politics in general – the rise of far-right political parties. Its aim is to identify the coalition strategies presented before the elections of political parties and movements that had a theoretical chance of being elec

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Onderco, Michal. "Collaboration Networks in Conference Diplomacy: The Case of the Nonproliferation Regime." International Studies Review 22, no. 4 (2019): 739–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz036.

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Abstract Multilateral conferences are the bread-and-butter of international politics. In such settings, countries may pursue their interests individually, but most of the time they prefer to act through coalitions. Such coalitions are overlapping, creating a network structure. States build and utilize networks to get agenda items pushed through or to block unfavorable ones. While sometimes they are formed on the basis of formal institutions (such as the NAM or the EU), frequently their membership is based on either ad hoc cooperation or existing informal bodies (such as the NSG, New Agenda Coa

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Yu, Yang. "The Changing Urban Political Order and Politics of Space: A Study of Hong Kong’s POSPD Policy." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 4 (2018): 732–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087417751850.

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There is an increasing tension between the land development regime and grassroots antigrowth coalitions in Hong Kong, where public spaces have played a critical role. This article aims to examine (1) whether the transitional process of urban political orders is punctuated or gradual; (2) whether transitional change is driven by exogenous factors, endogenous factors, or both; (3) the extent to which the social production model of power is still applicable in the postindustrial era; and (4) how political sociospatial dialectic works in the changing urban political order. This study first reviews

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Hix, Simon, and Abdul Noury. "Government-Opposition or Left-Right? The Institutional Determinants of Voting in Legislatures." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 2 (2015): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.9.

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This study uses roll-call voting data from 16 legislatures to investigate how the institutional context of politics—such as whether a country is a parliamentary or presidential regime, or has a single-party, coalition or minority government—shapes coalition formation and voting behavior in parliaments. It uses a geometric scaling metric to estimate the “revealed space” in each of these legislatures and a vote-by-vote statistical analysis to identify how much of this space can be explained by government-opposition dynamics as opposed to parties’ (left-right) policy positions. Government-opposit

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Pereira, Carlos, Mariana Batista, Sérgio Praça, and Felix Lopez. "Watchdogs in Our Midst: How Presidents Monitor Coalitions in Brazil's Multiparty Presidential Regime." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 3 (2017): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12025.

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AbstractWhen delegating governing tasks to a coalition partner, the president would like to give a minister ample administrative powers to be able to effectively accomplish the political mission. Due to information asymmetries, the president runs the risk that this discretion might be used to pursue policy outcomes that may harm the president's preferences. This trade-off between delegation and control is key to understanding governance strategies the president chooses to minimize agency risks and coordinate public policies. With Brazil as a case study, this article demonstrates that president

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Pereira, Carlos, Mariana Batista, Sérgio Praça, and Felix Lopez. "Watchdogs in Our Midst: How Presidents Monitor Coalitions in Brazil's Multiparty Presidential Regime." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 03 (2017): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1531426x00010268.

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Abstract When delegating governing tasks to a coalition partner, the president would like to give a minister ample administrative powers to be able to effectively accomplish the political mission. Due to information asymmetries, the president runs the risk that this discretion might be used to pursue policy outcomes that may harm the president's preferences. This trade-off between delegation and control is key to understanding governance strategies the president chooses to minimize agency risks and coordinate public policies. With Brazil as a case study, this article demonstrates that presiden

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Miller, Steve, and Bruno Nkuiya. "Coalition formation in fisheries with potential regime shift." Journal of Environmental Economics and Management 79 (September 2016): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jeem.2016.05.001.

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Berman, Chantal. "When Revolutionary Coalitions Break Down: Polarization, Protest, and the Tunisian Political Crisis of August 2013." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (2019): 136–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102003.

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Revolutionary coalitions often break down in the aftermath of revolution, leading to the collapse of transitional governments. Fragmentation among revolutionary elites has been extensively theorized, but few works consider the origins and consequences of polarization among non-elite protesters in the revolutionary coalition. This paper examines the case of Tunisia to unpack how polarization among former revolutionaries may drive secondary waves of mobilization that imperil governing coalitions, even when elites are cooperating. Unique protest surveys of pro- and anti-government demonstrations

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NATARAJAN, USHA. "Creating and Recreating Iraq: Legacies of the Mandate System in Contemporary Understandings of Third World Sovereignty." Leiden Journal of International Law 24, no. 4 (2011): 799–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156511000380.

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AbstractThis article explores the League of Nations' role in state formation in Third World or peripheral states and its legacy for contemporary understandings of Third World sovereignty. It examines Iraq under British Mandate, and UN and Coalition of the Willing interventions. This research was prompted by the international-law community's outrage when the Coalition invaded Iraq in March 2003. While the invasion was seen by many as an affront to international law, there was also something faintly familiar about the Coalition's reasoning for the invasion. This feeling of déjà vu escalated once

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Osei, Anja, Hervé Akinocho, and Stephen Mwombela. "Presidential Term Limits and Regime Types: When Do Leaders Respect Constitutional Norms?" Africa Spectrum 55, no. 3 (2020): 251–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720945720.

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Why do some leaders respect constitutional provisions like presidential term limits, while others do not? For all regimes, constitutions are important reference texts that provide some basic rules of the game. Within this framework, term limits and electoral laws are crucial because they are directly concerned with the exercise of power. Using Geddes’ regime typology, this article is proposing a regime-oriented approach to explain the variation on the African continent. Democracies, party-based regimes, and military regimes are surely different from each other, but they have a degree of depers

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Tolstov, S. "The Political and Military Alliances and Coalition Relations Before and During the Second World War: Nature, Modality and Peculiarities." Problems of World History, no. 1 (March 24, 2016): 79–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-5.

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The problem of allied cooperation and formation of multilateral coalitions takes an important place in the diplomatic history of 1920-1940s’. This article presents an attempt to analyze the structural and motivational factors that influenced the establishment and functioning of the alliance and coalition relations between the leading powers of the time. In the context of multipolar international system peace and stability could be preserved by arrangements of collective security against aggression and hegemonism, or by the balance of power and effective alliances. None of these structural mech

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Teater, Aaron. "Putting Their Money Where Their Mouth Is." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 13, no. 1 (2019): 42–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v13i1.546.

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The business community has played an increasingly prominent role in international climate governance since the signing of the Paris Agreement. However, recent corporate scandals, such as those of ExxonMobil and Volkswagen, have cast doubt on the credibility of corporate climate action. This paper thus examines the role of corporate climate governance in the post-Paris climate regime. Primarily, this paper focuses on the We Mean Business coalition, which brings together the leading business groups on climate action. Through exploration of the coalition’s organizational structure, its flagship i

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Nordhaus, William. "Climate Clubs: Overcoming Free-riding in International Climate Policy." American Economic Review 105, no. 4 (2015): 1339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.15000001.

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Notwithstanding great progress in scientific and economic understanding of climate change, it has proven difficult to forge international agreements because of free-riding, as seen in the defunct Kyoto Protocol. This study examines the club as a model for international climate policy. Based on economic theory and empirical modeling, it finds that without sanctions against non-participants there are no stable coalitions other than those with minimal abatement. By contrast, a regime with small trade penalties on non-participants, a Climate Club, can induce a large stable coalition with high leve

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Popova, Maria. "Putin-Style “Rule of Law” & the Prospects for Change." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (2017): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00435.

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In Putin's Russia, the regime uses the law and legal institutions to fulfill political goals, to communicate them to society, and to manage the authoritarian coalition that helps the president govern. As a result, the law is highly consequential and important, but its use tends to be arbitrary, expedient, and instrumental, rather than predictable and principled. Can we expect any major shifts in the role of law and the courts over the next ten years? Russia's legal regime is unlikely to undergo major evolutionary change and may outlive Putin's tenure: both foreign and domestic pressures for ch

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Ficek, Ryszard. "Fragile States, Co-Optation, and the Logic of Political Survival." Studia Politologiczne, no. 3/2024 (73) (September 9, 2024): 294–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2024.73.17.

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This article analyzes the issues of managing crises in the context of fragile states, co-optations and, consequently, focuses on the logic of political survival. Excluding particular social groups from exercising power increases the risk of serious internal political tensions and even civil war. Yet, the question remains: why do fragile state governments exclude social groups in the first place if this threatens the survival of the regime? In the political regimes of fragile states, an important response to patterns of social exclusion can be found in the formation of political coalitions. Rul

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Bucur, Cristina. "Presidents and Cabinet Payoffs in Coalition Governments." Political Studies Review 18, no. 1 (2019): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919856875.

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As a key consequence of government formation negotiations among executive and legislative actors, portfolio allocation offers a window to understand the impact of constitutional design and presidential prerogatives on cabinet dynamics across democratic regime types. This article uses Shugart and Carey’s emphasis on the implications of regime distinctions and institutional variation in presidential powers for executive-legislative relations as a starting point for an examination of the extent to which presidents influence government formation outcomes in parliamentary and semi-presidential syst

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MORALES, David, and Felipe Ken IWAHASHI. "THE ACTION OF BRAZIL AND THE NEW AGENDA COALITION IN THE PROCESS OF IMPLEMENTING THE TREATY FOR THE PROHIBITION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS." Boletim de Conjuntura (BOCA) 13, no. 39 (2023): 442–61. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7765432.

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Brazil is characterized by being a country with a global highlight in favor of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. From 1998, Brazil joined the New Agenda Coalition (NAC) with the objective to guide an international agenda for materialize a complete nuclear weapons disarmament. Likewise, a NAC was able to participate actively in the structuring of the recent Treaty on the Prohibition of nuclear weapons (TPAN). This article aims to analyze how was the contribution and performance of Brazil and the NAC for the elaboration of the TPAN. Therefore, this article analyzes the process of

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Nayar, Baldev Raj. "India in 2004: Regime Change in a Divided Democracy." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (2005): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.71.

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The outstanding event of 2004 in India was the national election. Its unexpected results made for the ouster of the BJP-led government——despite the excellent performance of the economy——and its replacement by a coalition headed by the Congress Party, oriented toward greater state activism in economic affairs.

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Qian, Zhu, and Shuping Zhang. "Community governance in rural villager resettlement neighborhoods in China: rural-urban divide, civic engagement, and state control." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 892, no. 1 (2021): 012001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/892/1/012001.

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Abstract In China, to meet the demand of expansive urbanization, the state expropriates rural land from village collectives and offers resettlement arrangement to landless villagers. The aim of this study is to advance our understanding of the community governance in government-designated resettlement neighborhoods in Chinese cities. By employing participatory observations and key informant interviews with community association staff and resettled villagers in four neighborhoods in Shanghai, this research documents and evaluates an emerging multi-scalar civic coalition formed to maximize the c

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Resta, Valeria, and Mohamed Daadaoui. "Multiparty Coalition Governments, Portfolio Allocation and Ministerial Turnover in Morocco and Algeria." Middle East Law and Governance 15, no. 3 (2023): 369–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15030008.

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Abstract The article analyzes multiparty coalition governments under authoritarian tutelage in Morocco and Algeria. While in Morocco multiparty coalition governments are just a means for the King to dress their windows, in Algeria they represent a new arena of power bargaining. In both cases, portfolio allocation follows the Gamson’s law but cases of advantage for the formateur are also given. Nonetheless, the parties included in multiparty coalition governments are almost always regime-controlled ones, as is the case in Algeria, or encounter reserved domains constitutionally defined, as is th

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Kadivar, Mohammad Ali, and Vahid Abedini. "Electoral Activism in Iran: A Mechanism for Political Change." Comparative Politics 52, no. 3 (2020): 493–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041520x15718496292328.

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Scholars of electoral authoritarianism contend that elections make autocratic regimes more durable, while scholarship on democratization states that authoritarian elections can lead to electoral revolutions and regime change. In this article, we argue that these two lenses occlude smaller instances of activism during election periods and the influence that this activism has on bringing about gradual political change. To build our argument, we draw on two presidential elections held in Iran in 2009 and 2013. We show how grassroots activists use elections to abort gains made by hardliners, push

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Lee, Hanhee. "Analyzing the political survival prospects of Kim Jong-un's North Korean regime through the framework of selectorate theory." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (2018): 474–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000130.

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AbstractThe political survival of Kim Jong-un's regime in North Korea has been a major international concern since his accession in 2012. While international research has endeavored to diagnose the stability of the regime based on its limitations and weaknesses due to political, economic, and international factors, studies based on baseline theoretical models of leadership stability have rarely been undertaken. This paper employs selectorate theory to address this issue, by identifying the selectorate and winning coalition in North Korea and illustrating their relationships with Kim Jong-un's

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Leal-Arcas, Rafael, and Andrew Filis. "International Cooperation on Climate Change Mitigation: The Role of Climate Clubs." European Energy and Environmental Law Review 30, Issue 5 (2021): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr2021020.

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We know the science of climate change; we know the economics of climate change; we also know the law of climate change. However, we do not know how countries may come together to cooperate on climatechange mitigation. One way of doing so successfully is by putting together the climate regime with the international trading system via the creation of climate clubs, namely the coalition of the willing. This article aims to explain that, by building climate clubs and making use of the international trading system, we can reach a better future for all. Through the lens of international trade, this

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Haas, Peter M. "Do regimes matter? Epistemic communities and Mediterranean pollution control." International Organization 43, no. 3 (1989): 377–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300032975.

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International regimes have received increasing attention in the literature on international relations. However, little attention has been systematically paid to how compliance with them has been achieved. An analysis of the Mediterranean Action Plan, a coordinated effort to protect the Mediterranean Sea from pollution, shows that this regime actually served to empower a group of experts (members of an epistemic community), who were then able to redirect their governments toward the pursuit of new objectives. Acting in an effective transnational coalition, these new actors contributed to the de

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Marquis, Greg. "Regime or coalition? Power relations and the urban agenda in Saint John, 1950‐2000." Journal of Enterprising Communities: People and Places in the Global Economy 3, no. 4 (2009): 355–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17506200910999101.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the forces and actors that shaped urban development in a mid‐sized Canadian city over a half century.Design/methodology/approachThis case study adopts a qualitative research approach based on government documents, planning studies, the media and non‐governmental organization sources to examine the applicability of regime theory versus growth coalition theory in the Canadian context.FindingsThe paper concludes that the broader urban agenda in Saint John, with its focus on economic competitiveness, has been shaped by shifting growth coalitions suppo

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Middlebrook, Kevin J. "Dilemmas of Change in Mexican Politics." World Politics 41, no. 1 (1988): 120–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010482.

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Despite the past resilience of Mexico's authoritarian regime, the severity of the country's post-1982 economic crisis raises major questions concerning the future direction of Mexican politics. This review examines recent developments affecting two key members of the governing revolutionary coalition, the political elite and organized labor. The political elite's unity is potentially threatened by shifts in education and recruitment patterns, and widespread uncertainty regarding Mexico's economic future has produced the most serious intra-elite division since the early 1950s. Prolonged economi

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Blatter, Joachim. "Performing Symbolic Politics and International Environmental Regulation: Tracing and Theorizing a Causal Mechanism beyond Regime Theory." Global Environmental Politics 9, no. 4 (2009): 81–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2009.9.4.81.

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This article demonstrates the empirical relevance and elaborates the theoretical foundation of a “polity-centered” causal mechanism of international environmental regulation which has been only superficially touched upon in international environmental regime theory and which challenges the policy-centrism of this field of research. Motorboat regulations on Lake Constance demonstrate the limits of established approaches in regime theory in explaining the strict regulations of this early regime. Rationalist explanatory approaches are not convincing since there are no helpful structural constella

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Higgott, Richard A., and Andrew Fenton Cooper. "Middle power leadership and coalition building: Australia, the Cairns Group, and the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations." International Organization 44, no. 4 (1990): 589–632. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300035414.

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Perhaps the key question of debate among neorealist scholars of international political economy concerns the manner in which cooperation may or may not be secured in the global economic order "after hegemony," a question posed by Robert Keohane. A second broad question of interest to scholars of international politics concerns the manner in which weaker states attempt to influence stronger ones. A conflation of these two questions could cause scholars and practitioners alike to pay closer attention than they have in the past to coalitions of the weak as vehicles for cooperation and regime buil

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Arriola, Leonardo R. "Patronage and Political Stability in Africa." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 10 (2009): 1339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009332126.

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Political conflict across Africa is often linked to the pervasive use of patronage in retaining control of the state. However, few sources of data have been available to systematically examine the relationship between a leader’s patronage strategies and the likelihood of an extraconstitutional change in power. This article employs ministerial appointments to the cabinet as a proxy for changes in the size of a leader’s patronage coalition. With time-series cross-section data on 40 African countries, this study shows that the size of cabinets varies systematically according to regime type, resou

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