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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Democracy – Tunisia”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2025

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1

Ewards, Evan. "Tunisia Post-Revolution: What is Preventing its Democracy." Panoply Journal 2 (December 27, 2021): 16–33. https://doi.org/10.71166/3g5xr274.

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Ten years have passed since Tunisians overthrew an authoritarian regime controlled by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Corruption and an oppressive police force led to the self-immolation and death of Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street merchant in 2011, quickly igniting waves of protests and becoming the catalyst for the Arab Spring. These protests which quickly encompassed the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) called for democratic reform within their respective governments, but Tunisia remains the only state to succeed, holding democratic elections from 2011 onward and ratifying a new c

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Ahn, So Yeon. "The Rise of Populism and Crisis of Democracy: The Case of Tunisia." Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 21, no. 3 (2022): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2022.21.3.29.

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Initially igniting the Arab Spring, Tunisia is the sole participating country that managed to transition toward democracy. However, during the period of political transition since then, the economic crisis has increased. Under the mounting political grievance of Tunisian citizens, populism has risen, which usually emerges when democracy is in crisis. The Tunisian citizens elected current president Kais Saied as an alternative to established politics. However, as the president attempts to decrease the power of political parties, the future of democracy in Tunisia has become more fragile. This s

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Nurali, Rinawati Acan. "PERKEMBANGAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA." Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, no. 2 (2021): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20204.

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This paper discusses the development of democracy in Tunisia. The goal is to understand the development of Tunisian democracy which is full of dynamics of the effects of the Arab Spring. This research uses the library method. Data collection through journals and books. The results of this study found that the long journey of the Tunisian people, in achieving independence from the occupation of the Tunisian government itself, was a road that was not easy, steep and sharp. Many became victims, in the name of the revolution. Both physically and psychologically. However, the struggle is carried ou

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Prasad, Rajendra, and Anjani Kumar. "Democracy in Tunisia: An Uncertain Path." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 09, no. 11 (2024): 5643–51. https://doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2024.v09i11.044.

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This paper examines Tunisia's turbulent journey toward democracy, focusing on the factors that have shaped its political trajectory since 1987. Beginning with Ben Ali's authoritarian rule, which marginalized religious factions despite economic liberalization, Tunisia's struggle for inclusive development led to the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, uniting various political groups to overthrow him. Although a new constitution was adopted in 2014 and elections were held, Tunisia continued to face economic challenges, with political polarization deepening between secular and religious factions. The rise o

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Ajeng Nadiya Husna Syahba and Adhi Cahya Fahadayna. "Tunisian Fragile Democratization: Case of Democratic Backsliding during Kais Saied’s Presidency." Journal of Law, Politic and Humanities 5, no. 1 (2024): 62–74. https://doi.org/10.38035/jlph.v5i1.849.

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Tunisia is the only Arab country that has successfully carried out a revolution and democratization after the Arab Spring. However, this success cannot guarantee that democracy can survive and run well, especially in meeting the demands or expectations of the community. This paper aims to explain the decline of democracy during the Kais Saied administration after ten years of democracy implemented in Tunisia. This research uses Quantitative methods to explain the obstacles to the development of democracy. Multiple regression analysis techniques were used in this research to analyze the primary

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Bassil, Noah, and Nourhan Kassem. "The Subtle Dynamics of Power Struggles in Tunisia: Local media since the Arab Uprisings." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (2021): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4452.

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This article contributes to the analysis of local media and democratic transformation in Tunisia since the Arab Uprisings. It aims to assess the extent to which pluralism, freedom of expression, and participation—central tenets of democratisation—are evident at the local level. Tunisian local media, unlike the national media, is relatively free of governmental control. Local media is also decentralised. It is this autonomy from the government which makes the analysis of local media fundamentally important for understanding politics in Tunisia. While national media is linked to the most powerfu

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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.

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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginar

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AKKAŞ, Necmi Enes. "THE REFLECTION OF THE ARAB SPRING TO THE DEMOCRATICATION OF TUNISIA: RASHID AL GANNUSHI AND THE NAHDA MOVEMENT PARTY." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 30 (2022): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.558.

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The Republic of Tunisia, located in North Africa, is an Arab state that gained its independence from France on March 20, 1956 and witnessed the firsts. The official name of Tunisia, which came under the rule of the Turks in 1574, has remained as Tunisia since then. Tunisia, the country of firsts, was the first constitution made under Ahd-ül Aman in 1861 and the first non-governmental organization Tunisian Workers' Union was established in 1924. The first action that ignited the Arab Spring started when 26-year-old computer engineer Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the governor

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Mahmoud, Abdesselem. "Urban sustainability challenges : Democracy and spatial injustices in Tunisia." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 7, no. 2 (2015): 1281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v7i2.3563.

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In this paper, the author addresses spatial injustices in Tunisia, and seeks to which extent social and territorial inequalities could hamper democracy. Many urban disparities and social anomies such as informal sector, terrorism, unemployment, and usustainable development process threaten the vulnerable democracy transition in Tunisia. The author described and analyzed urban planning process since independency to noawadays. He analyzed the successive economic development policy makings undertook by a mono-party Nation-State. The top down development policies implemented until nowadays entaile

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10

Najib, Mohamad Fuat, and Subaidi Subaidi. "Democracy Development in Tunisia During President of Kais Saied." JED (Jurnal Etika Demokrasi) 8, no. 3 (2023): 383–94. https://doi.org/10.26618/jed.v8i3.11038.

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After general election, fair and competitive elections in 2019 with the election of Kais Saied as president, Tunisia's democracy has been a success. However, political turmoil arose after President Saied's political actions by issuing emergency decrees; dissolving parliament, removing the prime minister and controlling executive institutions were considered to hinder democratic development in Tunisia. This research looks at the elements of democratization development using Robert Dahl's theory of democracy on the one hand and on the other hand will look at President Saied's autocratic actions

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Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia." FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, no. 2-2020 (2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.

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Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies.

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Rohde, Achim. "Resurrecting Maghreb Pluriel ?: Jews and Postauthoritarian Tunisia." Jewish Social Studies 28, no. 2 (2023): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.28.2.07.

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Abstract: The Tunisian revolution of 2011 marked a partial reconfiguration of the political elite and the beginning of a protracted democratization process whose long-term success is far from secured. In this article, I discuss societal/political/cultural transformations toward democracy in Tunisia since 2011 through the prism of its tiny Jewish minority. The perceived homogeneity of Tunisian society has come under increasing scrutiny since the revolution, and this includes a heightened visibility of the country's Jewish community and a degree of public debate on related topics. I focus on thr

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Rohde, Achim. "Resurrecting Maghreb Pluriel ?: Jews and Postauthoritarian Tunisia." Jewish Social Studies 28, no. 2 (2023): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.2023.a901517.

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Abstract: The Tunisian revolution of 2011 marked a partial reconfiguration of the political elite and the beginning of a protracted democratization process whose long-term success is far from secured. In this article, I discuss societal/political/cultural transformations toward democracy in Tunisia since 2011 through the prism of its tiny Jewish minority. The perceived homogeneity of Tunisian society has come under increasing scrutiny since the revolution, and this includes a heightened visibility of the country's Jewish community and a degree of public debate on related topics. I focus on thr

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14

Sahide, Ahmad, Yoyo Yoyo, and Ali Muhammad. "Tunisia's Success in Consolidating Its Democracy One Decade Post-the Arab Spring." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 26, no. 1 (2022): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.65912.

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The political turmoil in Tunisia at the end of 2010 opened the door to the democratization of Arab countries. This event, widely known as The Arab Spring, presented a dream for the Arab community to live a better life under a democratic system. However, after a decade of progress, only Tunisia has succeeded in consolidating its democracy among the Arab countries that have been affected by the political turmoil. This paper tries to read the success factors for Tunisia in consolidating its democracy by using the theory of democracy from Robert Dahl, Jack Snyder, and Georg Sorensen. This study co

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Jerad†, Nabiha. "The Tunisian Revolution: From Universal Slogans for Democracy to the Power of Language." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 6, no. 2 (2013): 232–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00602006.

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This article, published posthumously, focuses on the use of language in the Tunisian revolution. It argues that language during the revolution and in the context of the Arab spring more widely was a performative political act by people from diverse backgrounds who united around the common cause of democracy and dignity. It examines the diversity of enunciations during the revolution, verbal as well as written (in the form of graffiti and protest banners), and relates them to the social history of Tunisia. The article then turns to the linguistic faultlines in the wake of the Tunisian revolutio

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Diehl, Eva. "Participatory Democracy as a Constitutional Requirement: Experiences with Citizen Participation in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia." Recht in Afrika 23, no. 2 (2020): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2363-6270-2020-2-215.

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The Tunisian Constitution of 2014 requires local authorities to adopt mechanisms of participatory democracy. This paper presents how citizen participation in development planning has been implemented by the Tunisian administration in the frame of two Tunisian-German cooperation projects funded by the German Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and implemented by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH. The first project example consists of a multi-stakeholder dialogue for integrated water resource management in Kairouan, central Tunisia,

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Boiten, Valérie Julie. "The Semantics of Civil: The EU, Civil Society and the Building of Democracy in Tunisia." European Foreign Affairs Review 20, Issue 3 (2015): 357–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2015032.

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This article examines the conceptual substance of the European Union’s (EU’s) support to civil society in the Mediterranean, a vital part of its renewed policy of democracy promotion since the so-called ‘Arab spring’. Grounded in a field study of two EU-financed projects in Tunisia, the article discusses the normative understandings of civil society and democracy-building that are being promoted by the EU. It then assesses to what extent these understandings are adhered to on the ground, by the Tunisian actors in charge of implementing the EU-policy. It appears that the EU’s enthusiasm for a ‘

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Ash Shiddieqy, Ahmad, Padlan Padil Simamora, and Dinda Difia Madina. "Contemporary Islamic Politics in Tunisia: The Journey of Islamic Democracy Post-Arab Spring." MILRev : Metro Islamic Law Review 3, no. 1 (2024): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/milrev.v3i1.8976.

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This study aimed to examine contemporary Islamic politics in Tunisia, specifically the democratic system Post-Arab Spring. The political struggle of Muslim countries triggered the Arab Spring movement, with Tunisia pioneering a Jasmine Revolution from 2010-2011 to obtain global attention. Furthermore, the investigation constitutes a literature review to analyze contemporary Islamic politics in Tunisia, specifically Post-Arab Spring. The influence of Islamic politics is an important issue, specifically in strengthening demands for democracy by analyzing the struggle in Tunisia. Therefore, this

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Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.

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This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating fact

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Ghannouchi, Rached. "Islam and Democracy in Tunisia." Journal of Democracy 29, no. 3 (2018): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0040.

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Khoiri, Miftahul, and Nur Anwar. "ISLAM DAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA." Batuthah: Jurnal Sejarah Padaban Islam 1, no. 2 (2022): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.38073/batuthah.v1i2.1056.

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Tunisia is a country in the Middle East. Even though they are in the Middle East region which is included in the Arab region, they remain democratic. It all started with the enactment of the jasmine revolution from 2010-2011 which drew the world's attention. Starting from Tunisia, the spirit of revolution which became known as the Arab Spring swept across other Middle Eastern countries. The research study that the author wrote is related to Islam and democracy in Tunisia, to provide an overview of one of the countries in the Arab world which has revolutionized the governance order to become mo

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Blagojević, Jelisaveta, and Marijan Premović. "The Political and Historical Identity of the North African Mediterranean Region: A Case Study: Tunisia." Transylvanian Review 31, no. 3 (2024): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2022.3.07.

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The paper outlines the importance of historical identity in the Southern Mediterranean region through a case study of Tunisia. It explores Tunisia’s political development up until the fall of the Ben Ali regime in January 2011, and its influence on the post-Arab spring period of constitutionalism of the new democratic government system. The theoretical framework of this paper involves a strategic approach to transition, emphasizing the influence of the historical relationship between religion (Islam) and politics on the role of the Islamic party in transition. The influence of the historical r

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Gabsi, Zouhir. "Rap and Mizoued Music: Claiming a Space for Dissent and Protest in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Sociological Research Online 25, no. 4 (2020): 626–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419898494.

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The Arab Spring in Tunisia has brought with it positive changes, such as freedom of expression and democracy. However, Tunisians have found that these applauded achievements have not improved their living conditions. After Ben Ali was ousted in 2010, the decline of Tunisia’s economy was exacerbated by internal and external factors such as global recession, a dysfunctional liberal economy, internal political infighting, and corruption. To ventilate their frustration and dismay with the government and the overall socio-economic situation in Tunisia, some Tunisians turn to the music of rap and Mi

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Høigilt, Jacob, and Kjetil Selvik. "Debating terrorism in a political transition: Journalism and democracy in Tunisia." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 7 (2020): 664–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519897519.

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In March 2015, in the midst of a political transition, Tunisia was rocked by a terrorist attack at the Bardo Museum in downtown Tunis in which 21 people were killed. How did Tunisian journalists manage the tension between a heightened sense of insecurity and the country’s uncertain democratic development? This article analyses journalistic commentary on the causes and implications of terrorism four years into the transition sparked by the Arab uprisings. It provides an empirically nuanced perspective on the role of journalism in political transitions, focusing on journalists as arbitrators in

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Sadiki, Larbi. "The Search for Citizenship in Bin Ali's Tunisia: Democracy versus Unity." Political Studies 50, no. 3 (2002): 497–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00381.

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Commitment to unity can hinder democracy, rendering the search for pluralism into an exercise in political singularity. I contest the thesis within the theory of democratic transition that national cohesion and ethnic homogeneity are essential preconditions for democracy. Tunisia is an ethnically homogeneous society, but seems to be unable to seize on the opportunity to transcend the threshold of democracy. The Tunisian example suggests that democracy (that is, an ethos of toleration of difference), should be rethought as one essential precondition for cohesion within democratising polities. T

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Umair, Raja, Hafiz Sajid Iqbal Shaikh, and Faryal Umbreen. "Tunisian Political Climate from Aristocracy to Democracy and Presidential Coup: An Emerging Challenge to the Islamic Movements." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 12, no. 2 (2022): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.122.21.

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The popular uprising brought forth change in Tunisian presidential palace during 2011 as it entered a state of liminality while becoming a consolidated democracy from authoritarianism. However, after a decade of democratic transition, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is in danger after the decree of Tunisian President. This article aims to highlight that by using Article 80 of the constitution, President has seized more power; and it narrates how it contradicts the constitution and negatively impact on political scenario. Furthermore, this study provides an analysis that ho

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Boutieri, Charis. "The Democratic Grotesque." Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 39, no. 2 (2021): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cja.2021.390205.

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How do we understand the presence of the grotesque in negotiations of democratic life after a revolution? At the peak of procedural democratic consolidation, carnivalesque revelries in Tunisia became the object of public aporia and repugnance. The dissimilar interpretations of these revelries across generations evince an agonistic process of prizing open both the parameters of nationhood and democratic ideals within existing social relations. The concept of the ‘democratic grotesque’ captures the sensorial and affective ways Tunisian citizens negotiate the affordances and limitations of democr

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King, Stephen J. "Racism and the Rollback of Tunisian Democracy." Current History 122, no. 848 (2023): 348–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2023.122.848.348.

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Tunisia was the last surviving democracy to emerge from the Arab Spring, and had recently enacted legislation to combat racial discrimination. But President Kais Saied, since coming to power in a 2019 election, has returned the country to authoritarian rule. He has also rolled back progress on race relations, scapegoating sub-Saharan African migrants for Tunisia’s economic troubles. The failure of previous governments to root out corruption and consolidate the democratic transition with a new socioeconomic pact opened the way for a return to dictatorship.

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Grami, Amel. "The debate on religion, law and gender in post-revolution Tunisia." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 4-5 (2014): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714526405.

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In a society transitioning to democracy from an authoritarian regime, drafting a new constitution is an important step in the establishment of a civil and democratic state. Indeed, the demand of Tunisians to write a new constitution reflects their ambitions, aspirations and hopes; but reality shows a huge gap between the expectations of the majority of Tunisians and the result of the drafting process. The Tunisian transition is characterized by a fierce debate between the secular and the religious forces. This unfolding confrontation forms the backdrop to the process of drafting a new constitu

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Mzid, Nouri. "Social Dialogue and Democracy in Tunisia." Revue de droit comparé du travail et de la sécurité sociale, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rdctss.1297.

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Pickard, Duncan. "Prospects for Implementing Democracy in Tunisia." Mediterranean Politics 19, no. 2 (2014): 259–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2014.917796.

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Boduszyński, Mieczysław P. "A Revolution Gone Wrong: What Happened in Egypt Since 2011. H. A. Hellyer. A Revolution Undone: Egypt's Road Beyond Revolt (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017). Pp. 320. $29.95 cloth. ISBN 9780190659738. David Kirkpatrick. Into the Hands of Soldiers: Freedom and Chaos in Egypt and the Middle East (New York: Viking, 2018). Pp. 384. $28.00 cloth. ISBN 9780735220621." Review of Middle East Studies 53, no. 01 (2019): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2019.5.

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Nearly nine years after a Tunisian street vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi set himself ablaze in provincial Tunisia, a sense that the aspirations of the Arab Spring were always doomed to fail has set in among pundits and policymakers. The United States, and to a large extent the European Union, have all but given up on any pretense of democracy promotion in the region and have instead turned again to well-trodden policy repertoires emphasizing a realpolitik approach.

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Merone, Fabio, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Salafist movement and sheikh-ism in the Tunisian democratic transition." Middle East Law and Governance 5, no. 3 (2013): 308–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00503004.

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The article examines the complexity of Tunisian Salafism in the context of the Tunisian transition to democracy. Building on primary sources and original field work, the article highlights the theoretical and practical divergences that affect the Salafist camp in Tunisia in its struggle to continue a revolutionary project for a sector of disenfranchised youth unwilling to support a process of renewal of political institutions that they perceive as contributing their marginalization. In addition, the article explores the ways in which, paradoxically, the emergence and public presence of Salafis

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GREWAL, SHARAN. "From Islamists to Muslim Democrats: The Case of Tunisia’s Ennahda." American Political Science Review 114, no. 2 (2020): 519–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000819.

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What drives some Islamists to become “Muslim Democrats,” downplaying religion and accepting secular democracy? This article hypothesizes that one channel of ideological change is migration to secular democracies. Drawing on an ideal point analysis of parliamentary votes from the Tunisian Islamist movement Ennahda, I find that MPs who had lived in secular democracies held more liberal voting records than their counterparts who had lived only in Tunisia. In particular, they were more likely to defend freedom of conscience and to vote against enshrining Islamic law in the constitution. Interviews

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Weilandt, Ragnar. "Socio-economic challenges to Tunisia’s democratic transition." European View 17, no. 2 (2018): 210–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685818805681.

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Among those countries that faced the so-called Arab Spring in 2011, Tunisia is the last one for which hope for a successful democratic transition remains justified. However, the country’s comparatively favourable institutional evolution has led to a dangerous complacency not only in Europe but across the West. While important reforms have been implemented, democracy has so far failed to fulfil the high expectations it has raised within the population. Tunisians’ discontent with their living conditions and the new system’s perceived inability to deliver are fundamental threats to the country’s

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Grami, Amel. "Women, Feminism and Politics in Post-Revolution Tunisia." Feminist Dissent, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n3.2018.292.

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During periods of flux generated by Tunisia's transition to democracy, all classes of women found the ‘political opportunities’ to push for change even if they did not necessarily share the same ambition or dream. The mobilisation, contestations, confrontations and struggle of Tunisian women in the post-revolution period alert us to the need to examine the factors behind this activism and the extent of its visibility. It is important to revisit the Tunisian women's movement in order to understand its interaction with other forms of power such as politics, religion, and class; as well as the ex

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Abdennadher, Raef, Lazhar Ayed, and Bronwyn P. Wood. "Political advertising and voting behaviour in a nascent democracy." Journal of Islamic Marketing 10, no. 3 (2019): 827–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jima-11-2017-0128.

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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the impact of political advertising on voter attitude and the processes of decision-making in the specific context of the inaugural democratic experience of post-revolutionary Tunisia. Design/methodology/approach The study was conducted in Tunisia, where the target respondents included Tunisian’s eligible to vote during the presidential campaign of October 2014. The study uses questionnaires for data collection using a convenience sampling technique. Findings The major findings of the study are that the persuasion power of advertising has a direct impact

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Zheltov, Viktor V. "REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY IN THE WORLD OF ISLAM: NOTION AND POLITICAL EXPRESSION." Society and Security Insights 5, no. 1 (2022): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2022)1-07.

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The article uncovers the content of the notion of "revolution of dignity", that actively showed itself in the Arab world, namely on the example of the specific Tunisian revolution. The notions of "revolution" and "revolutionary politics" in the Muslim world, designed to uphold the Divine law and ensure the subordination of citizens to the authorities, are characterized. The content of the formulas "people want" and "people wish" as phenomena of political subjectivity is revealed. The place and role of Islam in the revolutionary transformations of the country are defined. The concept of "dignit

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Omri, Mohamed-Salah. "Tunisian Literature and the Language Question: The Long View of a Recurring Debate." Comparative Critical Studies 21, supplement (2024): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2024.0519.

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This paper traces the life and afterlife of Tunisia's literary avant-garde ( al-tali’a al-adabiyya), which thrived between 1968 and 1972. Al-tali’a sought to ‘revolutionize’ literary language and to root Tunisian literature in the multilingual environment and social reality of the country, at a crucial period of social and political change and against the backdrop of a Leftist turn in local dissident politics. Al-tali’a sought to complete the process of language and literary decolonization in intersection with key global tendencies, including Tiermondisme and decoloniality. The language questi

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Farag, Mahmoud. "Mass–elite differences in new democracies: Tunisia as a case study (2010–2016)." European Political Science 19, no. 4 (2020): 550–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00274-x.

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AbstractThis article argues for inductive exploration of mass–elite differences in new democracies. Grounded in the “delegate model” of political representation, I do this by studying issue positions and issue salience of masses before turning to elites. The article demonstrates this approach using Tunisia, the only Arab democracy, by analysing survey data and originally coded party manifesto data. From an issue position perspective, the article uncovers mass–elite incongruence on the democratic–authoritarian and secular–Islamist political dimensions. From an issue salience lens, there is mass

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Arfaoui, Lamia, Azza Ziadi, and Sonia Manai. "The Relationship between Democracy and Economic Growth in Tunisia: An Application of Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model." International Journal of Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (2016): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v4i1.8870.

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This paper aims to identify the nature of the relationship between democracy and economic growth. We will answer the question: Does democracy improve economic growth? We study the case of Tunisia during the period from 1980 until 2014; this country has experienced a democratic transition after the revolution of 14 th January 2011. Our study is divided into two parts. The first part is a literature review of overview on the causality between democracy and economic growth. The second part as an application uses the Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model (ARDL). The choice of the technical SARL aim

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Alsoos, Imad, and Julius Dihstelhoff. "Ennahda’s Muslim democracy in post-Arab spring Tunisia: Synthesizing political thought and practice." Filozofija i drustvo 35, no. 3 (2024): 515–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2403515a.

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This article explores the interplay between political thought and practice within Tunisia?s Ennahda party, first during its period in opposition, then after it took power in 2011, and finally in the aftermath of the 2021 coup. We trace the genealogy of political thought within the party from the point of its foundation. In doing so, we explore the gradual evolution of party ideology, from a da?wa-based belief system between 1969 and 1981, to Islamic democracy between 1981 and 2011, to ?Muslim democracy? after the 2011 uprising. We examine this ideological evolution through the framework of thr

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Karakoç, Jülide. "Modern History and Politics: Democracy or Authoritarianism: Islamist Governments in Turkey, Egypt, and Tunisia, by Sebnem Gumuscu." Middle East Journal 77, no. 3 (2024): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.34.320.

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Vaughan, Kenneth R., Paul Froese, and Chase Lonas. "Was the Arab Spring a Post-Islamist Moment?" Comparative Sociology 21, no. 2 (2022): 248–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10052.

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Abstract Scholars continue to debate political motives behind the Arab Spring – a debate that centers on the compatibility of democratic and Islamist preferences. Some frame the protests as a boon for democracy and prudential needs of citizens. Others report an Islamist turn against secular autocracies. Here, the authors argue that this framing relies on outdated civilizational narratives and that democratic, Islamist, and prudential concerns present concurrently in the Arab Spring. Using the Arab Democracy Barometer, the authors investigate public opinion in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, to esti

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Lotito, Nicholas J. "Tunisia: A Fledgling Democracy: Tunisia in the Aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, edited by Mohamed Zayani (book review)." Middle East Journal 77, no. 2 (2023): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.2.306.

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Sadiki, L. "Political Liberalization in Bin Ali's Tunisia: Façade Democracy." Democratization 9, no. 4 (2002): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000286.

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Sadiki, Larbi. "Bin Ali's Tunisia: Democracy by Non-Democratic Means." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 1 (2002): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530190220124061.

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Brym, Robert, and Robert Andersen. "Democracy, women’s rights, and public opinion in Tunisia." International Sociology 31, no. 3 (2016): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580916629622.

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Powers, Colin. "Cartelization, Neoliberalism, and the Foreclosure of the Jasmine Revolution: Democracy’s Troubles in Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 1 (2019): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01101003.

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While frequently hailed as the sole success story of the Arab Uprisings, the consolidation of Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution has in fact proven deeply problematic. This paper will argue that the frailty of Tunisia’s democratic present is a direct function of liberal democratization, specifically implicating this practice of democratization in the hollowing and cartelization of the political system. In insulating policymaking within a host of nocturnal councils, I will argue that liberal democratization has purposefully obstructed the translation of popular preferences into policy outcomes, there

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Yom, Sean. "Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Arab World (review article)." Middle East Journal 77, no. 2 (2023): 223–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.2.30.

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The Problem of Democracy: America, the Middle East, and the Rise and Fall of an Idea, by Shadi Hamid. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 312 pages. $27.95. Pacted Democracy in the Middle East: Tunisia and Egypt in Comparative Perspective, by Hicham Alaoui. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. 292 pages. $129.99 cloth, paper; $99 e-book.

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