Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Ethnoregionalist parties”

The article is focused on the structure and ideology of the European Free Alliance. The research aims at identifying resources and possibilities of the institutionalized transregional and supraregional cooperation of ethnoregionalist parties at the European level. The research was conducted predominantly in the paradigm of structural functionalism, while employing the methods of institutional analysis, QDA (exemplified by program documents and key actors’ rhetoric), network analysis (based on the data of the EU databases). The research resulted in the following conclusions. The EFA has not succeeded in becoming an entirely representative europarty for the respective party family, due to deep discrepancies between ethnoregionalist parties in the domain of ideology, goals, attitude towards European integration, and domestic political opportunities. The attempts to create an integrative ideological platform based on “creative eurofederalism” and “progressive nationalism” may hardly be called successful. Besides, big ethnoregionalist parties prefer to cooperate with bigger and more influential europarties and political groups of the European Parliament. However, in the EP-2019, “Greens-EFA” political group improved its position, even in spite of Brexit. This happened not because of the EFA achievements, but because of the growth in representation of the European Green Party. Though influence and capacities of the European Free Alliance are lower than those of other europarties, it has a significant symbolic meaning as a structure unifying different ethnoregionalist actors.

In the grip of ethnicity? The functioning of selected ethnoregionalist parties in Serbia and CroatiaIn the last twenty years we have been able to observe an increase in the significance of regional and ethnic identities (“reethnification”), and a resultant proliferation of ethnoregional and regional groupings. But although ethnoregionalist parties (ERP) are widespread in both Western and Central and Eastern Europe, there remains surprisingly little literature differentiating between the various kinds of ethnoregionalist parties and dealing with the lack of common definition of this kind of political actors. Some scholars even propose using a broader term – ethnic party. Moreover, over the years many scholars have believed (and some continue to) that their emergence in multicultural societies conjures up the politicisation of ethnic division and – practically inevitably – leads to “ethnic outbidding”, threatening to the stability of democracy.In the first part of the paper, the author deals with the conceptualisation of ethnoregionalist parties, examining the diversifications of their demands and strategies and showing that to gain voters they can invoke a much broader repertoire of strategies than the ethnic outbidding model suggested. The second part of the article is devoted to the problem of operation of selected ERPs in Serbia and Croatia. The analysis covers Hungarian parties in Serbia and Serbian ones in Croatia. In the concluding remarks, the author tries to point out the main reasons for the changes in their strategy (as well as demands) over time. W okowach etniczności? Wybrane partie etnoregionalne w Serbii i Chorwacji (1990–2012)Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad możemy obserwować wyraźny wzrost znaczenia regionalnych i etnicznych tożsamości, prowadzący do powstawania coraz większej liczby ugrupowań etnoregionalnych i regionalnych. Mimo to – podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych, istotnych i aktualnych współcześnie zjawisk społecznych – zdania badaczy w kwestii przyczyn reetnicyzacji systemów partyjnych, funkcjonowania partii etnoregionalnych, ich typów czy relacji z demokracją pozostają podzielone. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie toczącej się w tym zakresie dyskusji oraz zaprezentowanie na jej tle wstępnych wyników badań dotyczących funkcjonowania wybranych ugrupowań etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji.

Despite a considerable body of literature on Italian ethnoregionalist parties, scholars of nationalism and regionalism have overlooked southernist parties. This article aims to fill this lacuna by examining Italian southernist parties’ identity and electoral performance from 1945 to 2020. Firstly, it investigates southernist parties according to ideological positioning, autonomist or secessionist nature, and territorial area of origin. Then, by relying on official data, it explores the parties’ electoral performance in national, European, and regional elections. The main findings of the study show that, since the end of World War II, Italian southernist parties: a) have been characterized by a more autonomist rather than secessionist nature; b) have followed the typical patterns of the catch-all party; c) have performed better in regional elections. This article provides preliminary information on southernist parties, paving the way for further research on such political formations.

Abstract Ethnoregionalist movements across Western Europe are gaining scholarly attention. Central European states usually have limited places in those studies. Still, in Polish Upper Silesia, ethnoregionalist movements have been present since 1989 and have stable support from the inhabitants of the region. Since at least 2002, ethnoregionalists have attempted to secure political representation among the Upper Silesians. Recently registered parties have used the ethnic identity of this minority group as the main tool to gain support in political elections in the region. This article applies social science and political science perspectives to the politicization of ethnicity. These equip the researcher to answer the question: How has Silesian ethnic identity become politicized? In responding, the researcher explores the consequences of the emergence of the ethnoregionalist movement in Upper Silesia.

The study of ethnoregionalist parties, therefore, allows us to explore an aspect of the Western European party systems that is of primary importance but to which so far the academic literature has not paid due attention. Specifically, as it will be illustrated more thoroughly over the next few pages, the image that these parties are bound exclusively to their function as representatives of a peripheral ethnic minority is utterly inadequate, whichever way one defines it. A closer look at their recent evolution and programmes will show instead that ethnoregionalist parties are much more dynamic and ready, on many occasions, to review their collocation in the political space as well as objectives, short and long-term strategies. This results in frequent raids on political territories normally under the control of major parties and in the taking away of a portion of disaffected or disappointed voters, with varying degrees of success. In other words, we will show that ethnoregionalist parties act (at least in specific cases, at specific moments) as protest or challenging parties as they provide an alternative to the traditional established ones.

The article analyzes the relationship between value orientations and political attitudes among students of Siberia and Far Eastern Federal Districts. It is based on the materials of a mass survey of senior students, 8-11 grade, and university students on their 1-2 year. The research shows the dominance of high schools, as well as of 4 political values in the youth environment: justice, freedom, human rights and order. The authors use the clustering method, by which 7 value-ideological clusters of modern youth were identified: “left-patriots”, “social democrats”, “liberals”, “ethnoregionals”, “idealists”, “undecided” and “evaded” from answers. The article shows a high level of interest among young people in political events in Russia and their critical views on political situation in the country, which is typical for all clusters. The authors had performed a comparative analysis of the trust level in public and political organizations and institutions, which revealed negative rating of most political institutions, in addition to the power block and the volunteer movement. At the same time, more than half of the representatives of all clusters singled out the state as the main subject of politics and appeal to state authorities to protect their interests as the preferred form of political activity. The role of society, citizens and parties in modern politics was noted by about a third of the participants in certain clusters. In conclusion, the authors say that the boundaries of value-ideological clusters in the minds of young people are conditional, which creates the basis for the situational consolidation of their representatives in the political process of modern Russia.

Depuis le krach financier de 2008, la crise économique est devenue une crise politique qui traverse de nombreux pays européens et a transformé les systèmes partisans qui ont configuré la politique depuis des décennies. De nouveaux partis politiques sont apparus, certains inspirés par les mouvements sociaux au sud de l’Europe de 2011, et d’autres plus vieux connaissent un succès renouvelé, transformant le politique. Certains travaux évoquent l’émergence d’un ou plusieurs nouveaux clivages en lien avec la mondialisation. Par ailleurs, des conflits centre-périphérie qui existaient depuis longtemps n’ont perdu aucune actualité et connaissent au contraire un élan renouvelé, notamment illustré par le referendum pour l’indépendance de l’Écosse en 2014 ou la Catalogne en 2017. Comment comprendre dès lors la montée de ces phénomènes ethnorégionalistes dans ce contexte changeant où se redéfinissent les contours des clivages qui structurent les systèmes partisans ? Dans quelle mesure ces clivages s’entrecroisent ou s’imbriquent-ils et comment ? Ce projet de recherche a donc pour objectif d’analyser les transformations du clivage Centre- Périphérie en lien avec ces nouveaux enjeux émergents à partir d’une approche multidimensionnelle. La méthode combine les approches quantitative et qualitative, en étudiant les partis politiques et leurs organisations, leurs positionnements idéologiques sur la base des programmes électoraux, et enfin, leurs bases sociostructurelles. Ce sont ici les cas du Pays Basque et de l’Écosse qui seront plus précisément étudiés. La thèse centrale qui est défendue est que le clivage centre-périphérie a connu des transformations sur le fond et sur la forme, qui se sont cristallisées au cours de la Neoliberal Critical Juncture. Les bases sociostructurelles des électorats se modifient avec les phénomènes de réalignements ; les enjeux autour de ces revendications ethnorégionalistes dépassent la question nationale entendue au sens du XIX/XXe siècle et s’articulent avec les enjeux politiques contemporains (intégration européenne, austérité, welfare, écologie…) ; et de nouvelles formes d’organisation des partis politiques sont mises en place pour répondre aux défis que posent les nouvelles formes d’engagement et de participation
Since the financial crash of 2008, the economic crisis has become a political crisis in many European countries, transforming the partisan systems that have shaped politics for decades. New political parties have emerged, some inspired by the social movements in southern Europe in 2011, and older ones are enjoying renewed success, transforming politics. Some studies point to the emergence of one or more new cleavages linked to globalization. On the other hand, long-standing center-periphery conflicts have lost none of their topicality and, on the contrary, are enjoying renewed momentum, as illustrated by the referendum for Scottish independence in 2014 or Catalonia in 2017. How, then, are we to understand the rise of these ethnoregionalist phenomena in this changing context, where the contours of the cleavages that structure partisan systems are being redefined? To what extent do these cleavages intersect or intertwine, and how? The aim of this research project is therefore to analyse the transformations of the Center-Periphery cleavage in relation to these new emerging issues, using a multidimensional approach. The method combines quantitative and qualitative approaches, studying political parties and their organizations, their ideological positioning on the basis of electoral platforms, and finally, their socio-structural basis. The cases of the Basque Country and Scotland will be studied in greater detail. The central thesis is that the center-periphery cleavage has undergone transformations in form and content, crystallized during the Neoliberal Critical Juncture. The socio-structural basis of electorates are shifting with the phenomena of realignments; the stakes around these ethno-regionalist demands go beyond the national question understood in the 19th and 20th century sense and are articulated with contemporary political issues (European integration, austerity, welfare, ecology…); and new forms of political party organization are being put in place to meet the challenges posed by new forms of engagement and participation