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1
Wang, Qinqin. "The Understanding of Absolute Right to Freedom of Expression in the Case of Hate Speech." Scholar Commons, 2018. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7240.
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The purpose of this paper is to explore whether there is an absolute right to freedom of expression with regard to hate speech, and more specifically, whether tolerance should be exercised toward speech even in circumstances where this speech presents a clear and present danger to the public. The author will use legal research methods to analyze this question. The paper will delve into four major Supreme Court cases in the case of hate speech, as well as the decision by the Virginia Court that allowed the rally in Charlottesville which ended with the death of 32-year old woman. The aim is to determine how the Supreme Court has looked at hateful expression over the years and the status of hate speech in America today. The four major cases are Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969), National Socialist Party of America v. Village of Skokie (1977), R.A.V v. City of St. Paul (1992), and Virginia v. Black (2003). Although the case of Kessler v. Charlottesville (2017) is not a Supreme Court case, its significance in relation to the right to freedom of expression is no less than those precedent four cases. This incident and related legal cases bring the concerns about hate speech and the constitutional right to freedom of expression directly into the public discourse.
2
Svernlöv, Oscar. "Media in transition : The cost of increased freedom of expression in Ethiopia." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-183178.
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This thesis aims to portray the professional challenges for journalists in the private Ethiopian media sphere during a time of historical political change. Several liberal reforms have been enacted since the inauguration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in 2018. Journalists have been released from prison, numerous websites have been unblocked and government intervention of independent media actors has declined. However, these changes are not without new challenges. The study uses qualitative, in-depth interviews with several key actors in the private media sector as the method of data collection and numerous findings that describe the new situation for journalists surfaced. While the interviewees commonly perceived an increase in media freedom and decrease in government threats, other challenges remain, and new ones have appeared. The data indicate that there are still considerable difficulties in accessing government information, as well as a significant uncertainty as to whether the transition will occur, as new media laws have yet to be put in place. The most prevalent finding was, however, the distinct and unanimous shift in perceived threats towards journalists. As government intervention has declined, public unrest and intimidations have increased to the point where several of the respondents no longer felt safe reporting from to certain geographical areas in the country. The investigation concludes that there is a need for further research into the often profound impact that political developments have on journalistic practice in sub-Saharan countries, as well as the impact of sudden increases in freedom of expression in countries with a history of heavily censored authoritarian leadership.
3
Reineke, Jason Bernard. "Support for censorship, family communication, family values, and political ideology." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1216823927.
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Tabbara, Tarik. "Electronic mass media and freedom of expression in Germany, the United States and Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27467.
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This thesis examines the constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression as applied to electronic mass media. It compares the different approaches adopted in Germany, the United States and Canada. After an overview of freedom of expression doctrine in general and the main features of the regulation of electronic mass media the rationalization of this regulation in freedom of expression doctrine is analyzed.<br>The focus of this analysis is how electronic mass media have changed the traditional understanding of fundamental rights and freedoms as purely negative individual guarantees. This change occasions and necessitates a closer look at governmental regulation and the role of the state, and the different conceptions of freedom of expression that can be used to justify it.
5
Lucchi, Nicola. "The role of Internet access in enabling individual’s rights and freedoms." Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Redovisning och Rättsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-21576.
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The paper discusses the scientific and policy debate as to whether access to the Internet can be considered so fundamental for human interaction as to deserve a special legal protection. In particular, it examines the impact of computer-mediated communication on the realization of individual’s rights and freedoms as well as on democratization processes. It then considers how Internet content governance is posing regulatory issues directly related to the growing importance of an equitable access to digital information. In this regard, the paper looks at conflicts arising within the systems of rights and obligations attached to communication (and especially content provision) over the Internet. The paper finally concludes by identifying emerging tensions and drawing out the implications for the nature and definitions of rights (e.g. of communication and access, but also of intellectual property ownership) and for regulations and actions taken to protect, promote or qualify those rights. All these points are illustrated by a series of recent examples.
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GOMES, Raimunda Aline Lucena. "A liberdade de expressão e o direito humano à comunicação na América Latina: a garantia formal e as suas contradições." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/17147.
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Previous issue date: 2015-06-18<br>A presente pesquisa investiga o processo de garantia formal do Direito humano à comunicação na América Latina e suas contradições, a partir da experiência de sete Países da União das Nações Sul-Americanas (UNASUL) - Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Equador, Uruguai e Venezuela - com foco nas relações entre Estado, política, liberdade, comunicação, radiodifusão e Direitos Humanos. Para isto, empreende-se um estudo aprofundado sobre o conceito da comunicação como direito humano e suas relações com o conceito da liberdade de expressão; uma análise sobre as legislações de radiodifusão dos Países investigados, nas décadas de 1980, 1990 e 2000; como também das recomendações presentes nos Relatórios Anuais da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos e da Relatoria Especial para a Liberdade de Expressão. A pesquisa trabalha com autores da Comunicação Social, bem como da interdisciplinaridade desta com outras áreas do conhecimento das Ciências Sociais. Tem como orientação epistêmica o pensamento crítico, portanto a dimensão sócio-histórica e o método de análise dialético, com ênfase na produção de conhecimento da América Latina sobre a América Latina, do Sul sobre o Sul. A investigação igualmente estabelece como marco teórico os estudos críticos que problematizam o conceito de público, privado e estatal, aplicado às políticas e sistemas de comunicação, e valem-se da análise dialética para identificar as condições políticas, econômicas, sociais e culturais que atuam no processo de garantia formal dos Direitos Humanos, especificamente do direito humano à comunicação. A garantia formal do direito humano à comunicação, no entanto, não é uma questão simplesmente técnica/jurídica. A invisibilidade e o silêncio desse direito no discurso do marco legal de proteção dos Direitos Humanos e nas legislações nacionais de radiodifusão implicam condicionamentos a outras dimensões da vida social, política, cultural e econômica.<br>This research investigates the formal assurance process of the human right due to the Communication in Latin America from the seven countries experience the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), focusing on the relationship between state, politics, freedom, communication, broadcasting and Human Rights. For this, it undertakes-one depth study of the concept of communication as a human right and its relations with the concept of freedom of expression; an analysis of the laws of broadcasting of the countries, in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s; as also an investigation of these recommendations in the Commission's Annual Reports Commission on Human Rights - Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression (81 documentary files). The research worked with authors Social communication and interdisciplinarity of this to other areas of knowledge of Social Sciences. Its orientation epistemological thought critical, so the socio-historical dimension and the dialectical method of analysis, with emphasis in knowledge production in Latin America on Latin America, South on South. The research also sets a theoretical framework the critical studies problematize the concept of public, private and state, applied to policies and systems communication, and worth-the dialectical analysis to identify the political, economic and cultural operating in the formal assurance process Rights Human, specifically the human right to communication.
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Araújo, Marilene. "A liberdade de expressão e o pluralismo no constitucionalismo contemporâneo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6969.
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Previous issue date: 2016-01-26<br>Summary: No pluralism there is no effective exercise of the right to freedom of expression,
being the regular law such freedom via constitutional system. The law, communication and
human sociality are inextricably linked. Humanity without communicational interactions can
not exist. The very human dignity is only possible with the preservation of freedom and
communication, and freedom of expression appears as power to act human. In social terms the
various networks of conversations where emerging culture means that there is a plurality of
opinion, cultures. The more free speech, more plurality and the more plurality, more freedom
of expression. It is a circular and complex way. Freedom of expression currently understood
is a construct and not a given post. Greece was the right to speak in the Agora. A revolution of
the media does this freedom go through the emergence of the press and the revolutions of the
eighteenth century. The result is positivization this freedom through international and
constitutional documents. A second revolution is the technology of electromagnetic waves
and the emergence of radio and television, once again the law regulates via grants system and
the public service institute. Constitutions and American, French and German jurisprudence
buildings bring notions of freedom of expression from the perspective of pluralism. Similarly,
the European and American human rights protection system does. The Brazil supported in its
constitution and in international treaties have a protection system which includes the freedom
of expression and pluralism, but still faces problems for the realization of this right. The
challenges are many, because now comes a third revolution of the medium with the arrival of
the internet, the market players. But any proposal must pass the non divisibility of social and
individual sphere. The law can regulate and carry out increasingly setting such freedom,
punishing, rewarding and offering subsidies for realization of freedom of expression<br>Sem pluralismo não há efetivo exercício do direito a liberdade de expressão, cabendo ao
Direito regular tal liberdade via sistema constitucional. O Direito, a comunicação e a
socialidade humana são indissociável. A humanidade sem interações comunicacionais não
pode existir. A própria dignidade humana só é possível com a preservação da liberdade e da
comunicação, sendo que a liberdade de expressão aparece como potência de agir do humano.
No plano social as várias redes de conversações onde emergem a cultura faz com que haja a
pluralidade de opinião, culturas. Quanto mais liberdade de expressão, mais pluralidade e
quanto mais pluralidade, mais liberdade de expressão. É um caminho circular e complexo. A
liberdade de expressão atualmente entendida é um construir e não um dado posto. Na Grécia
era o direito à palavra na Ágora. A revolução dos meios de comunicação faz essa liberdade
passar pelo surgimento da imprensa escrita e as revoluções do século XVIII. O resultado é a
positivação desta liberdade por meio de documentos internacionais e constitucionais. Uma
segunda revolução é a tecnologia das ondas eletromagnética e o surgimento do rádio e a
televisão, mais uma vez o Direito regula via sistema de outorgas e o instituto do serviço
público. Constituições e construções jurisprudências americana, francesa e alemã trazem
noções da liberdade de expressão sob a perspectiva do pluralismo. Na mesma linha, o sistema
de proteção de direitos humanos europeu e americano o faz. O Brasil apoiado em sua
constituição e em tratados internacionais tem um sistema de proteção que contempla a
liberdade de expressão e o pluralismo, porém ainda convive com problemáticas para a
efetivação deste direito. Os desafios são muitos, porque agora surge uma terceira revolução do
meio com a chegada da internet, os agentes do mercado. Mas qualquer proposta deve passar
pela não divisibilidade da esfera social e individual. O Direito pode regular e efetivar cada vez
mais tal liberdade configurando, sancionando, premiando e ofertando subsídios para
efetivação da liberdade de expressão
8
Lima, Cláudia do Carmo Nonato. "Jornalistas, blogueiros, migrantes da comunicação: em busca de novos arranjos econômicos para o trabalho jornalístico com maior autonomia e liberdade de expressão." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27152/tde-26062015-112522/.
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Esta tese investiga e procura responder a duas hipóteses de pesquisa: a) Os profissionais do jornalismo estão migrando das mídias tradicionais (impresso, rádio e TV) para novas mídias, principalmente para os blogs. b) Os jornalistas adotaram e estão migrando para os blogs em busca de maior autonomia, independência, liberdade de expressão e realização profissional. O referencial teórico que orientou este estudo conceitua o trabalho e a comunicação como atividade humana, ergológica (Schwartz), constitutiva da ontologia do ser social (Marx). O trabalho jornalístico é abordado a partir desse referencial teórico, para destacar como os processos produtivos nessa área profissional foram transformados pelas tecnologias, técnicas e organização diferenciadas das rotinas produtivas. Toma-se o conceito clássico de jornalismo e de sua deontologia e analisa-se seu desenvolvimento ao longo do século XX e início de XXI à luz das mudanças ocorridas a partir da globalização, do mundo do trabalho do jornalista e da organização das empresas de comunicação na contemporaneidade. Os valores humanistas que fundam o campo jornalístico são questionados em relação aos valores da sociedade de consumo, da informação e do espetáculo. Do ponto de vista metodológico, os procedimentos são: levantamento bibliográfico pertinente aos conceitos envolvidos e, também, o estudo empírico de casos e a observação de jornalistas experientes que migraram para os blogs como nova opção profissional. Como resultado, foi constatado que os jornalistas migraram para os blogs em busca de autonomia, entre outros motivos, mas encontraram obstáculos que os impede de exercer a plena liberdade de expressão no novo meio, como o cerceamento financeiro e o judicial. Além disso, estão em busca de novos arranjos econômicos que possibilite o pleno exercício da profissão nos blogs.<br>This thesis investigates and seeks to answer two research hypotheses: a) The journalism professionals are migrating from traditional media (print, radio and TV) to new media, especially for blogs. b) Journalists have adopted and are migrating to blogs in search of greater autonomy, independence, freedom of expression and professional achievement. The theoretical framework that guided this study conceptualizes the work and communication as a human activity, ergologic (Schwartz), a constituent of the ontology of social being (Marx). The journalistic work is approached from this theoretical framework, to highlight how the production processes in this professional area were transformed by technology, techniques and differentiated organization of productive routines. One takes the classical concept of journalism and its ethics and analyzes its development throughout the twentieth century and early twenty-first in the light of the changes brought about by the globalization, the journalist\'s job in the world and the organization of communication companies in the contemporaneity. The humanist values that founded the journalistic field are questioned in relation to the values of the consumer society, information and spectacle. From a methodological point of view, the procedures are: relevant literature to concepts involved and also the empirical case studies and observation of experienced journalists who migrated to blogs as a new career option. As a result, it was found that journalists migrated to the blogs in search of independence, among other reasons, but found obstacles that prevent them from exercising full freedom of expression in the new medium, as the financial restriction and the judicial. They are also looking for new economic arrangements that will allow the full exercise of the profession in blogs.
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Weston, Mindy. "The Right to Be Forgotten: Analyzing Conflicts Between Free Expression and Privacy Rights." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2017. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/6453.
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As modern technology continues to affect civilization, the issue of electronic rights grows in a global conversation. The right to be forgotten is a data protection regulation specific to the European Union but its consequences are creating an international stir in the fields of mass communication and law. Freedom of expression and privacy rights are both founding values of the United States which are protected by constitutional amendments written before the internet also changed those fields. In a study that analyzes the legal process of when these two fundamental values collide, this research offers insight into both personal and judicial views of informational priority. This thesis conducts a legal analysis of cases that cite the infamous precedents of Melvin v. Reid and Sidis v. F-R Pub. Corp., to examine the factors on which U.S. courts of law determinewhether freedom or privacy rules.
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Mudawi, Abuobeida A. "A Virtual Ethnographic Study of Online Communication and Democratic Behavior in the Sudan's Diaspora." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1448971939.
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Quilton, Arnaud. "L'exercice des droits et libertés fondamentaux sur l'Internet." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1043.
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La pratique et les usages issus du cyberespace démontrent que l'imbrication entre ces deux sujets d'étude - l'internet d'une part et les droits fondamentaux d'autre part - est permanente : par sa nature transcendantale, le réseau des réseaux irradie tous les corps de la société et donc, directement ou indirectement, tous les droits et libertés fondamentaux, qu'ils soient politiques, économiques ou sociaux. Partant de ce postulat, il s'agit de déterminer le plus objectivement et précisément possible si l'internet impacte positivement ou négativement ce corpus de droits dits « suprêmes » : accroît-il leur protection et leur rayonnement ou, au contraire, participe-t-il à leur érosion, mettant ainsi en exergue une éventuelle incompatibilité d'un droit théorique confronté à une réalité dématérialisée ? La réponse à cette problématique, reposant largement sur une analyse scientifique quantitative, permettra d'établir qu'une majorité de droits et libertés fondamentaux est encensée voire sublimée par le net ; dans le même temps, une minorité de droits et libertés, jugés essentiels au sein de la hiérarchie des droits fondamentaux, pâtissent de cette rencontre. De facto, l'ambivalence de ce constat amènera naturellement à s'interroger sur l'opportunité pour la théorie des droits fondamentaux d'influer, par des principes en adéquation avec la nature technique du net, sur la construction et la pérennisation du cadre juridique d'un internet difficilement appréhendable par les branches « classiques » du droit<br>The practice and customs from cyberspace demonstrates that the overlap between these two topics of study - internet on one hand and human rights on the other part - is permanent : by its very transcendental nature, the network of networks irradiates all the bodies of the society and therefore either directly or indirectly, all the basics Rights and Freedom, be they political, economic or social.Based on this premise, one has to identify with the most objective and accurate manner if the internet has a positive or negative impact on this body of law called « highest » : does that increases its protection and influence or, on the contrary, contributes to erosion, thus emphasizing the possible incompatibility of a theoretical right faced to a dematerialized reality? The answer to this problem, relying largely on a quantitative scientific analysis will establish that a majority of Fundamental Rights and Freedom is praised and even sublimated by the net ; at the same time, a minority of rights and freedoms, deemed to be essential within the hierarchy of basic rights, suffer from this meeting. De facto, the ambivalence of this finding will naturally lead to wonder whether it is appropriate that the theory of fundamental rights can affect, through principles in line with the technical nature of the net, the construction and sustainability of the legal framework of an internet hardly apprehandable within the « traditional » branches of the of law
12
Joyjaroen, Juraiporn. "Le contrôle du contenu des programmes audiovisuels : étude comparative des systèmes français et thaï." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32007.
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La Thaïlande est un pays sous régime de monarchie constitutionnelle mais il subit souvent les interventions militaires. Malgré l’installation de la démocratie en 1932 et le développement des textes juridiques, la liberté d’expression et le droit de la communication sont limités. Le marché audiovisuel est préoccupé par les opérateurs ayant obtenu les contrats de concession de l’État pour une durée excessive. La solution proposée par la Constitution de 1997 est de créer une autorité de régulation indépendante de communication audiovisuelle pour, d’une part, renforcer l’exercice de la liberté d’expression et le droit de la communication ainsi que la mise en place des principes fondamentaux de la communication audiovisuelle, et, d’autre part, attribuer à nouveaux les fréquences pour l’ouverture totale du marché audiovisuel afin d’offrir une variété de choix aux téléspectateurs ou aux auditeurs. La création de l’autorité de régulation de communication audiovisuelle a été interrompue plusieurs fois par les décisions du Tribunal administratif, du fait de conflit d’intérêts, et a finalement été annulée par le coup d’État en 2006, abrogeant la Constitution de 1997. La Constitution actuelle de 2007 impose de créer une seule autorité de régulation chargée de l’audiovisuel et des télécommunications pour faire face au développement des technologies qui convergent. Aujourd’hui, cette autorité n’est pas encore mise en place. La lacune dans la régulation des deux domaines de communication s’agrandit. Depuis la suppression du monopole étatique de l’audiovisuel, la France a connu trois autorités de régulation. L’exercice des droits et libertés de la communication se développe progressivement. L’étude sur la comparaison avec le système français pourrait orienter la Thaïlande vers le chemin de la démocratie et du développement<br>Although Thailand is a constitutional monarchy country with the establishment of democracy and the development of legal texts, it is often subject to military intervention which creates the limitation of freedom of expression and the rights to communicate. The audiovisual market is dominated by the operators who obtain the concession contracts of the State for too long. The solution of the mentioned problem is proposed by the 1997 Constitution, which is to create an independent regulatory authority for audiovisual communication to improve the exercise of freedom of expression on communication law and to implement the basic principles of audiovisual communication. Moreover an allotment of new frequencies is also important for the full opening of the audiovisual market in order to vary the choices for viewers and listeners. The creation of the regulatory authority of audiovisual communication has been interrupted several times by the committee’s conflict of interest. In 2006, it was unfortunately withdrawn by the coup by repealing the 1997 Constitution. After that in The 2007 Constitution, it is required the establishment of a single regulatory authority for broadcasting and telecommunications to meet the development of converging technologies however the authority has not been implemented yet. So the gaps in regulation between two areas of communications are growing.In France, there are three of regulatory authorities of audiovisual communication which have been formed after the abolition of state monopoly of broadcasting. The study of French’s basic principles of audiovisual communication could guide Thailand in several ways since the rights and the freedoms of communication in Thailand have been democratically developing gradually
13
Francisquini, Renato. "Democracia, liberdade de expressão e o valor equitativo das liberdades comunicativas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-23012015-184904/.
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Este trabalho se fundamenta em uma concepção discursiva da democracia segundo a qual a comunicação pública é um elemento necessário à legitimidade da autoridade política. Segundo esse entendimento, a livre expressão de ideias é parte integral e condição essencial ao exercício das liberdades políticas em termos iguais. Tendo em vista a centralidade dos meios de comunicação na definição dos valores coletivos e na agência política, sustento que a sua estrutura deve ser orientada pelo reconhecimento de todos como pessoas livres e iguais. Uma orientação como essa se baseia na ideia de que às liberdades expressivas deve ser conferido um valor equitativo: isto é, a todos devem ser oferecidas as mesmas oportunidades e condições objetivas de exercer tais liberdades. Esta interpretação funda-se em uma compreensão deste ideal que extrapola os limites dos direitos e liberdades formais, incluindo as condições materiais e as bases sociais do autorrespeito<br>This work is founded in a discursive conception of democracy according to which public communication is a necessary element for the legitimacy of political authority. According to this understanding, freedom of expression is an integral part and an essential condition to the exercise of political liberties in equal terms. Given the centrality of mass media in the definition of the collective values and in political agency, I maintain the their structure must be oriented toward the acknowledgement of all as free and equal persons. An orientation like this is based on the idea that to the expressive liberties should be assigned a fair value: i.e. everyone is entitled to the same opportunities and objective conditions to exercise such liberties. This interpretation has its basis in a form of understanding such ideal that goes beyond the formal rights and freedoms to include the material conditions and the social basis of self-respect
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Jeon, Young. "La régulation de la communication audiovisuelle en France et en Corée du Sud." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1068.
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Dans le contexte de la convergence, où une seule « plate-forme » est capable de fournir toutes les formes de communications possible, se pose la question de la fusion des organismes de réglementation distincts qui régulent, d’une part la communication audiovisuelle, d’autre part les télécommunications. C’est ainsi que fut créée une nouvelle institution par la loi n° 8867 du 29 février 2008 relative à la gestion et à l’installation de la Korea Communications Commission (KCC) en remplacement les deux autorités de régulation préexistantes qui dirigeaient l’audiovisuel et la télécommunication. Parallèlement, en France, depuis 2007, suite au rapport du sénateur Bruno RETAILLEAU, les pouvoirs publics se sont positionnés en faveur d’une éventuelle fusion à terme entre le CSA et l'ARCEP, la fusion de ces deux autorités de régulation permettant la gestion de l’audiovisuel et de la télécommunication par une même autorité de régulation. Pour autant, un tel projet de réforme n’est pas encore à l’ordre du jour et laisse de nombreuses questions en suspend, questions que la fusion coréenne n’est justement pas parvenu à répondre. Entre un système coréen qui joue le jeu de la convergence, sans pour autant que soit garanti l’indépendance du régulateur vis-à-vis du pouvoir exécutif, et un système français, garantissant autant ce faire se peut cette indépendance, tout en maintenant une séparation de la régulation de la communication audiovisuelle et des télécommunications, on peut s’interroger sur l’opportunité de chacun des deux régimes et sur le modèle le plus performant pour assurer la régulation du secteur de la communication audiovisuelle, tout en préservant la liberté de la communication, liberté fondamentale essentielle pour nos démocraties<br>In this convergence environment, only the « plate-forme » could be supply all of the communication formats. We wonder a question about the organization meltdown of the regulation, in the one side, the audiovisual communication and in the other side, the telecoms sector. Thus, a new institution has been created by the 29th February 2008 law n°8867 in matter of the setting and the management of the Korea Communications Commission (KCC) in place of the two preexisting regulation authorities whom run the audiovisual communication and the telecoms. In the same time, since 2007 in France, in consequence of the Senator Bruno RETAILLEAU report, the authorities took one’s stand for a possible fusion between The CSA and the ARCEP. This meltdown shall allow managing the audiovisual communication and the telecoms by the same regulation authority. However, this reform proposal is not still in the agenda, and raises new issues those even the Korean merger was not able to answer. Both the Korean system which runs with the convergence without a guarantee of the regulation independence in front of the State power, and the French system who guaranteed as possible this independence by separating the audiovisual communication regulation from the telecoms. We wonder on the appropriateness of the two systems, and which is the best performing to run the audiovisual communication regulation, to guarantee the independence of communication and the fundamental liberties which rule our democracies
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Sliesarieva, Anna. "The Defender vs. the Censor: CDA Analysis of 2017 Russian Web-Source Ban in Ukraine." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414735.
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With the new challenges of the digital world associated with disinformation, data breaches, and cybercrimes (Cadwalladr & Graham-Harrison, 2018; Connolly et al., 2016; Shipley & Bowker, 2013) many countries nowadays discuss approaches to Internet regulation. In Ukraine, which faced propaganda tactics employed by Russia as a part of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict (Yurkova, 2018), the need for information security in recent years became a major challenge. In 2017, authorities of Ukraine addressed the challenge by introducing sanctions to the most-used Russian web-platforms, including social networks Vkontakte and Odnoklassniki, search engine Yandex, and many other services. This study analyzed the discourse that was formed around the decision. The work incorporates the model of critical discourse analysis by Fairclough (1995a) and framing analysis by Pan & Kosicki (1993). This qualitative study analyzed materials from Ukrainian online media, TV stories, user comments, and political speeches from 16th-17th May 2017 – the dates when the decision on blocking of Russian web-sources was announced to the Ukrainian public. The research answers the questions about the dominant discourses in society regarding the approach of the authorities to Internet regulation, the main arguments and counter-arguments, and media framing. The results show that the discussion was locked in a trap of two dominant discourses of freedom of speech and national security, whereas alternative measures to restrictions were not represented on the public agenda.
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Jacquet, Caroline. "Leibniz et Hesse, existence et harmonie." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30021.
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Nous avons souhaité, dans notre thèse, poursuivre et approfondir une étude de la pensée leibnizienne commencée en Maîtrise et en D.E.A. Nous plaçant à la frontière de la philosophie et de la littérature, nous nous sommes intéressé au point de vue d'un romancier leibnizien, Hermann Hesse (1877-1962), dont l'oeuvre imposante présente de multiples correspondances avec les théories leibniziennes. Nous avons construit notre étude autour des notions d’existence et d’harmonie, qui, dans la pensée de Hesse, comme, bien sûr, dans le système de Leibniz, sont des concepts fondamentaux. En mettant en lumière les différents thèmes leibniziens sous-jacents à la pensée poétique de Hesse, nous avons examiné le sens que prend la métaphysique de Leibniz dans un univers littéraire échappant, au premier abord, à la rationalisation.L’analyse des notions d’existence et d’harmonie nous a amené à définir les concepts, essentiels chez Leibniz, d’entr’expression et de communication, ainsi que ceux d’optimisme et de liberté. Dans l’univers leibnizien, univers "kaleidoscopique", lieu de concomitances et d’interactions multiples, l’individu, quoique déterminé dans son essence et se développant dans une forme d'autarcie, n’existe que par son inclusion dans l’ensemble du monde auquel il appartient. Nous avons essayé de montrer l'omniprésence des concepts leibniziens chez Hesse, qui conçoit le monde comme un tissu de correspondances et de résonances subtiles, gouvernées par l’immanence d’un Etre supérieur. Telle la monade leibnizienne, l’individu hessien recèle en lui-même une infinité de possibles, qu’il lui appartient d'explorer et de développer, pour acquérir son propre bonheur. La quête d’une certaine forme d'eudémonisme, qui constitue la base des interrogations fondamentales de l’œuvre hessienne, illustre sur un plan existentiel le thème leibnizien de l’optimisme. Chez Hesse, l’homme est à la recherche d’un art de vivre qui puisse lui procurer l'épanouissement de son être et la sérénité. Aspirant à un équilibre intérieur, à une communication avec le monde extérieur - et peut-être avec un principe divin - il recherche sa place au sein d'une harmonie universelle<br>The aim of this thesis, is to pursue and examine thoroughly the study of the leibnizian thought we began to process in our Mastership and D.E.A. Looking at the frontier between philosophy and literature, we develop the viewpoint of the leibnizian novelist, Hermann Hesse (1877-1962), whose impressive work offers numerous connections with leibnizian theory. We based our study on the main notions of existence and harmony, which are both important concepts in the works of Leibniz and Hesse. Throwing light on some underlying leibnizian subjects in Hessian poetic thought, we examine the impact of leibnizian metaphysics in the literary universe of Hesse, which, at first sight, escapes to rationality.Analysing the notions of existence and harmony in Hesse and Leibniz leads to define precisely some leibnizian concepts which are very essential ones : expression ( of bodies, minds, universe…), communication, conception of freedom, optimism. In the leibnizian universe, which is a "kaleidoscopic" one and a site where numerous interactions and concomitances take place, the individual, though being determined in his essence as a "monad", i.e. a completely self-sufficient entity, only exists by inclusion in the whole world it belongs to. We tried to reveal the omnipresence of a number of leibnizian concepts in Hesse, who conceives the world as a set of correlations and subtle resonances, governed by an immanent superior Being. Like the leibnizian monad, the hessian individual contains in himself infinite possibilities, which it is his own responsability to explore and develop, in the view of making the experience of happiness. The search for a kind of eudemonism, which constitutes a basic question in the hessian work, is also an existential instanciation of the philosophical concept of optimism, a leibnizian subject. In Hesse's work, man is in search of an art of living, which can make him get self-fulfilment and absolute serenity. Longing for a mental balance, and for a true communication with the outer world – maybe with some divine principle – he is searching his niche in life, in its universal harmony
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Rådelius, Elias. "“Shout to the people the reality, and they dance it!” : A case study on the synergies and challenges between music, youth empowerment, sustainable development and social change in the Gambia." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för konst, kommunikation och lärande, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-36820.
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This case study examines the role of music and music-making for the youth in Brikama, the Gambia in terms of freedom of expression, sustainable development and social change. The study is situated within a project where young musicians with different backgrounds wrote and recorded their own songs during workshops with established musicians. The data was collected via interviews with the participants and instructors, observations and song analysis. The study uses Small’s (1998) theory of musicking to analyze the meaning of the musical events in the social context. Furthermore, it uses theories on the relationship between music and sustainability to analyze the role of music for the youth on an individual-, group- and societal level, but also on an organizational level. The study finds that on all four levels music and music-making holds many of the characteristics required for sustainable development and that it can foster resilience through creativity. However, it also shows that this requires the creation of inclusive spaces with an awareness of the cultural narrative and forces (such as limiting traditional values and gender issues) that might limit the capabilities of individuals, and the society, to reap these benefits. The study also shows how music, with its artistic characteristics, can offer pockets of freedom of expression to a certain but limited extent. Finally, the study shows how music can and should be incorporated more extensively by organizations working for sustainable development and social change, both as a tool to achieve other sustainability agendas, but also for the inherent characteristics of resilience and creativity that is found in music-making itself.<br>Denna fallstudie undersöker musik och musikskapandets roll för ungdomar i Brikama, Gambia, och dess relation till yttrandefrihet, hållbar utveckling och social förändring. Studien är genomförd inom ramen för ett projekt där unga musiker med olika bakgrund komponerade och spelade in sina egna låtar under workshops tillsammans med etablerade musiker. Materialet samlades in genom intervjuer med deltagarna och instruktörer, observationer och textanalys av låtarna. Studien använder sig av Smalls (1998) koncept musicking för att analysera den musikaliska situationens mening i sin sociala kontext. Dessutom används teorier om relationen mellan musik och hållbarhet för att analysera musikens roll för ungdomarna på en individuell-, grupp- och samhällsnivå, men även på en organisationsnivå. Studien visar på alla fyra nivåer att musik och musikskapande innehar många av de karaktärsdrag som krävs för hållbar utveckling och att det kan främja resiliens genom kreativitet. Dock visar studien att inkluderande sammanhang behöver skapas med medvetenhet om den kulturella kontexten. Detta för att kunna navigera de krafter (såsom negativa traditionella värderingar kring genus) som kan begränsa individers deltagande och i slutändan samhällets möjlighet att ta del av fördelarna. Studien visar också hur musik, med sina konstärliga karaktärsdrag, kan erbjuda ett visst utrymme för yttrandefrihet. Slutligen visar studien hur musik kan och bör inkorporeras till större grad av organisationer som arbetar för hållbar utveckling och social förändring, både som ett verktyg för att uppnå hållbarhetsagendor, men även för de inneboende karaktärsdragen resiliens och kreativitet som finns att hitta i själva musikskapandet.
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Zwolinska, Monika. "Sécurité et libertés fondamentales des communications électroniques en droit français, européen et international." Thesis, Nice, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015NICE0038/document.
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L’impact des technologies d'information et de communication est essentiel sur lesdroits de la personne, et en particulier la liberté d'expression et la protection de la vie privée. Les tensions relatives à l’établissement de la frontière entre l’espace public et l’espace privé en ligne se sont exacerbées avec la diffusion de l'informatique et la démocratisation des usages d'Internet, de la téléphonie mobile et, plus récemment, d'autres objets communicants et services numériques. De même, les libertés de s’exprimer, de communiquer et de s’informer sont mises en danger dans la mesure où, sous prétexte de la lutte contre la cybercriminalité et le cyberterrorisme, et dans un but général de maintien de l’ordre public, les autorités publiques interviennent dans les contenus publiés pour les contrôler, surveiller, restreindre ou interdire. Ceci d’autant plus que les capacités - tant des Etats que des acteurs privés - à constituer les bases de données extrêmement précises répertoriant les informations sur les habitudes de consommation, les itinéraires de déplacements ou encore sur les opinions ou pensées des personnes, augmentent progressivement. Ainsi, le besoin de la redéfinition de la manière dont est pris en compte le volet relatif au respect des droits fondamentaux des personnes face à l’environnement numérique devient pressant<br>The impact of today’s information and communication technologies is essential forthe exercice of human rights, particularly concerning freedom of expression and privacyprotection. With the massive use of Internet, mobile phones and – more recently – other smart objects and digital services, the tension mounts with respect to establishing the limit between public and private space online. Likewise, the freedom of expression, communication and information are at risk as - under the pretext of fighting cybercrime and cyber terrorism, as well as maintaining public order - public authorities interfere with online contents by controlling, monitoring, restraining or prohibiting it. Especially as both States’ and private companies’ capacities in creating extremely precise databases identifying information on persons’ consumption habits, itineraries, thoughts and opinions gradually increase. Therefore, the need to redefine the way in which the respect of fundamental freedoms is taken into consideration in the context of digital environment becomes urgent
19
Rodrigues, Diogo Moysés. "O direito humano à comunicação: igualdade e liberdade no espaço público mediado por tecnologias." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2140/tde-15062011-151640/.
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A presente dissertação aborda os diferentes aspectos que impulsionam a demanda pelo reconhecimento do direito humano à comunicação como um direito fundamental, assim como as características teóricas que compõe o escopo deste novo direito. A partir do relato histórico sobre a evolução dos meios de comunicação, aponta o papel da comunicação mediada por tecnologias no desenvolvimento e reprodução do capitalismo, e descreve as peculiaridades atuais do modelo brasileiro, constatando a insuficiência do direito à liberdade de expressão e do direito à informação para a garantia da dignidade humana no campo da comunicação na medida em que os mesmos não impediram a privatização da esfera pública. Evidencia, a partir de pesquisa documental relacionada às iniciativas gestadas no âmbito do governo federal, como os proprietários dos meios de comunicação brasileiros se apropriaram destes princípios jurídicos, utilizado-os, no plano político e jurídico, como instrumento para obstrução de políticas públicas e regulatórias, na busca da perpetuação de privilégios no campo da comunicação. Apresenta o direito à comunicação como um direito guarda-chuva, abrigo de uma série de outros direitos e liberdades, na busca da superação da limitação historicamente imposta à compreensão da liberdade de expressão e do direito à informação, avançando rumo ao direito à participação na esfera pública em condições de igualdade material. No DHC se encontram direitos e liberdades que possuem relação com o campo da comunicação, mas que historicamente foram considerados de forma estanque e sem conexão. Defende a tese que o reconhecimento oficial do direito à comunicação no plano jurídico é a melhor forma garantir a dignidade humana neste campo, dando unidade e coerência aos princípios que possuem algum tipo de interface com o tema, assim como melhor definindo o perfil da pretensão a qual se almeja que os cidadãos e grupos sociais devem exercer.<br>This dissertation deals with different aspects that imposes the demand for recognition of Communication Rigths as a fundamental right, and presents the characteristics that compose the scope of this new human right. The chronicle of communications technologies points out its role in the development and reproduction of capitalism, and describes the current peculiarities of the Brazilian model, noting the insufficiency of the legal principle of freedom of expression and the right to information to guarantee human dignity in the communications field. From the research of documents related to the initiatives of the federal government, this work shows how Brazilian media\'s owners uses these principle and right as a political and legal tool to obstruct regulatory and public policies, seeking perpetuation of privileges in the communication field. It also presents Communication Rigths as an umbrella shelter of a series of other rights and freedoms, in order to overcome imposed limitation on the historical understanding of freedom of expression principle and right to information, moving towards the right to participate in the public sphere on equal terms. The communications rights deals with rights and freedoms which are related to the communication field, but were historically considered unconnected. Finally, this study argues that official recognition of the communications rights as human rights is the best way to ensure dignity, giving unity and coherence to the principles related to the topic, and better defining the claim which citizens and social groups should have.
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Moreira, Adriana Fragalle. "Interpretação e âmbito de proteção do direito à liberdade de expressão: reflexões sobre o quem, quando e o quê na manifestação do pensamento." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-03102016-151940/.
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Apesar de ser considerada há muito tempo e por inúmeras nações e organizações internacionais como um valor fundamental, a liberdade de expressão é, até hoje, objeto de muitas incertezas e indefinições, especialmente quanto à sua aplicação prática em um cenário em que outros direitos e valores constitucionais estão envolvidos. O presente estudo parte da análise da estrutura do ato comunicativo, especificamente da análise da identidade dos sujeitos da comunicação, do fator temporal e do conteúdo ou mensagem, para aferir se a valoração jurídica da expressão do pensamento é condicionada por esses elementos. A partir disso, o presente trabalho propõe critérios para que a interpretação e a aplicação da liberdade de expressão sejam imbuídas de segurança jurídica, de modo a garantir própria efetividade dessa liberdade que se configura como um valor tão caro às sociedades democráticas.<br>Despite being considered as a fundamental value for several centuries and by many nations and international organizations, freedom of speech is, until present time, the object of much uncertainty, especially regarding its practical application when other rights and constitutional values are involved. The present study analyses the structure of the communicative act, specifically the identity of interlocutors, the time factor and the content or message, to assess if the legal value of the expression of thought is conditioned by these elements. From that, the present work proposes criteria to a rational and secure interpretation and application of freedom of speech, so as to guarantee the effectiveness itself of this liberty, that is so dear to democratic societies.
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Befre, Pierre. "La liberté d'expression des salariés." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020066.
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Salariat et liberté d'expression : la contradiction apparaît irréductible. La subordination inhérente à la relation de travail semble en effet exclure l’exercice de cette liberté. Le salarié, parce qu’il demeure citoyen, doit toutefois en jouir de façon effective. Le représentant élu et désigné, parce que le mécanisme de la représentation collective l’exige, doit également le pouvoir. Accorder au salarié une telle liberté peut s’avérer dangereux pour l’autorité de l’employeur ou la survie de l’entreprise. Des notions floues, complexes à circonscrire, telles que l’obligation de confidentialité ou l’abus, peuvent autoriser l’employeur à restreindre l’exercice par le salarié de la liberté d'expression et à le sanctionner. Face au mutisme du législateur et à l’indécision du juge, l’insécurité règne. S’impose alors de dégager une définition plus précise et une articulation plus cohérente des règles légitimant tant l’exercice par le salarié de cette liberté que sa limitation par l’employeur. Bien que périlleuse, cette quête d’équilibre mérite d’être entreprise afin que le caractère nécessaire de cette liberté au monde du travail se révèle. Salariat et liberté d'expression : la contradiction n’apparaîtra qu’apparente<br>The employee status and freedom of expression : the contradiction appears to be irreducible. The subordination, which is inherent to the employment relationship, seems indeed to exclude the exercice of such freedom. The employee, because he remains a citizen, must however enjoy it in an effective way. The elected and designated representative, because the collective representation mecanism commands it, must enjoy it as well. Granting the employee with such freedom may prove dangerous for the authority of the employer and the survival of the company. Vague notions, that are hard to define, such as the duty of confidentiality or the abuse of right, authorize the employer to restrict the exercice of this freedom by his employee and to sanction him. Given the legislative mutism and the judge's indecision, insecurity is prevailing. It therefore becomes essential to draw a more precise definition and a more coherent articulation of the rules legitimating the exercise of this freedom by the employee, as well as its limitation by the employer. Althought it is jeopardous, this search for balance deserves to be attempted, so that it is revealed that such freedom is essential to the world of work. The employee status and freedom of expression : the contradiction will eventually reveal to be only apparent
22
Orsi, Livio. "Le droit constitutionnel à la libre communication numérique : (Vers un renouveau constitutionnel en faveur de la constitutionnalisation des droits du numérique)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020TOUL0131.
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Internet et la communication numérique ont révolutionné l'expression et la communication, apportant avec eux de nouvelles possibilités et défis. La liberté d'expression et de communication est considérée comme fondamentale et fonctionnelle, car elle joue un rôle essentiel dans l'exercice démocratique au sein de la société. Elle permet non seulement aux individus d'exprimer leurs pensées et opinions, mais elle contribue également à la réalisation d'autres droits et libertés.Il est important de reconnaître que la liberté d'expression et de communication ne doit pas être absolue et peut être sujette à des limites raisonnables pour protéger les droits d'autrui et préserver l'ordre public. Cependant, l'évolution des technologies numériques a rendu nécessaire une réflexion approfondie sur l'adaptation des droits fondamentaux aux défis posés par l'ère numérique. Une réforme constitutionnelle et législative serait donc souhaitable pour mieux encadrer les droits et les responsabilités dans le domaine numérique et assurer une protection adéquate des droits fondamentaux des individus tout en garantissant la sécurité publique.En conclusion, la modernisation apportée par Internet et la communication numérique soulève des questions importantes concernant les droits fondamentaux et les garanties constitutionnelles. Il est essentiel d'établir un équilibre entre la liberté d'expression et de communication, la sécurité publique et la protection des droits individuels dans le contexte du numérique. Une évolution du cadre juridique, notamment en reconnaissant explicitement les droits numériques comme des droits fondamentaux constitutionnels, pourrait permettre d'adapter notre société aux défis du XXIème siècle et de garantir une meilleure protection des droits et des libertés dans l'environnement numérique<br>Internet and digital communication have modernized and amplified many practices related to the democracy. The constitutional right of freedom of expression and communication of thoughts and opinions has several democratic and fundamental roles in society. The right to Internet access can be described as a fundamental and functional right in order to be able to exercise other fundamental rights. Digital technology makes it possible to strengthen the legitimacy of representative and participative democracy. However, it is necessary to be able to reconcile it in the best way with the requirement of fighting offenses on the Internet. Technological developments have changed state activities. In the digital age, there is a lack of constitutional provisions that protect fundamental rights and freedoms against state surveillance activities. One of the interests of the constitutionalization of the digital rights principles is to give the Constitutional Council the tools to control the constitutionality of the new laws, especially with the renewal of textual standards of constitutional reference necessary to monitor the constitutional compliance of laws of the 21st century and to improve the codification of a lot of new digital rights
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Docquir, Pierre-François. "La liberté d'expression dans le réseau mondial de communication: propositions pour une théorie générale du droit d'accès à l'espace public privatisé." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210368.
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Gaiba, Chiara. "Blackface and Freedom of Expression." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2017. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/13795/.
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With this work I would like to present the reader with a personal consideration about freedom of speech, its limits, and the controversies it has aroused, particularly in relation to the practice of blackface. The question I am trying to answer in this thesis is: should free speech be denied to those who want to use it for overt expressions of racism, such as blackface?
In regard to the structure of this thesis, I start by briefly presenting the history of free speech, from Ancient Greece, up through the French and American Enlightenment, which respectively produced the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the American Constitution. Both of these documents placed cardinal importance on freedom of speech. I then move on to argue that freedom of speech protects those who express opinions that offend, shock or disturb the state or a great part of the population. And, even most importantly, it is my belief that such opinions and expressions should not be banned nor punished. To show this, I present the case study of blackface, which is the practice of applying dark make up on a white person in order to make that person look like a black. Then, I briefly explain the history of such practice. In light of its history, black communities see blackface as extremely insulting and racist, on the one hand because it is a form of cultural appropriation, and on the other hand because it reinforces the unequal relation between Blacks and Whites, where Whites are the most powerful and decide that they have the right to mock black people.
Nowadays blackface is still persistent, and it is possible to find examples of it all over the world: in the Netherlands, with the long-standing tradition of Black Pete, in the UK, with the traditional folk dancers called The Coconutters, and finally in Japan, with many singers singing American songs in Blackface, and especially in the case of the girl band Momoiro Clover Z and the Rats and Stars’ photo in blackface before a show.
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Bouhot, Perrine. "Freedom of expression under apartheid." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6820_1298631852.
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<p>Over the past decades, transitions from repressive rule to democracy have increased all over the world, aiming at establishing disclosure and accountability for the crimes perpetrated. One way of assessing the &ldquo<br>solidity&rdquo<br>of these new democracies is to look at their provisions on freedom of expression, one of the most precious and fragile rights of man. The right to freedom of expression was recognised by classical traditional liberal theory as from the eighteenth century. It considered it as a useful tool to enhance true statements within the &ldquo<br>marketplace of ideas&rdquo<br>. Liberals also believed that such right was a prerequisite for individual autonomy and selffulfillment. They claimed that it strengthened democracy, by allowing individuals to receive all information on issues of public concern which they needed to vote intelligently. Lastly, they argued that it promoted the ideal of tolerance. Since then, the right to freedom of expression has been considered a cornerstone of democracy and protected as such by international instruments among which the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, the African Charter for Human and Peoples&rsquo<br>Rights of 1981 and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950.</p>
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Pompéo, Wagner Augusto Hundertmarck. "GUERRA AO TERROR E TERROR À GUERRA: POLÍTICAS E PRÁTICAS ANTITERROR, LIBERDADE E O FUTURO DAS TIC S." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2015. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/6384.
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The present work intends on analyzing the collection of communications and general
data employed by public as well as private actors sustained during times of war on terror . In
that regard, the issue of this research consists on conceiving an approach to account for
those actors responsibility Nation-States along with private companies, both of which, in
the context of law s internationalization and aided by the new information and
communications technologies, violate Human Rights while claiming them to constitute
antiterrorism strategies and policies. Concerning the methodology, classified as
phenomenological-hermeneutical, it proceeds with a critical analysis of the International
Criminal Court, Regional Justice Systems, and corresponding bibliography, aiming to
diagnose what led the war on terror policies to shift towards the antagonist sentiment of a
terror of war . Drawn from conclusion, the observed deviation seems to derive from the
violations acted upon by the United States of America and its National Security Agency
(NSA) which, while maintaining the pseudo-argument of war on terror , tampered
communications between not only its own citizens and chiefs of government but also the
ones from allied great powers. In accordance with that, and further critics that permeate the
International Criminal Court since its creation, accused of being an eminently political entity
in its decisions, ineffective in regards to the absence of coercion elements for its
determinations, and even lacking in suitable answers to matters of global interest such as
terrorism, drug traffic, and new rights transgressions derived from the internet network a
revision of the Rome Statute is proposed upon the purpose of, if not to establish new crimes,
provide a more autonomous concept of crimes against humanity against the ones of
common violence. To that extension, the war on terror has been confirming some human
rights freedom of communication and expression, and the right to privacy are also
passive to non-violent restrictions. Therefore, it seems imperative to promote the dilation of
the concept of crimes against humanity, howbeit being a juridical category, with the purpose
as to encompass clandestine or covert violations which, in turn, are consistently promoted by
the previously mentioned actors, Nation-States and private companies, namely Facebook
and Google that respectively explore the social medias market and web search engines, just
as well as VASTec, AT&T, and Amesys, specialized in mass communications interception.<br>A presente dissertação tem por escopo analisar o escrutínio de informações e
comunicações praticado por atores públicos e privados em tempos de guerra ao terror . O
problema de pesquisa se resume a pensar como é possível responsabilizar esses atores
Estados-Nação e empresas do setor privado que, usando das facilidades técnicas
proporcionadas pelas novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação, no contexto da
internacionalização do direito, violam direitos humanos sob a justificativa de constituírem
estratégias de políticas e práticas antiterror. No que diz respeito à metodologia, a pesquisa
se classifica como fenomenológico-hermenêutica, procedendo-se com a análise crítica do
Tribunal Penal Internacional e os Sistemas Regionais de Justiça, revisão e análises
bibliográficas, no sentido de diagnosticar por que as políticas de guerra ao terror acabaram
por se transvestir no antagônico sentimento de terror à guerra . Como efeito, a migração de
um extremo a outro, ao que se concluiu, deriva especialmente das ações de violação
praticadas pelos Estados Unidos da América e sua Agência Nacional de Segurança (NSA),
que se valendo da pseudo-justificativa de guerra ao terror, violaram as comunicações
de muitos cidadãos e chefes de Estado, inclusive os de potências aliadas. Em razão disso,
bem como pelas demais críticas que, desde sua criação, ostenta o Tribunal Penal
Internacional, acusado de ser um órgão eminentemente político, do ponto de vista de suas
decisões, inefetivo, se analisada a ausência de elementos coercitivos ao cumprimento de
suas determinações, e mesmo a falta de respostas adequadas a questões como de
interesse global o terrorismo, tráfico de drogas e as novas formas de violação de direitos
por meio da rede de computadores, por exemplo , é que se propõe a revisão do Estatuto
de Roma para o fim de, senão criar novas espécies de tipos penais, ao menos autonomizar
o conceito de crimes contra a humanidade de ações de violência típica. A política de guerra
ao terror tem provado que alguns direitos humanos, tais qual o direito a comunicação e
expressão e mesmo o direito à privacidade, também são passíveis de sofrerem restrições
não violentas. Portanto, é fundamental que se promova o alargamento do conceito de
crimes contra a humanidade enquanto categoria jurídica, para o fim de englobar também as
violações ocorridas de maneira clandestina ou a paisana, diuturnamente executadas por
atores tais como os Estados-Nação e mesmo empresas como Facebook e Google, que
exploram, respectivamente, o mercado de redes sociais e de provedores de pesquisa, ou a
VASTec, AT&T e Amesys, especializadas na interceptação de comunicações em massa.
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Musa, Abdul Samat. "Freedom of expression in English law." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.237410.
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Embling, Geoffrey. "Political correctness and freedom of expression." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/40873.
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A brief history of political correctness is discussed along with various definitions of it, ranging from political correctness being a benign attempt to prevent offense and avert discrimination to stronger views equating it with Communist censorship or branding it as "cultural Marxism". The aim of the research is to discover what political correctness is, how it relates to freedom of expression and what wider implications and effects it has on society. The moral foundations of rights and free speech in particular are introduced in order to set a framework to determine what authority people and governments have to censor others' expression. Different philosophical views on the limits of free speech are discussed, and arguments for and against hate speech are analysed and related to political correctness. The thesis looks at political correctness on university campuses, which involves speech codes, antidiscrimination legislation and changing the Western canon to a more multicultural syllabus. The recent South African university protests involving issues such as white privilege, university fees and rape are discussed and related to political correctness. The thesis examines the role of political correctness in the censorship of humour, it discusses the historical role of satire in challenging dogmatism and it looks at the psychology behind intolerance. Political correctness appeals to tolerance, which is sometimes elevated at the expense of truth. Truth and tolerance are therefore weighed up, along with their altered definitions in today's relativistic society. The last part of the thesis looks at South Africa's unique brand of political correctness, along with Black Economic Empowerment, colonialism and white guilt, and the research concludes that political correctness is a distinct form of censorship which has developed in modern democracies. The new forms of justice and morality seen in political correctness are distortions of left-wing liberalism, which appeal to different values to those of traditional liberalism.
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Donadelli, Antonio Paulo de Mattos. "O conselho de comunicação social como instância democrática necessária na busca de um ambiente comunicativo plural." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2013. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1059.
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Previous issue date: 2013-05-14<br>Democracy demands isonomic participation in the process of collective decision making. To this purpose it is necessary that the messages of mass media be plural, presenting multiple points of view and a sort of sources. The State must ensure that the citizens get access to multiple points of view and information, as well as the ideas of the main social actors be represented in the communicative environment - comprised by the media in which is the ensemble of communication of certain circle, as an analogy to natural environment . In practice, not every social group has the same access to the mass media. There is a distortion in the so-called free market ideas which is under the thumb of few senders, the major broadcast companies. This can be noted mainly in the scope of concessions of radio and television broadcast, which requires political support, in addition to technological structure, human, and financial resources, whose resources only the major broadcast groups have access to. The regulation of mass media, according to the Brazilian Constitution, must to pursue the democratization of mass media, the pluralism of its actors and to fight monopolies and oligopolies of communication. The Federal Constitution of 1988 envisaged, in the article 224, the creation of Social Communication Council (National), created by Law nº 8.389/91. Such rules aim to establish participation of civil society, in the context of making political decision regarding Social Communication likewise other constitutionally predicted councils, such as Health Council (article 77, Paragraph 3, of Federal Constitution), or the Advisory Board of the Fighting and Eradication Poverty Fund (article 79, sole paragraph of Federal Constitution and Supplementary Law 111 from 2001). This organism has a plural composition. It s composed by representatives of the main different media, technical members, and civil society representatives. Its constitutional function is to assist the National Congress in regulation of Communication. The Communication Social Council would be the mechanism to improve the pluralism of Social Communication in order to minimize the distortions caused by Communications Oligopoly and Monopoly. However, this Council faces juridical and practical issues. The Council was inoperative since the beginning of 2007, its activation happened just on August 2012. Moreover, it s limited to provide opinions that have no effect on decision made in the Social Communication scope. The opinions are considered as mere recommendation; most of the time it is not take in account by political organs. It is necessary to question the legal purposes of Legislative and Executive decisions taken with no consideration of Council position, in other hand the Council will never meet its Constitution role. This dissertation addresses these regulation issues of Social Communication by analyzing the legal power of decisions made by Social Communication Council.<br>A democracia exige isonomia de participação na formação das decisões coletivas. Para tanto é necessário que as mensagens na comunicação sejam plurais, refletindo diversos pontos de vista e diversos emissores. Deve-se garantir tanto que os cidadãos tenham acesso à diversidade de opiniões e informações, quanto que as ideias dos principais grupos estejam representadas no ambiente comunicativo - entendido como o conjunto da comunicação em determinado âmbito, numa analogia ao meio ambiente . Na prática nem todos os grupos têm o mesmo acesso aos meios de Comunicação Social, existindo uma distorção no chamado livre mercado das ideias que é dominado por poucos emissores, as grandes empresas de comunicação. Isso se vê principalmente no âmbito das concessões de rádio e televisão, que exige apoio político além de estrutura tecnológica, humana e financeira a que só os grandes grupos de comunicação têm acesso. A regulamentação da Comunicação Social, por força da Constituição de 1988, deve buscar a democratização dos meios de comunicação social, o pluralismo dos agentes e combater os monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. A Constituição de 1988 previu, no artigo 224, a criação do Conselho de Comunicação Social (Nacional), órgão regulamentado pela Lei nº 8.389/91. Tais normas visam estabelecer a participação da sociedade civil, na tomada de decisões políticas no âmbito da Comunicação Social a exemplo de outros conselhos constitucionalmente previstos, como os Conselhos de Saúde (artigo 77, § 3º da CF), ou o Conselho Consultivo e de Acompanhamento do Fundo de Combate e Erradicação da Pobreza (artigo 79, parágrafo único da CF e Lei Complementar 111 de 2001). Esse órgão tem uma constituição plural. É composto de representantes dos principais meios de comunicação, além de representantes técnicos e da sociedade civil. Sua função constitucional é auxiliar o Congresso Nacional na normatização da Comunicação Social. O Conselho de Comunicação Social seria um mecanismo para aprimorar o pluralismo da comunicação social de forma a amenizar as distorções causadas pelos monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. No entanto, enfrenta problemas de ordem prática e jurídica. O Conselho encontrava-se desativado desde o início de 2007 e só foi reativado em agosto de 2012. Ademais, é limitado a dar pareceres que não têm qualquer efeito sobre as decisões tomadas no âmbito da Comunicação Social. Os pareceres são vistos como meras recomendações por vezes nem levados em conta pelas instâncias de decisão política. É necessário questionar a validade jurídica das decisões legislativas e executivas tomadas sem consideração da posição do Conselho, caso contrário o Conselho nunca chegará a cumprir sua função Constitucional. O trabalho aborda essas questões de regulamentação da Comunicação Social analisando a força jurídica das decisões do Conselho de Comunicação Social.
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O'Rourke, Kevin Charles. "John Stuart Mill and freedom of expression." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311962.
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Laughlin, Cindy. "Freedom of Expression and the College Press." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292229.
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Feghali, Marie-Claire. "La presse clandestine pendant la guerre au Liban (1975-1982) : son organisation, sa distribution, ses lecteurs." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020009/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur la presse clandestine au Liban, celle qui – non autorisée par l’État–fut publiée et véhiculée par les partis politiques belligérants durant la guerre au Libanentre 1975 et 1982.Elle étudie dans son ensemble la nature d’une sélection significative, non exhaustive,des publications les plus représentatives de cette époque, ses messages, pour aboutirà la compréhension du public et des moyens de distribution de ces écrits.Travail de première main, cette étude se base sur une recherche d’archives, qui seraplus tard approfondie par l’analyse de contenu, du langage, et de la sémiologiequand la publication le permet. Ainsi, nous repasserons en vue les périodiquesFalastine Assawra, Al Qaeda, Al Marouni, Loubnan et Sawt El Hakika pour mieuxsonder les points de vue sur les sujets traités ainsi que la façon de faire selon lavision de chacun.Ainsi, nous avons affaire à des instruments qui témoignent d’une étape cruciale etfondamentale dans l’évolution de la presse libanaise, notamment celle qui s’occupeessentiellement des zones de crise et des manifestations les plus humaines de laliberté de penser.On en conclura que la guerre est aussi bien médiatique qu’armée quand il s’agit d’unaffrontement d’idéologies, et que dans un pays multi confessionnel comme le Liban,l’histoire est non seulement un point de vue, mais une lutte de construction d'imagequi va plus loin que les faits. Michel Foucault le dit bien : "on a beau dire ce que l'onvoit, ce que l'on voit ne tient pas dans ce que l'on dit"<br>This thesis focuses on the underground press, or what is known as the clandestine press inLebanon, that was published and promoted by the belligerant political parties during thewar in Lebanon between 1975 and 1982. Noteworthy, these publications were notauthorized by the Lebanese authorities at that time.It analyses the nature of a significant selection of 5 of the most representative publicationsof that period, along with their messages, their readers and their different means ofdistribution.As a first study of its kind, this research is based on archival documents, which contect waslater handled with depth, thus analysing the language and the semiotics when thepublication permitted so. Accordingly, we chose to reflect the views of Falastine Assawra,Al Qaeda, Al Marouni, Loubnan and Sawt Al Hakika, examining the direction of thecommunication in each.Noteworthy, this reseatch deals with instruments that reflect a fundamental and crucialstep in the evolution of the Lebanese press. It is essentialy a means of communication usedduring times of crisis, serving political propaganda, sometimes agendas. Nevertheless,these publication a manifestation of the freedom of speech.We conclude that war is made with both arms and media, especially when it involves aclash of ideologies. It also teaches us tha in a multi- confessional country like Lebanon,history is not only a point of view, but also a clash for image-building that goes beyondfacts. Michel Foucault said it quite well: "we may say what you see, what we see does notalways stand out in what we say."
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Maher, Julie. "Manifesting religious belief : a matter of religious freedom, religious discrimination, or freedom of expression?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eaf72dbe-ca5e-4767-97a6-b28c928be742.
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This thesis asks how manifestation of religious belief by religious individuals can best be protected in English law. It is particularly concerned with the protection available to religious individuals in the public sphere. This thesis assesses the current state of protection under religious freedom and religious discrimination models, before considering the potential for increasing protection by reconceptualising the right to manifest religious belief as an aspect of freedom of expression. This thesis asks whether the practical and conceptual limitations of a religious freedom model, and Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) in particular, can be overcome by reliance on alternative modes of protection, namely religious discrimination protections in domestic, Convention, and EU law, or through litigating religious manifestation claims as freedom of expression cases under Article 10 of the ECHR. The difficulty of communicating the harm in being denied the ability to manifest religious beliefs publicly is a key limitation of both religious freedom and religious discrimination models. Similarly, this thesis highlights the difficulty in assessing what weight should be attributed to such religious harm within a proportionality exercise balancing the rights of religious individuals with the rights and interests of other parties. The analysis in this thesis draws primarily upon the sources of law which shape domestic English law in this area, namely the ECHR and European Union law. However, this thesis also considers foreign precedent and case law from the United States in particular. This thesis contends that no one model can address the range of cases where manifestation of religious beliefs arise, and that litigants should be able to draw from religious freedom, religious discrimination, and freedom of expression protections depending on the nature of their case.
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Abanazir, Suat Cem. "Freedom of expression and its limits in sport." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667926.
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As a social and economic force, sport is an integral part of globalised society. Sport is organised and followed globally. Therefore, the organisation of sport at the hands of sport governing bodies and the use of the idea of politics-free sport bring about specific concerns for freedom of expression, in that, these bodies tend to restrict expressions that are deemed political. This work aims to provide a coherent framework for a defence of freedom of expression in the context of sport. Pursuing that goal, it analyses the particularities of the sport industry as well as the philosophical foundations for freedom of expression. This work argues that a defence of freedom of expression in a globalised sport industry can be made on moral grounds. It also argues that the idea of politics-free sport and the restrictions for everyone involved are the reflections of the interdependence of the market, the state and the sport industry.<br>Deporte, como una fuerza social y económica es una parte integral de la sociedad globalizada. El deporte está organizado y seguido globalmente. Por este motivo, la organización del deporte por las organizaciones gubernamentales del deporte y el uso de la idea del ‘deporte sin política’, causan preocupaciones específicas relacionadas con la libertad de expresión; en tanto en cuanto estas organizaciones tienen una tendencia de restringir las frases que las asumen políticas. Esta investigación tiene un objetivo de constituir una marca consistente sobre la libertad de expresión en el contexto de deportes. La investigación analiza los soportes filosóficos de libertad de expresión con las particularidades específicas de la industria deportiva cuando intenta a obtener este objetivo. En la investigación se está defendiendo que la libertad de expresión se podrá basar sobre los fundamentos morales ante la industria deportiva globalizada. La investigación también propone que la idea de ‘deporte sin política’ y las restricciones aplicadas para todas las personas son las reflexiones de la interdependencia del mercado, estado y deporte.
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Nkounga, Francois Joseph. "Flag-burning in the USA - freedom of expression ?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39741.
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This study is focused on whether flag-burning in the USA is protected by the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution or not? The background of the study is the 1984 Dallas flag-burning. The theoretical framework consists of the Liberty theory with Freedom of Expression and the Harm Principle as main concepts. Methodologically, a theory-consuming case study has been used with a qualitative approach to understand the trials of Johnson versus Texas. The purpose is to gain better understanding of the 1984 Dallas flag-burning. The main findings of the thesis show that despite the government’s pressure and the public opinion, the U.S. Supreme Court followed the Law in lieu of feelings by arguing that flag-burning is protected by the First Amendment. Furthermore, this thesis also reveals the ambiguity of Freedom of Expression. On the one hand, its only limit is actually the harm that it can cause to others and on the other hand Freedom of Expression would be useless if it has no ability to cause harm. A debate of Freedom of Expression may arise when individuals consider that harm has been done to them and need recognition for this harm with evidence of existence of the violence and its amplitude.The main questions may be what are the legitimate and the illegitimate harms.
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Fakhrtdinov, Renat. "Freedom of Expression Online : Ban of Political Expression on the Internet in Russia." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-161971.
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Gunes, Sema. "The importance of Turkishness and its affects on the Freedom of Expression : EU, Freedom of Expression, TPC 301, and the Armenian issue." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-12680.
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Botha, Joanna Catherine. "Hate speech as a limitation to freedom of expression." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/9054.
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Hate speech in South Africa creates a tension between the right to freedom of expression and the rights to human dignity and equality. The challenge is to achieve a balance between these competing rights in the context of the divisive past and the transformative constitutional ideal, in which reconciliation and respect for group difference are promoted. Freedom of expression, an individual right, must be construed in light of its underlying values, but regard must also be given to communitarian interests. The constitutional standard draws the initial line. The advocacy of hatred on four grounds and which constitutes incitement to cause harm is not constitutionally protected speech. Such speech undermines nation building, causes acrimony, and is not tolerated in the egalitarian society envisaged by the Constitution. The thesis formulates a principled legislative hate speech framework for South Africa at both human rights and criminal levels within the parameters of the constitutional mandate, as guided by the standard for hate speech restrictions in international law, and the Canadian regulatory model. An essential premise is that regulation requires a multi-faceted balancing enquiry. A holistic approach is proposed where factors such as respect for the dignity of the victims, autonomy for speakers, listeners and the wider community; the causal link between hate speech and hatred in a community; and the desire to achieve a diverse and harmonious society; amongst others, are considered. Failure to regulate hate speech constructively endorses hatemongers and promotes damaging speech at the expense of vulnerable groups. Regulation ensures that law sets the normative benchmark, affirms the protection of vulnerable groups within the social fabric and upholds social cohesion, inclusiveness and the equal citizenship of all individuals in society. The thesis contains a proposal for the enactment of legislation creating a self-standing hate speech crime for the advocacy of extreme hatred, shaped in accordance with international requirements and comparative foreign law, and structured in light of the distinction between hate crime and hate speech. The existing legal framework is unable to provide consistent and fitting redress for the severe harm caused by such speech, namely the fostering of an environment in which the stigmatisation of groups is promoted, their exclusion from society justified and intervention is needed to remedy the escalated levels of hatred and violence between different groups in society. PEPUDA, a remedial statute aimed at promoting transformation and substantive equality, is valuable, but its speech prohibitions are broad and imprecise. Consequently, their effectiveness is compromised and their constitutionality questioned. The thesis proposes recommendations for amendments to sections 7(a), 10(1) and 12 of PEPUDA. The aim is to ensure compliance with the international standard and to foster the optimal regulation of hate speech and other forms of damaging speech, including derogatory racial epithets, which undermine human dignity and equality and threaten national unity. It is intended for the two systems to complement one another and to create a legal framework aimed at addressing hate speech constructively and in context, promoting tolerance, respect for difference, reconciliation and transformation.
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Loverdou, Athina Fotini. "Copyright and freedom of expression : revising the Berne Convention." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2007. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1539.
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Commentators' views on the relationship between copyright law and the human right of freedom of expression are currently diverse. The root of the problem lies in the difficulty in balancing authors' rights with human rights in general and the right of freedom of expression in particular. The thesis aims to illustrate that copyright is challenging the effective recognition of the principles of human rights, in particular the individual's right of freedom of expression. This proposition is submitted through an analysis, carried out at the international, regional and national levels, of copyright and author's right laws in relation to the right of freedom of expression. At the three levels, the author's basic moral and economic rights are juxtaposed against another party's right of freedom of expression, indicating conflicts, current and potential, between the two sets of rights. Present limitations and exceptions to copyright law are examined in detail in order to determine whether, and if so to what extent, they effectively safeguard another party's right to freedom of expression vis-à-vis the author's rights. The fair use and fair dealing defences, the public interest aspect, the non-protection of ideas and the term of copyright protection are critically analysed to help unmask legal gaps and inconsistencies in this area under various international, regional and national laws. The thesis proposes that the Berne Convention (1971), generally regarded as the primary international copyright instrument, should be revised in order to alleviate the identified legal inconsistencies and conflicts between the two rights. On the basis that all human beings are entitled to human rights, the proposed revisions introduce firstly, the principle of non-discrimination, so that all authors are protected under the Convention, and secondly, the recognition in the Convention of the human right of freedom of expression, by providing that such right is taken into account in any proceedings concerning the application of the rights granted by the Convention.
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Jurgens, Hishaam. "Investigating the conflict between freedom of religion and Freedom of expression under the South African constitution." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4099.
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Magister Legum - LLM<br>This mini-thesis is based on the presumption that the Danish cartoons and the anti-Muslim clip
posted on YouTube as forms of expression, ridiculed the religious beliefs and practices of
Muslims which in turn affected the exercise of religious freedom as it violated the dignity of the
bearers of the right to freedom of religion and therefore a conflict between the right to freedom of
religion and freedom of expression exists.
The above incidence of conflict between the right to
freedom of religion and freedom of expression involves infringing the freedom of religion of the
Islamic community.
Blasphemy in Islam is speech that is insulting to God, but during the
course of Muslim history it has become increasingly linked with insult to the Prophet
Muhammad.
In Islam the depiction of the Prophet Muhammad in any way is strictly forbidden
and is considered blasphemous.
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Van, Vollenhoven Willem Johannes. "Learners’ understanding of their right to freedom of expression in South Africa." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25528.
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Newspapers often report on the violation of learners’ rights. Many of these violations and critical incidents are related to the right to freedom of expression, which is internationally viewed as a core right in a democracy. My inquiry focused on grade 11 learners’ understanding of the right to freedom of expression. It is important to understand learners’ understanding of the right to freedom of expression, as they are the leaders of tomorrow and the right to freedom of expression is central to the survival of democracy. This inquiry was informed by an interpretivist paradigm. Atlas.ti™ was used to systematically analyse the data and categorise it into three hermeneutic units. This computer-aided qualitative data analysis software (CAQDAS) tool facilitated the process of analysis and enhanced the validity of the research. During the inductive process of analysis two patterns crystallised, viz. the absolutising of the right to freedom of expression by some learners and the lack of skills to implement the limitation to the right to freedom of expression in schools. The main findings indicated that some learners did not have knowledge regarding the right to freedom of expression, although most learners were aware that they could speak their minds under this right. Furthermore, learners didn’t seem to know how to exercise the right to freedom of expression. One of the factors disrupting the implementation of the right to freedom of expression in schools is the perpetuation of an authoritarian culture in schools. Theoretical and practical recommendations are suggested and avenues for future research are identified.<br>Thesis (PhD (Education Management))--University of Pretoria, 2007.<br>Education Management and Policy Studies<br>unrestricted
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Byrne, John Alexander (Alex). "The politics of promoting freedom of information and expression in international librarianship." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/555.
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In 1997 the International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) initiated a project to promote and defend the right to information. This decision to engage proactively with human rights was a radical expansion of the profession's self-conception. Applying an action research methodology, this study traces the development and implementation of the Free Access to Information and Freedom of Expression (FAIFE) initiative. It traces the origins of the decision, and assesses the outcomes of its first five years as it developed from a project into a continuing and central program of the Federation. Both the internal effects on IFLA and the consequences of the project for the profession of librarianship are explored. The thesis locates the key decision in the history of librarianship, its growth as a profession paralleling the development of libraries as institutions. In turn, the decision is also located in IFLA's own history, and the way it survived and worked to advance the ideas and tools of librarianship amid difficult and changing international environments. The politics of professionalism is at the core of the study. The disturbing innovation which FAIFE represented took IFLA outside its traditional focus on the status and techniques of the profession, postulating a new role for the Federation. By investing librarianship with a higher responsibility, it has gone further than the now widely accepted expectation that professionals will place community interests before organisational and personal interests at all times. The responsibility to promote the fundamental human right to information has been embraced as the key principle underlying and informing library and information service, the touchstone for evaluating professional priorities. This locates the primary purpose of the profession outside the profession's institutional base in a supranational, absolute and almost universally recognised social goal. Adopting these aspirations and this role carried many dangers for IFLA. It would inevitably seem a deviation into politics by some. It heightened the risks of both internal dissent and external criticism. It challenged the habitus of disinterested professionalism by invoking a more interventionist social responsibility for IFLA, its constituent library associations and the broader profession. It drew on evolving and contested understandings of professional responsibilities in a complex global environment and has redrawn the accepted boundaries of professional discourse in librarianship. At least so far, the consequences have been beneficial for IFLA, reinforcing its jurisdiction and strengthening the Federation. As an international federation of professional associations, IFLA faces particular challenges in working across diverse national traditions, ideologies and cultures. Its existence and effectiveness rest primarily on internal cohesiveness. Its capacity to develop the FAIFE initiative into a program without schism, and indeed with growing support, has strengthened rather than weakened its organisational capacities. Through that process IFLA has reinvented itself, to a considerable degree, as a form of transnational social movement organisation. It has developed strong relationships with other civil society organisations while maintaining its position as a respected international professional body. It has strengthened its position by becoming a vigorous advocate for the right to information, thereby becoming an actor in the growing international concern with human rights. This study of a decisive period in IFLA's history offers a rare example of an international professional association in transition. In examining this project to promote unrestricted access to information as the reciprocal right of freedom of expression, the research is a case study of the politics of an expanding sense of professionalism. IFLA's experience is pertinent to a range of other organisations, and is itself part of the realignment of international political discourse in response to the growing influence of international organisations and the priority of human rights in international political agendas.
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Byrne, John Alexander (Alex). "The politics of promoting freedom of information and expression in international librarianship." University of Sydney. Government and International Relations, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/555.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In 1997 the International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) initiated a project to promote and defend the right to information. This decision to engage proactively with human rights was a radical expansion of the profession�s self-conception. Applying an action research methodology, this study traces the development and implementation of the Free Access to Information and Freedom of Expression (FAIFE) initiative. It traces the origins of the decision, and assesses the outcomes of its first five years as it developed from a project into a continuing and central program of the Federation. Both the internal effects on IFLA and the consequences of the project for the profession of librarianship are explored. The thesis locates the key decision in the history of librarianship, its growth as a profession paralleling the development of libraries as institutions. In turn, the decision is also located in IFLA�s own history, and the way it survived and worked to advance the ideas and tools of librarianship amid difficult and changing international environments. The politics of professionalism is at the core of the study. The disturbing innovation which FAIFE represented took IFLA outside its traditional focus on the status and techniques of the profession, postulating a new role for the Federation. By investing librarianship with a higher responsibility, it has gone further than the now widely accepted expectation that professionals will place community interests before organisational and personal interests at all times. The responsibility to promote the fundamental human right to information has been embraced as the key principle underlying and informing library and information service, the touchstone for evaluating professional priorities. This locates the primary purpose of the profession outside the profession�s institutional base in a supranational, absolute and almost universally recognised social goal. Adopting these aspirations and this role carried many dangers for IFLA. It would inevitably seem a deviation into politics by some. It heightened the risks of both internal dissent and external criticism. It challenged the habitus of disinterested professionalism by invoking a more interventionist social responsibility for IFLA, its constituent library associations and the broader profession. It drew on evolving and contested understandings of professional responsibilities in a complex global environment and has redrawn the accepted boundaries of professional discourse in librarianship. At least so far, the consequences have been beneficial for IFLA, reinforcing its jurisdiction and strengthening the Federation. As an international federation of professional associations, IFLA faces particular challenges in working across diverse national traditions, ideologies and cultures. Its existence and effectiveness rest primarily on internal cohesiveness. Its capacity to develop the FAIFE initiative into a program without schism, and indeed with growing support, has strengthened rather than weakened its organisational capacities. Through that process IFLA has reinvented itself, to a considerable degree, as a form of transnational social movement organisation. It has developed strong relationships with other civil society organisations while maintaining its position as a respected international professional body. It has strengthened its position by becoming a vigorous advocate for the right to information, thereby becoming an actor in the growing international concern with human rights. This study of a decisive period in IFLA�s history offers a rare example of an international professional association in transition. In examining this project to promote unrestricted access to information as the reciprocal right of freedom of expression, the research is a case study of the politics of an expanding sense of professionalism. IFLA�s experience is pertinent to a range of other organisations, and is itself part of the realignment of international political discourse in response to the growing influence of international organisations and the priority of human rights in international political agendas.
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Guy, Robert L. Holsinger M. Paul. "Religious expression in public education." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p3006619.
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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 2001.<br>Title from title page screen, viewed April 25, 2006. Dissertation Committee: M. Paul Holsinger (chair), Moody Simms, John Freed. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 161-167) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Case, Erik S. "State Level Causes of Terrorism: Limits on Political Expression." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12092/.
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Expanding on prior research into the state level causes of terrorism, I argue that state repression and limited state capacity reduces opportunities for non-violent political expression and increases the utility of terrorism. I also argue that economic freedom can is a form of political expression that can dissipate political grievances. While previous authors analyzed some of these variables separately using data on transnational attacks, I created a complete model incorporating the three categories of variables and tested my hypotheses using data that includes both domestic and transnational attacks. I use regression analysis for hypothesis testing and find support for the three primary contentions of this thesis and conclude that limits on political expression increase the likelihood nations will experienced increased levels of terrorism.
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Tsiga, I. A. "To tell freedom : A study of black South African autobiography." Thesis, University of Essex, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377927.
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Kanakanian, Arminé. "The situation of freedom of expression - Turkey and the European Union." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Behavioural, Social and Legal Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2300.
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<p>Abstract</p><p>This study will shed light on the meaning of article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code and its</p><p>inconformity with fundamental principles of the European Union and fundamental human</p><p>rights. The trial of Nobel Prize winner, Mr Orhan Pamuk and the killing of Mr Hrant Dink in</p><p>January 2007 have both put focus on the notorious article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code.</p><p>The purpose of the study is to answer the main question; In what way does article 301 of the</p><p>Turkish Penal Code infringe the freedom of expression outlined in article 10 of the European</p><p>Convention on Human Rights and what should the European Union do about it?</p><p>The conclusion is that article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code infringes the right to freedom of</p><p>expression stated in article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It does</p><p>undermine the essence of the right by invoking a wide range of self-censorship, by its</p><p>ambiguous language and by the way it is applied. The restrictions are interpreted broadly and</p><p>leave nothing but an arbitrary article left to apply for the courts. The European Union holds</p><p>the power to influence Turkey and can therefore enforce an abolition of article 301 of the</p><p>Turkish Penal Code. Time will tell if Turkey will fully safeguard freedom of expression as it</p><p>is stated in article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights and in the praxis of the</p><p>European Court of Human rights and the European Court of Justice.</p>
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Loaiza, Tapia José Sebastián, Falcon Diana Vanessa Ocampo, and Castillo Alfredo Junior Torres. "Freedom of expression on everyone's lips Interview with Dr. Betzabé Marciani." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118623.
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The present interview seeks for giving answers to some questions referred to the freedom of speech and some of the emerging challenges of these days. The interviewed give us her informed opinion referred to the reach, the limits and the content for freedom of speech in some particular situations where this freedom is put into challenge, mainly in context of demand of tolerance and cultural diversity.<br>La presente entrevista busca dar respuesta a algunas interrogantes referidas a la libertad de expresión y los desafíos que se le presentan en la actualidad. La entrevistada nos da su autorizada opinión referida a los alcances, los límites y el contenido del derecho a la libertad de expresión en situaciones particulares donde dicho derecho se ve puesto a prueba, principalmente en un contexto de exigencia de tolerancia y respeto a la diversidad cultural.
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Maganyane, Tumelo Arnols. "Promoting learners’ right to freedom of religious expression in public schools." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/80460.
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The dispute over the place, accommodation and tolerance of religion and religious expression in South African public schools, as well as globally, has been vehement. This is, to some extent, because public schools reflect the multicultural and religious societies in which they are found. In addition to their diverse backgrounds, public schools in South Africa and elsewhere are dominated by Christianity, with most people claiming allegiance to it and, sometimes, discriminating against the other minority religions. This has led to governments developing a plethora of legislation, policies and regulations to redress the dominance, unequal treatment and discrimination of the dominant religion. This study was undertaken to answer the question: “How do public schools promote the learners’ right to freedom of religious expression?”
This interpretive multisite case study explored the experiences of the SGB chairpersons, principals, Life Orientation educators and learners at three public secondary schools in the Bohlabela District of the Mpumalanga province of South Africa. The research used interviews, document analysis and observations to elicit the participants’ views and understandings of how their various schools’ religious observance policies promoted the learners’ right to freedom of religious expression. The findings revealed that most schools have not changed the way they conduct religious observances since the promulgation of the National Policy on Religion and Education of 2003. Moreover, learners still experience religious intolerance and religious discrimination because schools promote single-faith religious observances.<br>Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria 2021.<br>pt2021<br>Education Management and Policy Studies<br>MEd<br>Unrestricted
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Turrina, Michela <1991>. "the human right to freedom of expression in the contemporary world." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/8056.
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Durante la sua storia, l’essere umano ha sentito la necessità di dare un valore ai suoi
bisogni, codificandoli in diritti, divenuti poi diritti umani fondamentali. Nel XXI secolo, tali diritti
vengono disapplicati, in virtù di limiti e restrizioni necessarie. Lo scopo di questa analisi è capire
come, attraverso il diritto umano alla libertà di espressione, diritti e restrizioni si siano sviluppati insieme e come sono stati disciplinati. Gli argomenti verranno sviluppati nel seguente modo: inizialmente sarà fornita un’introduzione storica sullo sviluppo dei diritti umani. In seguito, un’analisi della libertà di espressione dal punto di vista dei limiti postile e per concludere ci si focalizzerà sul bilanciamento che le corti internazionali stabiliscono tra libertà e restrizioni.