Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Historiographie – 20e siècle – Russie”

Sur la base de matériaux de première main, entretiens avec des experts et archives personnelles sur l’enseignement universitaire, cet article retrace l’évolution de la réception de Hegel au Québec. L’article se divise en deux parties : la première cherche, dans l’enseignement de la philosophie, du tournant du 20e siècle aux années 1960, à dégager les traces de la réception de la pensée hégélienne ; la seconde évalue la présence du philosophe dans la recherche depuis cette époque jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Nous portons d’abord notre regard sur l’enseignement de la philosophie. C’est à travers des sources mineures, en marge des manuels autorisés, que nous trouvons une vie intellectuelle qui évolue malgré l’orthodoxie dominante de la pensée thomiste. L’étude de la réception de Hegel permet alors de s’interroger sur une historiographie qui tend à hypostasier la puissance tutélaire de la scolastique sur l’enseignement. La réorganisation de l’enseignement qui suit la constitution apostolique de 1931, le boum d’après-guerre et la massification de l’éducation accompagnant les nombreuses réformes des années 1960 transforment l’espace universitaire. Parmi les utilisations contemporaines, nous portons notre regard sur deux figures intellectuelles s’étant approprié le philosophe : George Di Giovanni et Michel Freitag.

Les relations russo-hollandaises L’auteur, professeur à l’Académie Ecclésiastique de Léningrad, décrit dans eet article l’histoire des relations entre la Russie et la Hollande depuis Ie 16e siècle jusqu’au début du 20e siècle. Il traite surtout des contacts entre les protestants hollandais et les orthodoxes russes . Après leur voyage par Ie grand Nord les commerçants et les délégués officiels débarquèrent du cöté de l’actuel Mourmansk et les premiers voyageurs passaient l’hiver au couvent de Petchengski. De là ils rejoignirent Moscou. Il nous reste des notices et des rapports de ces voyages. L’auteur s’intéresse surtout aux renseignements sur la vie religieuse observée par les voyageurs dans les couvents et les paroisses ou ils s ‘arrêtaient et il cite plusieurs passages: la visite chez Ie patriarche au Kremlin et à la Nouvelle Jérusalem ou Nicon s’était retiré après sa disgräce; des cérémonies publiques comme la bénédiction solennelle des eaux Ie jour de l’Epiphanie et „l’entrée à Jérusalem” par Ie patriarche assis sur un cheval que Ie tsar mêne par la bride Ie dimanche des Rameaux. A partir du 17e siècle des délégations russes se rendirent en Hollande, comme celle de Pierre Ie Grand qui entrait en contact avec les protestants. Il est question de l’église orthodoxe construite à la Haye pour Anne Pavlona, soeur d’Alexandre I et épouse du (futur) roi Guillaume de Hollande, et aussi du baptème administré par un pasteur protestant au fils de l’ambassadeur D. van Hogendorp en présence du tsar qui a bien voulu être Ie parrain du nouveau-né et lui donner Ie nom d’Alexandre. Après son séjour à Paris Ie tsar Alexandre s’est ren du en Hollande ou il assista à la Cène dans une église des Frères Moraves. Depuis la dernière guerre mondiale l’Eglise orthodoxe russe et les chrétiens de Hollande ont renoué les contacts qui s’annoncent fructueux.

IntroductionFirmly located within the discourse of visible culture as the lofty preserve of art exhibitions and museum artefacts, the noun “curate” has gradually transformed into the verb “to curate”. Williams writes that “curate” has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded to describe a creative activity. Designers no longer simply sell clothes; they “curate” merchandise. Chefs no longer only make food; they also “curate” meals. Chosen for their keen eye for a particular style or a precise shade, it is their knowledge of their craft, their reputation, and their sheer ability to choose among countless objects which make the creative process a creative activity in itself. Writing from within the framework of “curate” as a creative process, this article discusses how the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, hosted by Irish President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in May 2011, was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity. The paper will focus in particular on how the menu for the banquet was created and how the banquet’s brief, “Ireland on a Plate”, was fulfilled.History and BackgroundFood has been used by nations for centuries to display wealth, cement alliances, and impress foreign visitors. Since the feasts of the Numidian kings (circa 340 BC), culinary staging and presentation has belonged to “a long, multifaceted and multicultural history of diplomatic practices” (IEHCA 5). According to the works of Baughman, Young, and Albala, food has defined the social, cultural, and political position of a nation’s leaders throughout history.In early 2011, Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant in Dublin, was asked by the Irish Food Board, Bord Bía, if he would be available to create a menu for a high-profile banquet (Mahon 112). The name of the guest of honour was divulged several weeks later after vetting by the protocol and security divisions of the Department of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Lewis was informed that the menu was for the state banquet to be hosted by President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to Ireland the following May.Hosting a formal banquet for a visiting head of state is a key feature in the statecraft of international and diplomatic relations. Food is the societal common denominator that links all human beings, regardless of culture (Pliner and Rozin 19). When world leaders publicly share a meal, that meal is laden with symbolism, illuminating each diner’s position “in social networks and social systems” (Sobal, Bove, and Rauschenbach 378). The public nature of the meal signifies status and symbolic kinship and that “guest and host are on par in terms of their personal or official attributes” (Morgan 149). While the field of academic scholarship on diplomatic dining might be young, there is little doubt of the value ascribed to the semiotics of diplomatic gastronomy in modern power structures (Morgan 150; De Vooght and Scholliers 12; Chapple-Sokol 162), for, as Firth explains, symbols are malleable and perfectly suited to exploitation by all parties (427).Political DiplomacyWhen Ireland gained independence in December 1921, it marked the end of eight centuries of British rule. The outbreak of “The Troubles” in 1969 in Northern Ireland upset the gradually improving environment of British–Irish relations, and it would be some time before a state visit became a possibility. Beginning with the peace process in the 1990s, the IRA ceasefire of 1994, and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a state visit was firmly set in motion by the visit of Irish President Mary Robinson to Buckingham Palace in 1993, followed by the unofficial visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland in 1995, and the visit of Irish President Mary McAleese to Buckingham Palace in 1999. An official invitation to Queen Elizabeth from President Mary McAleese in March 2011 was accepted, and the visit was scheduled for mid-May of the same year.The visit was a highly performative occasion, orchestrated and ordained in great detail, displaying all the necessary protocol associated with the state visit of one head of state to another: inspection of the military, a courtesy visit to the nation’s head of state on arrival, the laying of a wreath at the nation’s war memorial, and a state banquet.These aspects of protocol between Britain and Ireland were particularly symbolic. By inspecting the military on arrival, the existence of which is a key indicator of independence, Queen Elizabeth effectively demonstrated her recognition of Ireland’s national sovereignty. On making the customary courtesy call to the head of state, the Queen was received by President McAleese at her official residence Áras an Uachtaráin (The President’s House), which had formerly been the residence of the British monarch’s representative in Ireland (Robbins 66). The state banquet was held in Dublin Castle, once the headquarters of British rule where the Viceroy, the representative of Britain’s Court of St James, had maintained court (McDowell 1).Cultural DiplomacyThe state banquet provided an exceptional showcase of Irish culture and design and generated a level of preparation previously unseen among Dublin Castle staff, who described it as “the most stage managed state event” they had ever witnessed (Mahon 129).The castle was cleaned from top to bottom, and inventories were taken of the furniture and fittings. The Waterford Crystal chandeliers were painstakingly taken down, cleaned, and reassembled; the Killybegs carpets and rugs of Irish lamb’s wool were cleaned and repaired. A special edition Newbridge Silverware pen was commissioned for Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip to sign the newly ordered Irish leather-bound visitors’ book. A new set of state tableware was ordered for the President’s table. Irish manufacturers of household goods necessary for the guest rooms, such as towels and soaps, hand creams and body lotions, candle holders and scent diffusers, were sought. Members of Her Majesty’s staff conducted a “walk-through” several weeks in advance of the visit to ensure that the Queen’s wardrobe would not clash with the surroundings (Mahon 129–32).The promotion of Irish manufacture is a constant thread throughout history. Irish linen, writes Kane, enjoyed a reputation as far afield as the Netherlands and Italy in the 15th century, and archival documents from the Vaucluse attest to the purchase of Irish cloth in Avignon in 1432 (249–50). Support for Irish-made goods was raised in 1720 by Jonathan Swift, and by the 18th century, writes Foster, Dublin had become an important centre for luxury goods (44–51).It has been Irish government policy since the late 1940s to use Irish-manufactured goods for state entertaining, so the material culture of the banquet was distinctly Irish: Arklow Pottery plates, Newbridge Silverware cutlery, Waterford Crystal glassware, and Irish linen tablecloths. In order to decide upon the table setting for the banquet, four tables were laid in the King’s Bedroom in Dublin Castle. The Executive Chef responsible for the banquet menu, and certain key personnel, helped determine which setting would facilitate serving the food within the time schedule allowed (Mahon 128–29). The style of service would be service à la russe, so widespread in restaurants today as to seem unremarkable. Each plate is prepared in the kitchen by the chef and then served to each individual guest at table. In the mid-19th century, this style of service replaced service à la française, in which guests typically entered the dining room after the first course had been laid on the table and selected food from the choice of dishes displayed around them (Kaufman 126).The guest list was compiled by government and embassy officials on both sides and was a roll call of Irish and British life. At the President’s table, 10 guests would be served by a team of 10 staff in Dorchester livery. The remaining tables would each seat 12 guests, served by 12 liveried staff. The staff practiced for several days prior to the banquet to make sure that service would proceed smoothly within the time frame allowed. The team of waiters, each carrying a plate, would emerge from the kitchen in single file. They would then take up positions around the table, each waiter standing to the left of the guest they would serve. On receipt of a discreet signal, each plate would be laid in front of each guest at precisely the same moment, after which the waiters would then about foot and return to the kitchen in single file (Mahon 130).Post-prandial entertainment featured distinctive styles of performance and instruments associated with Irish traditional music. These included reels, hornpipes, and slipjigs, voice and harp, sean-nόs (old style) singing, and performances by established Irish artists on the fiddle, bouzouki, flute, and uilleann pipes (Office of Public Works).Culinary Diplomacy: Ireland on a PlateLewis was given the following brief: the menu had to be Irish, the main course must be beef, and the meal should represent the very best of Irish ingredients. There were no restrictions on menu design. There were no dietary requirements or specific requests from the Queen’s representatives, although Lewis was informed that shellfish is excluded de facto from Irish state banquets as a precautionary measure. The meal was to be four courses long and had to be served to 170 diners within exactly 1 hour and 10 minutes (Mahon 112). A small army of 16 chefs and 4 kitchen porters would prepare the food in the kitchen of Dublin Castle under tight security. The dishes would be served on state tableware by 40 waiters, 6 restaurant managers, a banqueting manager and a sommélier. Lewis would be at the helm of the operation as Executive Chef (Mahon 112–13).Lewis started by drawing up “a patchwork quilt” of the products he most wanted to use and built the menu around it. The choice of suppliers was based on experience but also on a supplier’s ability to deliver perfectly ripe goods in mid-May, a typically black spot in the Irish fruit and vegetable growing calendar as it sits between the end of one season and the beginning of another. Lewis consulted the Queen’s itinerary and the menus to be served so as to avoid repetitions. He had to discard his initial plan to feature lobster in the starter and rhubarb in the dessert—the former for the precautionary reasons mentioned above, and the latter because it featured on the Queen’s lunch menu on the day of the banquet (Mahon 112–13).Once the ingredients had been selected, the menu design focused on creating tastes, flavours and textures. Several draft menus were drawn up and myriad dishes were tasted and discussed in the kitchen of Lewis’s own restaurant. Various wines were paired and tasted with the different courses, the final choice being a Château Lynch-Bages 1998 red and a Château de Fieuzal 2005 white, both from French Bordeaux estates with an Irish connection (Kellaghan 3). Two months and two menu sittings later, the final menu was confirmed and signed off by state and embassy officials (Mahon 112–16).The StarterThe banquet’s starter featured organic Clare Island salmon cured in a sweet brine, laid on top of a salmon cream combining wild smoked salmon from the Burren and Cork’s Glenilen Farm crème fraîche, set over a lemon balm jelly from the Tannery Cookery School Gardens, Waterford. Garnished with horseradish cream, wild watercress, and chive flowers from Wicklow, the dish was finished with rapeseed oil from Kilkenny and a little sea salt from West Cork (Mahon 114). Main CourseA main course of Irish beef featured as the pièce de résistance of the menu. A rib of beef from Wexford’s Slaney Valley was provided by Kettyle Irish Foods in Fermanagh and served with ox cheek and tongue from Rathcoole, County Dublin. From along the eastern coastline came the ingredients for the traditional Irish dish of smoked champ: cabbage from Wicklow combined with potatoes and spring onions grown in Dublin. The new season’s broad beans and carrots were served with wild garlic leaf, which adorned the dish (Mahon 113). Cheese CourseThe cheese course was made up of Knockdrinna, a Tomme style goat’s milk cheese from Kilkenny; Milleens, a Munster style cow’s milk cheese produced in Cork; Cashel Blue, a cow’s milk blue cheese from Tipperary; and Glebe Brethan, a Comté style cheese from raw cow’s milk from Louth. Ditty’s Oatmeal Biscuits from Belfast accompanied the course.DessertLewis chose to feature Irish strawberries in the dessert. Pat Clarke guaranteed delivery of ripe strawberries on the day of the banquet. They married perfectly with cream and yoghurt from Glenilen Farm in Cork. The cream was set with Irish Carrageen moss, overlaid with strawberry jelly and sauce, and garnished with meringues made with Irish apple balsamic vinegar from Lusk in North Dublin, yoghurt mousse, and Irish soda bread tuiles made with wholemeal flour from the Mosse family mill in Kilkenny (Mahon 113).The following day, President McAleese telephoned Lewis, saying of the banquet “Ní hé go raibh sé go maith, ach go raibh sé míle uair níos fearr ná sin” (“It’s not that it was good but that it was a thousand times better”). The President observed that the menu was not only delicious but that it was “amazingly articulate in terms of the story that it told about Ireland and Irish food.” The Queen had particularly enjoyed the stuffed cabbage leaf of tongue, cheek and smoked colcannon (a traditional Irish dish of mashed potatoes with curly kale or green cabbage) and had noted the diverse selection of Irish ingredients from Irish artisans (Mahon 116). Irish CuisineWhen the topic of food is explored in Irish historiography, the focus tends to be on the consequences of the Great Famine (1845–49) which left the country “socially and emotionally scarred for well over a century” (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher 161). Some commentators consider the term “Irish cuisine” oxymoronic, according to Mac Con Iomaire and Maher (3). As Goldstein observes, Ireland has suffered twice—once from its food deprivation and second because these deprivations present an obstacle for the exploration of Irish foodways (xii). Writing about Italian, Irish, and Jewish migration to America, Diner states that the Irish did not have a food culture to speak of and that Irish writers “rarely included the details of food in describing daily life” (85). Mac Con Iomaire and Maher note that Diner’s methodology overlooks a centuries-long tradition of hospitality in Ireland such as that described by Simms (68) and shows an unfamiliarity with the wealth of food related sources in the Irish language, as highlighted by Mac Con Iomaire (“Exploring” 1–23).Recent scholarship on Ireland’s culinary past is unearthing a fascinating story of a much more nuanced culinary heritage than has been previously understood. This is clearly demonstrated in the research of Cullen, Cashman, Deleuze, Kellaghan, Kelly, Kennedy, Legg, Mac Con Iomaire, Mahon, O’Sullivan, Richman Kenneally, Sexton, and Stanley, Danaher, and Eogan.In 1996 Ireland was described by McKenna as having the most dynamic cuisine in any European country, a place where in the last decade “a vibrant almost unlikely style of cooking has emerged” (qtd. in Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 136). By 2014, there were nine restaurants in Dublin which had been awarded Michelin stars or Red Ms (Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 137). Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant, who would be chosen to create the menu for the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, has maintained a Michelin star since 2008 (Mac Con Iomaire, “Jammet’s” 138). Most recently the current strength of Irish gastronomy is globally apparent in Mark Moriarty’s award as San Pellegrino Young Chef 2015 (McQuillan). As Deleuze succinctly states: “Ireland has gone mad about food” (143).This article is part of a research project into Irish diplomatic dining, and the author is part of a research cluster into Ireland’s culinary heritage within the Dublin Institute of Technology. The aim of the research is to add to the growing body of scholarship on Irish gastronomic history and, ultimately, to contribute to the discourse on the existence of a national cuisine. If, as Zubaida says, “a nation’s cuisine is its court’s cuisine,” then it is time for Ireland to “research the feasts as well as the famines” (Mac Con Iomaire and Cashman 97).ConclusionThe Irish state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011 was a highly orchestrated and formalised process. From the menu, material culture, entertainment, and level of consultation in the creative content, it is evident that the banquet was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity.The effects of the visit appear to have been felt in the years which have followed. Hennessy wrote in the Irish Times newspaper that Queen Elizabeth is privately said to regard her visit to Ireland as the most significant of the trips she has made during her 60-year reign. British Prime Minister David Cameron is noted to mention the visit before every Irish audience he encounters, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague has spoken in particular of the impact the state banquet in Dublin Castle made upon him. Hennessy points out that one of the most significant indicators of the peaceful relationship which exists between the two countries nowadays was the subsequent state visit by Irish President Michael D. Higgins to Britain in 2013. This was the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a President of Ireland and would have been unimaginable 25 years ago. The fact that the President and his wife stayed at Windsor Castle and that the attendant state banquet was held there instead of Buckingham Palace were both deemed to be marks of special favour and directly attributed to the success of Her Majesty’s 2011 visit to Ireland.As the research demonstrates, eating together unites rather than separates, gathers rather than divides, diffuses political tensions, and confirms alliances. It might be said then that the 2011 state banquet hosted by President Mary McAleese in honour of Queen Elizabeth II, curated by Ross Lewis, gives particular meaning to the axiom “to eat together is to eat in peace” (Taliano des Garets 160).AcknowledgementsSupervisors: Dr Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire (Dublin Institute of Technology) and Dr Michael Kennedy (Royal Irish Academy)Fáilte IrelandPhotos of the banquet dishes supplied and permission to reproduce them for this article kindly granted by Ross Lewis, Chef Patron, Chapter One Restaurant ‹http://www.chapteronerestaurant.com/›.Illustration ‘Ireland on a Plate’ © Jesse Campbell BrownRemerciementsThe author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article.ReferencesAlbala, Ken. The Banquet: Dining in the Great Courts of Late Renaissance Europe. 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La personnalité de l’empereur, le bilan de son règne ont suscité toujours de nombreuses discussions tant en France qu’à l’étranger et la Russie n’a pas fait exception. Le corpus poétique et historique consacré à Napoléon a retenu mon attention car je me suis demandé quelles ont été les causes de la naissance du mythe napoléonien en Russie et comment sa perception a évolué au fil du temps. En analysant les ouvrages écrits par les historiens russes entre la chute de Napoléon et le début du XXe siècle et les œuvres littéraires des écrivains de cette période, on voit les changements dans l’image de l’empereur. La légende noire était de courte durée et après sa mort Napoléon devint le héros préféré des poètes tandis que les historiens essayèrent d’expliquer les événements ayant eu lieu en Europe au début du siècle. Le transfert des cendres de Napoléon marqua l’apogée de la légende ; en Russie elle commença à s’effacer après la mort de Lermontov et surtout après la parution de Guerre et Paix de Tolstoï. Au début du XXe siècle le mythe napoléonien n’émerveillait plus les poètes russes mais les historiens s’intéressèrent de plus en plus à l’époque impériale, aux relations franco-russes, à la politique intérieure de Napoléon. L’alliance franco-russe et le centenaire de la guerre de 1812 influencèrent positivement les études historiques mais les événements survenus après 1917 ont donné à la légende une autre dimension et d’autres significations
Napoleon’s personality and the results of his reign have always been a source of discussion both in France and elsewhere, nor is Russia an exception to this rule. The corpus of poems and writings on Napoleon attracted my attention: what were the causes of the birth of the Napoleonic myth in Russia, and how did attitudes towards the French emperor change over time? Analysis not only of works by Russian historians written after Napoleon’s death up to the beginning of the 20th century, but also of literary works from the same period, reveals changes in the image of the Emperor. The black legend lasted for only a brief time, and after his death Napoleon became a hero for poets. And historians looked positively on the emperor as they attempted to explain the events that had taken place in Europe at the beginning of the century. The transfer of Napoleon’s mortal remains back to France in 1840 marks the apogee of the golden legend. In Russia, this legend began to wane after the death of Lermontov and especially after the publication of Tolstoy’s War and Peace. At the beginning of the 20th century, whilst the Napoleonic myth no longer excited Russian poets, historians on the other hand grew more and more interested in imperial period, Franco-Russian relations, and Napoleon’s internal policy. The Franco-Russian alliance and the centenary of the Campaign of 1812 influenced historical studies positively, but the events occurring in Russia after 1917 gave the legend another dimension and other meanings

La personnalité de l’empereur, le bilan de son règne ont suscité toujours de nombreuses discussions tant en France qu’à l’étranger et la Russie n’a pas fait exception. Le corpus poétique et historique consacré à Napoléon a retenu mon attention car je me suis demandé quelles ont été les causes de la naissance du mythe napoléonien en Russie et comment sa perception a évolué au fil du temps. En analysant les ouvrages écrits par les historiens russes entre la chute de Napoléon et le début du XXe siècle et les œuvres littéraires des écrivains de cette période, on voit les changements dans l’image de l’empereur. La légende noire était de courte durée et après sa mort Napoléon devint le héros préféré des poètes tandis que les historiens essayèrent d’expliquer les événements ayant eu lieu en Europe au début du siècle. Le transfert des cendres de Napoléon marqua l’apogée de la légende ; en Russie elle commença à s’effacer après la mort de Lermontov et surtout après la parution de Guerre et Paix de Tolstoï. Au début du XXe siècle le mythe napoléonien n’émerveillait plus les poètes russes mais les historiens s’intéressèrent de plus en plus à l’époque impériale, aux relations franco-russes, à la politique intérieure de Napoléon. L’alliance franco-russe et le centenaire de la guerre de 1812 influencèrent positivement les études historiques mais les événements survenus après 1917 ont donné à la légende une autre dimension et d’autres significations
Napoleon’s personality and the results of his reign have always been a source of discussion both in France and elsewhere, nor is Russia an exception to this rule. The corpus of poems and writings on Napoleon attracted my attention: what were the causes of the birth of the Napoleonic myth in Russia, and how did attitudes towards the French emperor change over time? Analysis not only of works by Russian historians written after Napoleon’s death up to the beginning of the 20th century, but also of literary works from the same period, reveals changes in the image of the Emperor. The black legend lasted for only a brief time, and after his death Napoleon became a hero for poets. And historians looked positively on the emperor as they attempted to explain the events that had taken place in Europe at the beginning of the century. The transfer of Napoleon’s mortal remains back to France in 1840 marks the apogee of the golden legend. In Russia, this legend began to wane after the death of Lermontov and especially after the publication of Tolstoy’s War and Peace. At the beginning of the 20th century, whilst the Napoleonic myth no longer excited Russian poets, historians on the other hand grew more and more interested in imperial period, Franco-Russian relations, and Napoleon’s internal policy. The Franco-Russian alliance and the centenary of the Campaign of 1812 influenced historical studies positively, but the events occurring in Russia after 1917 gave the legend another dimension and other meanings

La révolution mémorielle qui a marqué la période de la Glasnost, puis la fin de l’URSS ont mis l’enseignement russe devant l’obligation de revoir le contenu des manuels scolaires d’histoire, ainsi que les modalités de leur fonctionnement. Dans les années 1990, la recherche d’une nouvelle grille de lecture de l’histoire nationale du 20ème siècle, enseignée durant les dernières années du curriculum scolaire russe, se trouvait au cœur des débats sur les manuels d’histoire. Les auteurs de ces derniers, qui agissaient désormais dans le cadre de l’économie du marché, oscillaient entre le rejet de l’héritage du passé et la persistance des représentations et approches soviétiques. Depuis le début des années 2000, de multiples injonctions et discours des présidents de la Fédération de Russie (Vladimir Poutine et Dimitri Medvedev) et de leurs ministres ont démontré la volonté de contrôler le choix et le contenu des manuels. Tout cela laissait soupçonner que les autorités politiques avaient l’intention d’instrumentaliser l’histoire nationale, et plus particulièrement celle du 20ème siècle, dans le but d’assurer leur légitimité. De nombreux changements apparaissant dans les manuels des années 2000 et 2010 (tels que la réévaluation de la figure de Staline, le renforcement de l’image de l’Etat fort, le retour de l’idée de l’hostilité de l’Occident ou encore la justification de la géopolitique russe et soviétique) semblent confirmer l’hypothèse selon laquelle le gouvernement cherche à déculpabiliser l’histoire tout en offrant une légitimité historique à sa politique. Cependant, l’analyse des textes de plus de 70 manuels d’histoire postsoviétiques et du contexte de leur publication nous plonge au cœur d’un processus complexe, impliquant de nombreux acteurs
The revolution in public consciousness that marked the period of Glasnost, and the USSR collapse that followed, compelled Russian Ministry of Education to review the content of history textbooks, as well as the whole process of textbook writing. In the 1990s, the debate on history textbooks focused on the search for a new view of 20th century Russian history taught in the final years of the Russian secondary school curriculum. The textbook authors, now working in the context of the market economy, vacillated between rejection of the legacy of the past and a persistently Soviet point of view. Since the early 2000s, several directives and speeches of Russian presidents Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev and their ministers have demonstrated the government’s willingness to control the available range of history textbooks and their content. The directives and speeches suggest that political authorities intended to exploit national history, particularly that of the 20th century period, in order to assert their legitimacy. In fact, we can observe many changes in textbooks from the 2000s and the 2010s, such as the re-evaluation of the historical figure of Stalin, the strengthening of the image of a strong State, the return of the concept of Western hostility and the justification of Russian and Soviet geopolitics. This seems to confirm the hypothesis that the government seeks to whitewash the national history while providing its policy with historical legitimacy. However, an analysis of the texts of more than 70 post-Soviet history books and the context of their publication reveals a complex process involving many different actors

Ce travail retrace l'histoire du développement de l'art non officiel moscovite depuis la mort de Staline jusqu'à son entrée dans un musée national, la Galerie Tretiakov en l'occurrence. Il tente de définir un fil conducteur entre l'art non officiel des années 60, souvent négligé au profit du conceptualisme de la décennie suivante, l'art officiel déviant (" l'aile gauche" de l'Union des artistes), l'art semi-officiel (l'art cinétique, l'hyperréalisme), et l'art non officiel dans son ensemble. Les différentes grandes tendances de cet art y sont analysées : le néo-modernisme qui se développe parallèlement au dégel khrouchtchévien, le sots-art, le conceptualisme des années 70 et 80, le post-conceptualisme de la période de la perestroîka et enfin le néo-actionnisme qui fait son apparition dans les années 90 ainsi que la photographie qui prend un nouvel essor à la même époque. Ces mouvements sont envisagés à la lumière de leur contexte politique, institutionnel et artistique. Ils sont parallèlement examinés par rapport aux relations qu'ils entretiennent avec l'idéologie soviétique. Enfin, de façon concomittante, ils sont appréhendés d'un point de vue sémiologique, puisque le langage verbal se révèle être au centre de la problèmatique de la représentation picturale soviétique.

La thèse explore l'histoire de la construction d'un mythe national russe, celui de la sobornost'. Notion phare de la pensée russe, celle-ci occupe une place magistrale dans la formation de l'identité nationale depuis son "invention" au sein du mouvement slavophile. Introduit dans le discours théologique, puis philosophique et social, ce terme se transforme en pierre angulaire de la tradition intellectuelle en Russie. Le travail poursuit deux objectifs : établir la généalogie historique du concept et démontrer les mécanismes mythologiques qui présidaient à son élaboration par des figures principales de l'histoire des idées russes (Khomiakov, S. Troubetskoï, Berdiaev, Boulgakov, Franck)
The thesis examines the history of the construction of a national russian myth. Sobornost' remains a key-notion of the russian thought. Since it's invention by the Slavophile movement it has occupied an important position in forming russian national identity. The term first appeared in the theological discourse and was gradually incorporated in the philosophical and social field. This study follows two directions : elaboration of a historical genealogy of the conept and demonstration of the mythological principles determining it's usage by the main figures of russian history of ideas (Khomiakov, S. Troubetskoï, Berdiaev, Boulgakov, Frank)

De 1881 a 1914, un important courant russophile s'est manifeste et exprime en france. Cette russophilie a associe une double dimension politique et culturelle. La diffusion de la culture russe s'inscrit dans cette dynamique. Elle trouve un echo favorable et surtout durable lors de la crise d'identite qui caracterise la societe francaise des annees 1880-1890. Il est indeniable que l'usage de la culture russe a ete politique. La formation d'un pole culturel russe en france, preparation de l'opinion publique francaise a l'alliance franco-russe, contribue a depasser l'image fragmentaire et lacunaire de l'empire russe qui a dominee la quasi totalite du xixe siecle. L'integration de la culture russe a l'aire culturelle francaise est largement redevable du contexte diplomatique europeen. La russomanie qui sevit et submerge la france de 1886 a 1897 indique nettement, qu'au-dela de la decouverte des grands romanciers, l'enjeu se situe au croisement des champs politique et culturel. Les annees 1898-1914 marquent le depassement de cette situation ambigue. L'usage politique de la culture russe s'efface pour ceder la place a une perception dans laquelle l'oeuvre est apprehendee en elle-meme au-dela du contexte diplomatique. Au temps de la decouverte, de 1881 a 1897, succede le temps de la reconnaissance, de 1898 a 1914. L'interpretation de la culture russe durant ces dernieres annees n'est plus partiale et assujettie, mais montre une diversite des jugements, une pluralite du discours. Le temps de la reconnaissance est marque par l'accessibilite globale a l'aire culturelle russe envisagee au-dela d'un usage militant et proselyte, renouvelant, par ailleurs, la vision du monde jusqu'alors predominante, comme l'atteste l'evolution de la querelle du nationalisme et du cosmopolitisme
From 1881 to 1914, a considerable russophile trend emerged and made his mark in france. This russophilia combined a dual dimension, both political and cultural. The spreading of the russian culture fit into this dynamic and was met with a favourable and overall lasting reception during the identity crisis which characterised the french society of the 1880s-1890s. There is no doubt that the use of the russian culture has been political. The formation of a russian cultural pole in france - in preparation of french public opinion for the franco-russian alliance -, contributed to the overstepping of the fragmentary and deficient picture of the russian empire which had dominated almost all the 19th century. The integration of the russian culture into the french cultural sphere is considerably indebted to the european diplomatic context. The russomania raging and overcoming france from 1886 to 1897 clearly shows that beyond the discovery of the great novelists, the stake was standing at the junction of political and cultural fields. The period 1898-1914 indicates that this ambiguous situation had been overcome. The political use of the russian culture disappeared to give way to a perception in which the work of art is grasped for itself, beyond the diplomatic context. The time of discovery - from 1881 to 1897 - was replaced by the time of acknowledgement - from 1898 to 1914. The interpretation of the russian culture in the last years was no more biased nor subjugated, but shows a diversity of judgements, a plurality of discursive reasoning. The time of acknowledgement was marked by global accessibility to the russian cultural sphere, viewed beyond a militant and proselyte use; renewing, moreover, the vision of the world which had been predominant until then, as attested by the evolution of the quarrel on nationalism and cosmopolitanism

La première partie est consacrée au bilan des travaux de nature historique portant sur le territoire de la République du Niger des années 30 aux années 70, en particulier aux dynamiques qui ont particulièrement animé les milieux scientifiques nigériens autour d'un projet historiographique global animé par l'Unesco. Le projet historiographique nigérien est alors porté par des acteurs et des institutions diverses. La création du département d'histoire de l'université de Niamey donne au mouvement un cadre institutionnel et académique local à partir duquel se développe une histoire savante nationale. La deuxième partie décrit les axes et les courants de la recherche depuis les années 70 en y incluant les travaux de chercheurs étrangers et des disciplines connexes. Elle analyse aussi l'investissement du capital scientifique produit par l'histoire savante au niveau de l'histoire scolaire, en particulier au niveau des programmes, des méthodes et des pratiques pédagogiques en œuvre à l'école primaire à partir de l'indépendance. La troisième partie aborde quelques enjeux socioculturels et politiques importants liés au développement et aux usages des études historiques nigériennes : la question de la construction du territoire national, la thématique de la colonisation et des résistances autochtones, les relations entre nomades et sédentaires ainsi que la place de l'Islam au niveau de la construction identitaire
The first part is dedicated to the balance sheet of jobs of historical nature concerning the territory of the Republic of Niger frome the thirties to the seventies. The second part represents axes and currents of research starting in the seventies. The third part approaches some important ethnographical and political stakes linked to development and the uses of historical studies in Niger

Corps, art et société. Si la culture se définit par rapport à ces trois notions, la création féminine dans la Russie contemporaine s'inscrit dans une quête identitaire vacillant entre les repères traditionnels et l'ouverture vers l'Occident. Se situant dans un espace en mutation permanente, se heurtant à la difficulté de discerner les frontières de l'utopie et de l'entropie, les artistes de la période qui a précédé l'effondrement communiste et de celle de la reconstruction post-soviétique ont été amenés à bâtir un " territoire de mémoire " commun. Dans un tel contexte de bouleversement idéologique, l'émancipation des femmes est loin d'être acquise. La création féminine est donc avant tout, pour les Russes, une affaire de recherche intérieure, de déconstruction - partielle et totale - du statu quo et d'invention d'une nouvelle identité. La question de l'art est indissociable d'une géographie corporelle qui surgit de l'abolition des frontières et de l'ouverture culturelle. Le corps des femmes devient de la sorte l'élément fondamental d'une création où se mêlent l'espace, l'érotisme et la religion. Ce même processus de mutation qui aboutit souvent à des interrogations existentielles définit le champ artistique dans les autres pays de l'Est, notamment ceux qui sont porteurs de la même tradition byzantine.

En travaillant sur le concept de "patrie" dans les chansons russes (rodina) et françaises (patrie) de la première moitié du XXè siècle, on a souhaité éclairer à la fois les évolutions de la notion et, à travers le vecteur que constitue la chanson, un mode de leurs diffusion dans le corps social. Le présent travail est donc essentiellement une analyse de discours qui fait appel à la linguistique, à l'histoire ou à la science politique. Par l'étude des textes des chansons, on a cherché à dégager aussi bien les associations sémantiques issues des cultures politiques, que les connotations liées aux différentes articulations d'une première moitié de XXè siècle riche en événements où le concept de patrie fait l'objet de réappropriations (guerres étrangères, révolutions, guerres civiles). La perspective comparatiste permet d'affiner l'analyse grâce à un questionnement plus fin, mais aussi de mettre en parallèle, d'une culture politique à l'autre, des modes de fonctionnement et d'utilisation du concept au fil des infléchissements historiques
By working on the concept of fatherland in Russian songs (rodina) and French songs (patrie) from the first half of the XX century, we intended to clarify both the evolution of this notion, through the vector that songs constitute, and the mode of its diffusion into society. This dissertation is primarily an analysis of discourse, which draws on linguistics, history, and political science. Through a study of song texts, we sought both to reveal the semantic associations originating in political cultures, as well as the connotations related to different articulations of the first half of the XX century, a century rich in events for which the concept of patria was a subject of reappropriation (foreign wars, revolutions, civil wars). The comparative perspective has allowed us to refine the analysis by both applying a subtler mode of questioning and a parallel comparison of the manner by wich the concept of fatherland functions in the tow political cultures and its utilization over the course of history